I  PINZON. 


MERIC 

\YESP UC/ti 


A    HISTORY 


OF   THE 


CHAEAOTEE  AND  ACHIEVEMENTS 


OF   THE   SO-CALLED 


CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS, 


BY 

AAEON    GOODEICH. 


"  As  the  most  obscure  soldier  of  an  army  may  sometimes  by  a  fiery  arrow  destroy  the  strongest 
fortress  of  the  enemy,  so  may  the  weakest  man,  when  he  makes  himself  the  courageous  champion  of 
truth,  overcome  the  most  solid  ramparts  of  superstition  and  error."  MANOU. 


WITH  NUMEROUS  ILLUSTRATIONS,  AND  AN  APPENDIX. 


NEW  YORK: 

D.    APPLETON     AND      COMPANY, 
549     &     551     BROADWAY. 

1874. 


Elll 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1874, 

BY  AAEON  GOODRICH, 
In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


igancroft  Library 


TO   THE   MEMORY 

OF  THE 

PATRIOT,    SCHOLAR,    JUEIST,    STATESMAN,    AND  FEIEND, 

WILLIAM    HENRY    SEWAED, 

WHO, 

DURING   A    LONG    AND    EVENTFUL   LIFE, 

SUFFERED   PATIENTLY,    AND   LABORED    EARNESTLY   AND    WISELY, 
FOR     THE     ADV  ANOEMENT     OF     HIS     RACE, 

THIS    WORK 
IS     AFFECTIONATELY     DEDICATED 

BY    AARON    GOODRICH. 


A  few  months  before  his  lamented  death,  while  this  work  was  yet 
in  progress,  Hon.  WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD  had  kindly  permitted  its 
dedication  to  himself,  but,  in  the  interval  which  elapsed  before  its 
completion,  the  nation  was  called  to  mourn  the  loss  of  one  of  her 
greatest  sons,  and  the  author  that  of  a  revered  and  beloved  friend. 
It  is,  therefore,  as  a  tribute  to  his  memory,  that  this  volume  is  in 
scribed. 


"  Gold  is  the  most  precious  of  all  commodities ;  gold  constitutes  treasure, 
and  he  who  possesses  it  has  all  he  needs  in  this  world,  as  also  the  means  of 
rescuing  souls  from  purgatory,  and  restoring  them  to  the  enjoyment  of  para 
dise." — (CoLUMBUs's  letter  to  the  sovereigns,  July  7,  1503.) 


"  When  Simon  saw  that  through  laying  on  of  the  apostle's  hands  the  Holy 
Ghost  was  given,  he  offered  them  money,  saying,  '  Give  me  also  this  power, 
that,  on  whomsoever  I  lay  hands,  he  may  receive  the  Holy  Ghost.'  But 
Peter  said  unto  him,  'Thy  money  perish  with  thee,  hecause  thou  hast 
thought  that  the  gift  of  God  may  be  purchased  with  money.' " — (Acts  viii. 
18-2(U 


PEE  FAC  E. 


IN  giving  the  present  work  to  the  public,  in  sending  it  forth 
a  single  champion  against  a  host  of  opponents,  many  of  whom 
are  the  flower  of  literary  chivalry,  the  author  is  aware  that  its 
reception  will  not  be  altogether  a  friendly  one ;  he  has,  however, 
devoted  several  years  of  thought  and  study  to  the  subject  which 
is  now  imperfectly  treated,  and  the  deeper  he  has  dived  into 
the  secrets  of  unpublished  or  forgotten  history,  the  more  firm 
have  become  his  convictions  that  some  proclamation  of  the 
truth  should  be  made,  some  protest  entered  against  the  further 
propagation  of  a  falsehood  under  the  name  of  history. 

If,  in  his  attempt  to  do  this,  he  should  appear  too  solely  to 
attach  himself  to  one  side  of  the  case,  too  severely  to  censure, 
and  to  dwell  too  particularly  on  the  errors  and  crimes  of  his 
hero,  on  the  partiality  and  inaccuracy  of  historians,  let  it  be 
remembered  that  for  three  centuries  only  one  side  of  the  case  has 
been  presented,  the  one  laudatory  of  Columbus ;  that  during  all 
that  time  nothing  has  been  left  unwritten  which  could  excite  the 
enthusiasm  and  admiration  of  the  reader  in  his  behalf:  histories 
have  hitherto  been  written  solely  to  praise  him ;  the  writer  ap 
pears,  therefore,  as  the  self-constituted  counsel  for  the  opposite 
side,  the  vindicator,  however  inadequate,  of  the  truth  of  history ; 
he  would  show  the  injustice  which  has  been  done  to  worthy  men 
who  lived  when  Columbus  lived,  whom  the  latter  and  his  advo 
cates  ruthlessly  assail,  and  would  prove  that  what  has  hitherto 
been  termed  the  history  of  a  great  man  is  but  a  gilded  lie,  a 


VI 


PKEFACE. 


wliited  sepulchre,  fair  without,  but  within  full  of  rottenness  and 
dead  men's  bones. 

In  this  attempt  he  departs  widely  from  the  plan  of  any  for 
mer  history  of  the  discovery  of  America  ;  he  treats  some  subjects 
which  at  the  first  blush  appear  irrelevant,  or  at  any  rate  far 
fetched,  in  their  association  with  the  inscription  on  the  title-page ; 
yet  he  feels  assured  that  upon  reflection  the  reader  will  find  no 
subject  broached  which  has  not  a  direct  bearing  on  the  state 
ments  contained  in  the  life  of  Columbus,  the  facts  revealed,  or 
the  theory  which  is  inevitably  deduced  from  these  facts. 

"Works  of  genius,  human  greatness,  cannot,  it  would  seem,  be 
too  largely  or  too  enthusiastically  extolled ;  the  historian  should, 
however,  bear  in  mind  that  justice  more  than  enthusiasm  is  his 
mission  :  however  small  a  portion  of  the  history  of  Immanity  his 
work  may  embrace,  however  ardently  he  may  be  enamored  of 
his  subject,  he  should  see  to  it  that  he  does  not  commit  injustice 
toward  any  individual,  land,  race,  or  age ;  that  he  sacrifices  no 
truth,  immolates  no  worthy  name  to  the  shrine  which  he  would 
honor. 

This  conception  of  the  higher  moral  duties  of  the  historian  is 
too  rarely  entertained;  the  learning  of  antiquity  is  ignored  that 
the  pride  of  modern  times  may  be  inflated,  great  names  of  all 
ages  are  unjustly  thrust  into  oblivion  or  condemned  to  ignominy, 
that  some  one  or  more  of  their  contemporaries  may  be  made  to 
embody  all  the  greatness  and  virtue  which  belonged  to  a  gener 
ation.  Examples  of  this  will  rise  innumerable  to  the  mind  of 
the  scholar  and  thinker. 

In  many  lands,  in  many  races,  humanity  has  risen  to  the 
acme  of  intelligence,  then  sunk  again  into  the  insignificance  of 
ignorance  and  superstition.  As  centuries  have  succeeded  centu 
ries  in  the  great  calendar  of  time,  races  and  nations  in  regular 
rotation  have  had  their  childhood,  their  manhood,  their  old  age  : 
their  childhood,  simple  and  credulous  ;  their  manhood,  vigorous, 
and,  as  far  as  things  of  this  world  can  be,  perfect ;  their  old  age, 
which  sinks  them  into  the  puerility  of  childhood  without  its  hope 


PREFACE. 


Vll 


and  promise ;  with  some,  old  age  has  terminated  in  moral  or 
actual  death  and  extinction,  but  as  each  falls  into  this  sad  and 
inevitable  dotage,  another  race,  youthful  and  vigorous,  springs 
up,  which  vmust  tread  the  same  path,  attain  substantially  the 
same  perfection,  and  decline  into  the  same  insignificance.  Not 
without  thought  did  the  wise  man  of  the  Hebrews  declare,  when 
his  race  was  at  the  height  of  its  strength  and  glory,  that  there  is 
no  new  thing  under  the  sun ;  the  hopes,  aspirations,  emotions, 
plans,  and  projects,  which  to  the  youth  appear  a  part  of  himself 
and  his  generation,  individualizing  it  and  him  especially,  have 
all  been  experienced  and  projected  before  him,  by  his  sire, 
grand-  and  great-gran dsires ;  even  so,  the  science,  learning,  and 
civilization  which  appear  to  pretentious  modern  times  especially 
to  distinguish  them,  and  to  prove  the  law  of  progression,  had 
been  discovered,  achieved,  attained  by  the  remote  nations  of  an 
tiquity,  in  what  are  termed  dark  and  prehistoric  ages. 

The  injustice  done  is  not  altogether  willful ;  the  present  is 
surrounded  as  with  an  atmosphere  by  its  great  thoughts  and 
achievements,  while  in  the  past  these  are  only  represented  by 
isolated  results  or  obscure  traditions :  what  wonder,  then,  that  the 
men  of  the  present  should  regard  the  times  in  which  they  live, 
the  age  in  which  their  race  attains  its  perfect  manhood,  as  teem 
ing  with  more  thought  and  brain,  throwing  greater  light,  and 
nearer  grasping  perfection,  than  those  gone  by,  each  of  which  in 
its  turn  looked  with  like  self-gratulation  on  its  own  attainments, 
and  with  like  misconception  and  injustice  on  those  of  its  prede 
cessors  ? 

It  is  with  a  conviction  of  this  great  fact,  with  a  belief  that 
there  is  no  new  thing  under  the  sun,  that  races  and  nations  rise 
inevitably  in  turn,  and  in  turn  as  inevitably  fall,  that  the  writer, 
while  endeavoring  to  sink  the  so-called  Christopher  Columbus  to 
his  just  level  in  the  estimation  of  posterity,  and  raise  to  theirs 
those  of  his  contemporaries  whose  fame  was  sacrificed  to  create 
the  fictitious  glory  with  which  he  has  been  endowed,  also  en 
deavors  to  rehabilitate  the  memory  of  past  generations  whose 


vjii  PKEFACE. 

achievements  have  been  ignored  or  denied  for  the  especial  ag 
grandizement  of  modern  times.  Hence  the  chapters  on  the  An 
cients  and  the  Northmen. 

The  writer  may  therefore  ascribe  a  twofold  object  to  his 
work : 

1.  To  place  in  its  true  light  the  character  of  a  man   the 
importance  of  whose  connection  with  the  history  of  America  has 
been  magnified ;  in  whom  have  been  incorporated,  at  the  sac 
rifice  of  justice  and  truth,  the  thoughts,  deeds,  and  glory  which 
belong  in  far  greater  measure  to  his  contemporaries. 

2.  To  enter   a  protest,  however  feeble,  against    the  spirit 
of  the  age,  which  would  incorporate  in  modern  times  all  the 
greatness  of  past  ages,  and  arrogates  to  itself  the  honor  of  in 
venting  or  discovering  sciences  and  arts  which  had  been  carried 
to  as  great  perfection  as  human  intelligence  will  permit,  before 
the  so-called  history  of  the  world  began. 

With  this  twofold  object  in  view,  seeking  ever  the  guidance 
of  justice  and  truth,  the  author  has  written  the  present  work. 
Its  success  or  failure  cannot  alter  his  convictions  that  the  cause 
he  has  espoused  is  a  righteous  one,  and  that  it  is  worthy  a  far 
abler  pen  than  his,  not  only  to  rehabilitate  those  who  have  been 
unjustly  contemned,  but  also  to  cast  down  idols  which  have  be 
come  the  objects  of  base  and  ignoble,  because  blind  and  unthink 
ing,  worship. 

AAEON  GOODKIOH. 

ST.  PAUL,  MINNESOTA,  July  6,  1873. 


LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

AECHITECTUEAL    ACHIEVEMENTS    OF   THE    ANCIENTS. 

IT  has  been  too  much  the  custom  of  modern  writers  to  dis 
parage  the  achievements  of  the  ancients,  that  they  may  thereby 
magnify  the  deeds  and  exploits  of  those  in  whose  interests  they 
write ;  hence  we  are  taught  that,  in  ancient  times,  the  facilities 


BAALBEC. 


for  promulgating  knowledge  were  small,  the  ideas  entertained 
of  astronomy  and  the  form  and  size  of  our  planet  primitive  to 
a  ridiculous  extent ;  the  ships  rude  in  construction  and  unable  to 


2  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

leave  the  coast ;  while  many  of  the  phenomena  of  Nature,  which 
are  now  in  daily  use,  were  totally  unknown.  How  unjust  are 
these  teachings  we  will  endeavor  briefly  to  expose. 

It  is  universally  admitted  that  one  branch  of  knowledge  leads 
almost  inevitably  to  another ;  that  the  whole  vast  array  of  sci 
ences  and  arts  move  in  a  circle,  linked  hand-in-hand,  as  it  were, 
one  with  another  ;  when,  therefore,  we  find  a  nation  or  people 
incontestably  preeminent  in  one  or  more  of  these,  w^e  may,  should 
their  learning  and  achievements  have  fallen  in  to  f  oblivion,  natu 
rally  infer  that  in  other  branches  they  equally  excelled. 

As  the  modern  traveler  visits  the  fallen  cities  of  Asia,  and 
pauses  amid  the  ruins  of  Babylon,  Nineveh,  Tadmor  in  the 
Desert,  grand  even  in  their  decay,  he  can  scarce  imagine  an 
ignorant  people  inhabiting  such  noble  structures,  still  less  plan 
ning  and  erecting  them ;  these  fallen  stones  and  prostrate  col 
umns,  in  their  colossal  size  and  beauty,  put  to  shame  the  fairest 
of  our  modern  architectural  monuments.  We  allow  that  here  the 
people  of  the  past  were  preeminent,  we  concede  them  perfection 
in  the  extraordinary,  yet  deny  them  the  knowledge  of  even  the 
ordinary  attainments  of  less  civilized  nations.  Let  us,  however, 
rapidly  review  their  achievements,  not  only  in  architecture,  of 
which  living  proof  exists,  but  in  geography,  astronomy,  naviga 
tion  ;  let  us  study  somewhat  the  facts  which  have  been  handed 
down  to  us,  obscured  by  superstitious  constructions,  metaphori 
cal  or  poetical  language,  and  that  inevitable  and  too  often  im 
penetrable  veil  which  the  mighty  hand  of  Time  casts  over  all 
things ;  then,  following  the  laws  of  cause  and  effect,  let  us  arrive, 
if  possible,  at  a  more  just  appreciation  of  the  mighty  nations 
that  have  preceded  us. 

The  earliest  architectural  monument  of  which  we  find  any 
mention  is  that  of  the  Tower  of  Babel ;  though,  indeed,  Josephus, 
speaking  of  the  learning  and  achievements  of  the  sons  of  Seth, 
writes  :  "  They  studiously  turned  their  attention  to  the  knowl 
edge  of  the  heavenly  bodies  and  their  configurations.  And,  lest 
their  science  should  at  any  time  be  lost  among  men,  and  what 
they  had  previously  acquired  should  perish,  ....  they  erected 
two  columns,  the  one  of  brick  and  the  other  of  stone,  and  en 
graved  upon  each  of  them  their  discoveries,  so  that  in  case  the 
brick  pillar  should  be  dissolved  by  the  waters,  the  stone  one 
might  survive  to  teach  men  the  things  engraved  upon  it,  and  at 


TOWER  OF  BABEL.  3 

the  same  time  inform  them  that  a  brick  one  had  formerly  Been 
also  erected  by  them.  It  remains  even  to  the  present  day  in  the 
land  of  Siriad." l 

This  interesting  account  of  the  antediluvian  Siriadic  columns 
excepted,  the  Tower  of  Babel  remains  first  in  the  list  of  the  ar 
chitectural  efforts  of  the  ancients.  The  Hebrew  tradition  has 
most  probably  given  us  but  an  erroneous  idea  of  the  reasons  in 
ductive  to  the  undertaking ;  we  contend  that  it  is  too  much  the 
rule  among  modern  writers  upon  antiquity,  to  take  for  granted 
the  superstition,  and,  we  may  almost  so  express  it,  infantile  ig 
norance,  of  what  they  term  the  primitive  races.  Scientific  re 
search  has  proved  the  world  to  be  far  older  than  biblical  history 
would  lead  us  to  suppose ;  the  so-called  primitive  races  must, 
then,  have  had  an  earlier  origin,  and  have  attained  a  more  ad 
vanced  stage  of  civilization,  than  is  generally  accorded  them, 
tradition  tells  us  that  Babel  was  intended  to  become  a  temple 
for  the  worship  of  Baal,  which  worship  was  that  of  the  sun, 
moon,  stars,  light,  heat.  Astronomy  was  long  a  study  in  the 
East ;  we  have  read  how,  even  in  an  antediluvian  period,  the 
sons  of  Seth  had  made  and  recorded  their  discoveries,  and  we 
know  that  the  Hindoos  were  at  an  early  age  far  advanced  in  this 
science.  The  flat  plains  and  clear  skies  of  Babylon  are  admirably 
adapted  for  observatories,  and  the  learned  men  inhabiting  them, 
passing  their  lives  in  the  contemplation  of  the  heavenly  bodies, 
might  easily  be  supposed  to  worship  these  by  the  unenlightened 
masses,  who,  in  their  ignorance,  might  adopt  the  apparent  reli 
gion.  We  know  that  to  this  day  the  enlightened  Persian,  the 
so-called  worshiper  of  the  sun,  when  accused  of  such  an  act,  will 
reply,  not  without  some  contempt  for  the  ignorance  of  the  Chris 
tian,  that  in  paying  respect  to  the  Deity  he  turns  toward  the 
sun,  the  greatest  of  his  works,  but  no  more  thinks  of  worship 
ing  that  orb  than  does  the  Christian  devotee  the  emblems  which 
decorate  his  churches. 

If  the  Tower  of  Babel  was,  as  we  believe,  intended  for  an 
astronomical  observatory,  or  gnomen,  the  confusion  which  re 
sulted  in  the  abandonment  of  the  enterprise  is  not  difficult  to 
account  for;  the  most  learned  men  of  the  land  and  of  the 
countries  round  about  must  have  been  assembled  to  superintend 

1  It  has  been  said  that  Josephus  here  confounds  Seth  with  the  Egyptian  Pharaoh 
Sesostris. 


4  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

its  erection,3  and  what  more  probable  than  that  these  same 
learned  men,  each  eager  for  the  adoption  of  his  own  peculiar 
views,  should  desire  them  carried  out  at  the  expense  of  those 
of  others  ?  Hence  disagreement,  contests,  division,  and  the  final 
abandonment  of  the  work ;  the  diverse  languages  spoken  by  the 
learned  of  different  countries,  which  were  unintelligible  jargon 
to  the  ignorant,  might  easily  have  been  believed  by  the  masses 
to  have  caused  the  dispersal,  and  would  account  for  the  tradi 
tional  confusion  of  tongues.  The  vast  pile  amid  the  ruins  of 
Babylon,  called  Birs  Nimroud,  is  supposed  by  many  curious  an 
tiquarians  to  be  the  remains  of  this  once  famous  tower;  Nimrod, 
desiring  to  embellish  the  metropolis  of  his  vast  empire,  is  said 
to  have  completed  it,  raising  it  to  the  height  of  seven  hundred 
feet. 

The  great  city  of  Babylon,  the  oldest  and  largest  of  which 
we  have  any  account,  is  itself  now  but  a  vast  and  chaotic  heap  of 
ruins.  Herodotus  has,  however,  left  us  a  detailed  and  vivid  de 
scription  of  its  splendors  as  well  as  of  the  greatness  of  its 
sovereigns.  Fifty  miles  square,  surrounded  by  a  wall  eighty- 
seven  feet  through  at  the  base,  and,  though  three  hundred  and 
fifty  feet  high,  so  broad  at  the  summit  that  four  chariots  could 
drive  abreast,  one  hundred  gates  of  massy  brass  giving  entrance 
to  it,  the  first  aspect  of  this  city  must  have  been  imposing  indeed. 
"  Yet,"  writes  the  Father  of  History,  "  its  internal  magnificence 
exceeds  whatever  has  come  within  my  knowledge."  May  we 
not  echo  the  sentiment,  even  at  the  present  stage  of  advanced 
civilization  f  Where  shall  we  now  find  such  a  palace  as  that  of 
Nebuchadnezzar,  six  miles  in  circumference,  entered  by  gates  of 
wrought  brass  and  adorned  with  statues  of  gold  and  silver  ?  Here 
were  the  hanging-gardens,  styled  even  by  the  Greeks,  that  most 
refined  and  artistic  nation,  one  of  the  wonders  of  the  world ;  an 
artificial  mountain  four  hundred  feet  high,  terraced  on  all  sides ; 
the  tallest  trees  of  the  forest  grew  upon  these  terraces,  fountains 
and  flowers  adorned  them ;  the  massive  stone  pillars  and  arches 
supporting  them  were  protected  from  the  action  of  moisture 
from  the  soil  by  sheetings  of  lead  and  zinc,  the  soil  was  irri- 

2  In  the  "Paschal  Chronicle,"  written  in  the  fourth  century,  we  find  the  following: 
"About  the  time  of  the  construction  of  the  tower,  a  certain  Indian  of  the  race  of 
Arphaxad  made  his  appearance,  a  wise  man,  and  an  astronomer,  whose  name  was 
Andubarius ;  and  it  was  he  that  first  instructed  the  Indians  in  the  science  of  as 
tronomy." 


BABYLON,   TADMOR,   ETC.  5 

gated  by  means  of  hydraulic  machinery  which  drew  up  water  from 
the  Euphrates.  The  magnificent  Temple  of  Belus,  the  Jupiter 
Belus  of  the  Greeks,  was  one  of  the  chief  among  the  superb 
buildings  of  Babylon,  and  indeed  the  beauties  of  that  city  alone 
would  occupy  more  space  than  our  brief  chapter  will  allow ;  these 
have  all  disappeared.  "Babylon  is  fallen.  The  beauty  of  the 
Chaldees*  excellency  is  laid  low  ;  "  a  few  ruined  mounds  point  the 
place  where  once  she  stood  ;  the  stones  of  her  mighty  walls  and 
superb  temples  have  builded  cities  which  in  the  days  of  her  glory 
were  not  known ;  those  uncouth  mounds  have  indeed  served 
somewhat  to  demonstrate  how  far  more  advanced  were  knowl- 


TAUMOR. 


edge  and  civilization  two  thousand  years  ago  than  the  pride  of 
modern  ages  would  care  to  have  known.  Here  were  found  glass 
of  exquisite  transparency,  ornaments  of  fine  earthen-ware,  ala 
baster,  and  marble,  and,  still  greater  the  discovery,  the  magnify- 
ing-lens,  which  is  called  a  modern  invention. 

How  many  other  great  ruins  might  we  not  name,  that  silently 
testify  to  the  greatness  of  the  past !  Baalbec,  with  its  airy  col 
umns,  so  light  and  graceful  against  the  eastern  sky,  that  the  be 
holder  cannot  realize  that  they  are  formed  of  stones  similar  to  the 
huge  masses  fallen  around ;  glorious  old  Thebes,  where  the  silent 


6  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

Sphinx  lias  sat  for  more  than  four  thousand  years,  and  whose 
beautiful  monuments  were  conveyed  by  the  greatest  of  modern 
conquerors  to  adorn  the  greatest  of  modern  cities ;  Tadmor  in  the 
Desert,  the  far-famed  Palmyra  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  built 
or  adorned  by  the  wise  man  of  Israel — the  beautiful  words  of  Yol- 
ney  as  he  contemplated  its  ruins  may  well  apply  to  the  many 
fallen  cities  of  the  East :  "  Here  once  flourished  an  opulent  city ; 
here  was  the  seat  of  a  powerful  empire.  A  busy  crowd  once  cir 
culated  in  these  streets  now  so  solitary.  "Within  these  walls, 
where  a  mournful  silence  now  reigns,  the  noise  of  the  arts,  the 
shouts  of  joy  and  festivity,  incessantly  resounded ;  these  piles  of 
marble  were  regular  palaces  ;  these  prostrate  pillars  adorned  the 
majesty  of  temples;  these  ruined  galleries  surrounded  public 
places.  Here  a  numerous  people  assembled  for  the  sacred  duties 
of  religion,  or  the  anxious  cares  of  subsistence ;  here  Industry, 
parent  of  Enjoyment,  collected  the  riches  of  all  climes ;  here  the 
purple  of  Tyre  was  exchanged  for  the  precious  thread  of  Serica ; 
the  soft  tissues  of  Cashmere  for  the  sumptuous  tapestry  of  Lydia ; 
the  amber  of  the  Baltic  for  the  pearls  and  perfumes  of  Arabia  ; 
the  gold  of  Ophir  for  the  tin  of  Thule. 

"  Now  naught  remains  of  its  vast  domination  but  a  doubtful 
and  empty  remembrance  !  To  the  tumultuous  throng  which  cir 
culated  under  these  porticoes,  has  succeeded  the  solitude  of 
death.  The  opulence  of  a  commercial  city  is  changed  to  hideous 
poverty.  The  palaces  of  kings  are  become  a  den  of  wild  beasts  ; 
flocks  fold  on  the  area  of  the  temple,  and  unclean  reptiles  and 
creeping  things  inhabit  the  sanctuary  of  the  Most  High." 

Thus  it  is  with  the  glorious  cities  of  the  past,  thus  must  it 
also  be  with  those  of  the  present ;  even  so  shall  the  traveler  yet 
meditate  in  solitude  where  now  are  London,  Paris,  and  become 
amazed  at  the  vast  pile  of  ruins  which  was  once  the  great  Cathe 
dral  of  Cologne — Time  must  annihilate  all.  With  what  admira 
tion  mingled  with  awe  do  we  not,  then,  gaze  at  the  gigantic 
structure  overlooking  the  plains  of  Jizeh  (Gish) !  Here  Time  has 
been  powerless,  during  four  thousand  years,  to  destroy,  and  the 
Great  Pyramid  has  been  preserved  through  all  these  ages,  per 
haps  to  teach  us  the  great  moral  lesson  of  our  own  insignifi 
cance,  and  that  what  we  term  progress  may  sometimes  be  retro 
gression. 

For  centuries  it  was  believed  that  the  Great  Pyramid,  like 


THE  GREAT  PYRAMID.  7 

many  of  the  other  more  modern  pyramidal  structures  which  are 
found  in  the  valley  of  the  Nile,  was  destined  as  a  place  of  sepul 
ture  for  Egyptian  kings,  but  the  curious  researches  of  many 
learned  men  in  this  century  have  opened  a  wider  and  far  more 
interesting  field  for  the  antiquarian,  and  have  demonstrated  that 
this  vast  monument  was  raised  to  be  an  eternal  standard  for 
weights  and  measures,  also  for  an  astronomical  observatory ;  so 
perfectly  are  the  statements  made,  in  support  of  this  theory,  in 
accordance  with  the  measurement  of  the  pyramid,  that  it  is  im 
possible  to  regard  as  accidental  such  wonderful  concurrence. 

That  the  Great  Pyramid  was  not  intended  for  a  receptacle  of 
the  dead  is  evident  from  various  facts,  the  foremost  of  which  is 
that  no  hieroglyphics  or  inscriptions  are  found  within  or  without. 
It  is  well  known  that  the  Egyptians  never  entombed  their  dead 
without  some  such  inscription  being  placed  on  the  monument. 

When  the  Great  Pyramid  was  in  its  original  state,  that  is  to 
say,  when  each  of  the  angular  sides,  rising  from  a  perfect  rec 
tangular  base,  and  joining  in  a  perfect  point  at  the  summit,  was 
covered  with  polished  beveled  casing-stones,  it  presented  a  per 
fect  geometrical  figure,  its  height  being  to  twice  its  base  as  the 
diameter  of  a  circle  to  its  circumference.  This  assertion,  first 
made  by  Mr.  John  Taylor  in  his  remarkable  work  on  the  pyra 
mid,  has  since  been  confirmed  by  the  learned  research  of  Prof. 
Piazzi  Smyth,  Royal  Astronomer  of  Scotland;  it  was  contra 
dicted  by  many  professed  antiquarians  and  Egyptologists,  who, 
in  their  measurement  of  the  base  of  the  pyramid,  had  failed  to 
'make  allowance  for  the  heap  of  rubbish  which  has  accumulated 
on  the  rocky  platform  upon  which  it  is  built,  as  also  to  ascertain 
with  any  certainty  how  far  the  marble  casing  which  once  cov- 
ered-the  pyramid  extended  beyond  its  present  limits;  these  diffi 
culties  were  finally  removed  by  the  finding  of  the  sockets  cut  in 
the  solid  rock  base,  wherein  the  corner-stones  of  the  pyramid 
were  set,  and  the  important  discovery,  by  Colonel  Howard  Yyse, 
of  two  of  the  white  marble  casing-stones,  in  situ,  a  discovery 
which,  besides  enabling  the  pyramid  to  be  measured  correctly,  also 
permits  us  to  form  some  idea  of  its  external  appearance  in  its  pris 
tine  perfection — smooth,  polished  marble  "  shining  resplendent 
afar  "  in  a  sloping  plane,  the  workmanship  as  exquisite  as  that  of 
an  optician,  the  joints  so  fine  as  to  be  almost  imperceptible  to  the 

close  observer,  and  this  with  stones  nearly  five  feet  high,  eight 

2 


8  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

feet  broad,  and  twelve  feet  long ;  the  cement  joining  these  two 
stones  is  as  firm  and  solid  as  it  was  four  thousand  years  ago. 
Portions  of  other  casing-stones  have  been  found,  efforts  to  sun 
der  which  at  the  joints  have  resulted  in  the  breaking  of  the  mar 
ble  itself,  without  accomplishing  the  object. 

Since  the  above  discoveries,  every  attempt  to  measure  the 
pyramid  has  served  to  bring  a  nearer  result,  to  prove  the  per 
fection  of  the  plan ;  and,  if  there  are  yet  some  fractional  differ 
ences,  learned  geometricians  avow  that  the  more  perfect  their 
means  of  measurements,  the  more  perfect  the  result  shows  the 
form  of  the  pyramid  to  be.3  The  self-conceit  of  the  modern 
man  of  science  must  receive  a  slight  shock  when  he  is  forced  to 
admit  that  the  facilities  for  making  perfect  measurements  were 
greater  four  thousand  years  ago  than  at  the  present  day.  When 
the  French  academicians  visited  Egypt  in  1799,  they  found,  much 
to  their  astonishment  and  admiration,  that  the  orientation  of  the 
pyramid  (the  correspondence  of  its  four  corners  with  the  four 
cardinal  points)  was  exact  within  a  fraction,  and  nearer  ap 
proaching  exactness  than  any  modern  orientation ;  and  it  has  since 
been  found  that  the  fractional  difference  they  noted  diminishes 
as  greater  perfection  of  calculation  is  employed,  and  would  per 
haps  totally  disappear  should  modern  science  be  able  to  dis 
cover  the  means  employed  by  the  builders  of  the  pyramid  to  fix 

3  Prof.  Smyth,  perhaps  the  most  learned  of  modern  writers  on  the  subject, 
says:  "Modern  theoretical  science  no  doubt  both  can  compute  and  actually  has  com 
puted  the  proportion  to  a  far  greater  degree  of  closeness,  to  three  hundred  places  of 
decimals,  for  instance ;  but  modern  science  is  unfortunately  very  unequal.  Some 
theoretical  points  are  pursued  to  an  excessive  extent,  past  all  visible  use,  while  the 
application  of  others  to  Nature  and  art  is  left  in  a  sadly  crude  condition ;  and  with 
regard  to  realizing  the  proportion  now  spoken  of  in  a  building,  the  moderns  have 
never  reached  any  thing  at  all  equal  to  the  accuracy  of  the  Great  Pyramid.  .  .  . 
In  their  measurement  of  the  pyramid,  the  moderns  have  had  an  advantage  over 
the  primeval  builders  of  it;  and  how  have  they  come  off  in  the  trial?  Why,  it  has 
been  shown  that  the  exactness  of  the  pyramid  has  improved  under  every  advance 
of  exactness  in  the  measures  applied  to  it ;  and  whether  the  differences  of  modern 
measures,  in  their  first  stage  of  coarseness,  differed  from  each  other  by  several  degrees 
or  subsequently  by  several  minutes,  and  latterly  by  a  few  seconds  only,  the  pyramid 
itself  was  ever  found  in  the  mean  position  among  them,  like  the  bull's  eye  in  the 
centre  of  a  target,  though  the  bullet-holes  of  bad  shooters  might  be  found  more  fre 
quently  at  all  points  of  its  circumference ;  and  whose  marks,  therefore,  seen  by  them 
selves,  would  give  subsequent  visitors  exceeding  trouble  in  concluding  precisely  what 
the  marksmen  had  been  firing  at." — (Prof.  SMYTH,  "  Our  Inheritance  in  the  Great 
Pyramid,"  chap,  ii.,  p.  25.) 


ORIENTATION  OF  PYRAMID.  9 

orientation.  The  fractional  inexactness  which  occurs  in  meas 
urements  may  also  be  the  result  of  the  different  standards  of 
measure  employed  at  the  present  day  from  those  of  the  Egyp 
tians  four  thousand  years  ago,  which  appear  to  have  been  much 
more  minute.  Prof.  Smyth,  after  a  succession  of  ingenious 
calculations,  declares  that  the  standard  measure  employed  at  the 
building  of  the  Great  Pyramid  was  an  inch,  this  pyramidal  inch 
bemg  TowouYoinr  Par*  °f  khe  earth's  axis  of  rotation,  and  within 
one-thousandth  part  the  same  as  the  present  English  inch. 
Should  this  wonderful  assertion  be  correct,  and  to  us  there  ap 
pears  no  reason  to  doubt  its  exactness,  what  a  perfect  standard 
of  measurement  is  here  handed  down  to  us,  and  with  what  ad 
vantage  might  it  not  be  adopted !  It  is  superior  even  to  the 
French  metre,  which  is  declared  to  be  ToYtrroroinr  °f tne  quadrant 
of  the  earth's  meridian,  science  having  shown  that  much  varia 
tion  may  exist  in  the  shape  of  that  meridian,  but  fixing  the  unit 
measure  by  the  earth's  axis  at  once  gives  us  a  perfect  and  invari 
able  standard. 

The  Great  Pyramid,  then,  considered  in  its  external  phase, 
after  its  completion,  presented  an  exact  geometrical  solid  figure, 
(about  seven  hundred  and  sixty  feet  broad  at  the  base,  and  in 
vertical  height  about  five  hundred  feet),  perfect  in  orientation, 
perfect  in  workmanship,  polished  and  smooth  as  glass;  thus  it 
stood  for  three  thousand  years,  a  sealed  and  wondrous  mystery 
to  the  beholder,  exciting  in  the  ardent  imagination  of  the  East 
visions  of  unheard-of  wealth,  secrets,  spells  long  forgotten,  con 
cealed  within  its  walls ;  yet  its  silent  majesty  was  long  respected, 
perhaps  because  a  subterranean  entrance  or  descending  passage 
which  existed  in  this  as  in  other  pyramids,  was  considered  in 
early  ages  as  the  only  entrance,  and  prevented  curiosity  from 
sooner  beginning  the  work  of  destruction,  which  has,  alas !  in 
modern  times  advanced  only  too  rapidly. 

In  820  A.  D.  the  Caliph  Al-Mamoun,  his  cupidity  excited  by 
the  legends  aforesaid  of  hidden  treasures,  determined  to  enter 
the  pyramid ;  the  subterranean  entrance  was  now  totally  con 
cealed  by  sand ;  the  workmen  of  the  caliph  therefore  began  ruth 
lessly  to  quarry  into  the  polished  marble  surface  of  the  north  side. 
Long  and  laborious  was  the  task  ;  at  last,  aided  by  the  sound  of 
a  falling  stone,  they  reached  a  narrow  passage,  the  primitive 
subterranean  one  through  which  the  Eomans  and  others  had 


10  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

penetrated  downward  into  the  building ;  but  the  stone  which  had 
fallen,  once  a  part  of  the  polished  ceiling  of  this  passage,  revealed 
by  its  fall  another,  ascending  instead  of  descending ;  a  portcullis 
of  stone,  which,  though  evidently  intended  to  be  raised,  was  too 
heavy  for  the  present  workers  to  move,  obstructed  their  advance ; 
round  it  they  therefore  quarried  an  entrance  into  the  passage  ; 
thus  unexpectedly  revealed,  this  led  them  to  what  is  now  termed 
the  Grand  Gallery,  which  ascends  at  an  angle  of  26°,  and  is  one 
hundred  and  fifty  feet  long,  twenty-eight  feet  high,  built  of  hard, 
polished  cyclopean  stone ;  from  this  gallery  the  eager  seekers  for 
treasure,  believing  they  had  now  reached  the  goal,  emerged  into 
the  final  chamber,  which  was  thirty-four  feet  long,  seventeen 
broad,  and  nineteen  high,  built  of  polished  granite  so  exqui 
sitely  finished  and  cemented  that  the  joints  could  hardly  be  per 
ceived  on  the  closest  inspection  ;  yet  the  blocks  thus  finished 
were  so  large  that  eight  roofed  the  apartment,  eight  floored  it, 
eight  flagged  the  ends,  and  sixteen  the  sides ;  but  beauty  and 
symmetry  were  alike  lost  upon  the  eager  horde  that  first  broke  the 
solitude  and  silence  which  for  thousands  of  years  had  reigned  in 
this  mystic  recess :  they  had  hoped  to  find  treasures  untold  with 
in  its  walls,  and  it  contained  nothing  save  an  empty  stone  coffer 
without  a  lid !  They  abandoned  the  chamber  in  disgust. 

The  work  of  destruction  on  the  outside  of  the  pyramid  com 
menced  two  hundred  years  later ;  the  exquisite  marble  casing- 
stones  and  much  of  the  solid  masonry  were  carried  away,  and 
served  to  build  many  edifices  in  the  city  of  Cairo.  The  vast 
pyramid,  though  desecrated  and  shorn  of  all  its  pristine  beauty, 
still  remains  a  mystery,  reminding  the  traveler  that  "  Time  sad 
ly  overcometh  all  things  and  is  now  dominant,  and  sitteth  on  a 
Sphinx,  and  looketh  into  Memphis  and  old  Thebes,  while  her 
sister  Oblivion  reclineth  semi-somnorous  on  a  pyramid,  gloriously 
triumphing,  making  puzzles  of  Titanian  erections,  and  turning 
old  glories  into  dreams.  History  sinketh  beneath  her  cloud. 
The  traveler,  as  he  passeth  amazedly  through  these  deserts,  ask- 
eth  of  her  who  hath  builded  them,  and  she  mumbleth  some 
thing,  but  what  it  is  he  heareth  not."  4 

In  latter  days  those  who  visited  the  Great  Pyramid,  the 
King's  or  Porphyry  Chamber,  the  empty  coffer,  began  to  con- 

4  "  Remarks  on  Mummies,"  Sir  Thomas  Browne  :  Wilkins's  edition. 


NOT  A  RECEPTACLE  FOR  THE  DEAD. 


11 


sider  more  deeply  into  the  matter.  True  it  had  long  been  ac 
cepted  as  a  fact  that  the  pyramid  was  built  to  receive  the  care 
fully-embalmed  body  ot  some  great  Egyptian  king ;  but  if  so, 
why  was  the  coffer  (the  only  object  in  the  chamber)  empty, 
without  inscription  ?  Why  was  the  chamber  ventilated  by  ad 
mirably-constructed  air-holes,  which  demonstrated  the  intention 
of  the  builders  that  it  should  be  visited  with  impunity  ?  These 
questions,  indeed,  remained  unanswered.  The  riddle  was  un 
solved  till,  within  the  last  twenty  years,  a  school  of  men  arose, 


PLAINS  OF  GISH. 

represented  indeed  but  by  the  smallest  numbers,  who  assert  that 
the  Great  Pyramid  was  built  for  the  noble  purpose  of  preserving 
an  unalterable  standard  for  weights  and  measures.  Very  curious 
have  been  the  results  of  the  investigations  which  ensued ;  we 
can,  however,  but  briefly  mention  a  few. 

It  was  found  that  the  English  measure  for  wheat,  called  a 
quarter,  was  exactly  one-fourth  of  the  cubic  contents  of  the  cof 
fer.  The  chamber  is  exquisitely  constructed  to  further  physical 
experiments ;  protected  on  all  sides  from  heat  and  cold  by  one 
hundred  and  eighty  feet  of  solid  masonry,  the  temperature 


12  LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

would  be  invariably  68°  Fahr.,  or  20°  Centigrade,  being  one- 
fifth  of  the  distance  between  the  freezing  and  boiling  points  of 
water.  The  temperature  of  the  country,  we  know,  has  not 
changed,  the  vegetation  being  the  same  as  that  described  by 
Herodotus.  The  porphyry  coffer  is  hewn  out  of  one  solid  rock, 
so  that  when  struck  it  gives  forth  a  bell-like  sound.  Here,  then, 
the  standard  measure  of  capacity  may  become  a  standard  meas 
ure  of  weight ;  the  filtered  water  of  the  Nile,  drawn  up  from  a 
reservoir  in  this  cool,  invariable  temperature,  would  serve  the 
purpose,  as  does  distilled  water  at  the  present  day  ;  the  standard 
measure  of  capacity  would  therefore  be  the  interior  of  the  coffer, 
and  the  standard  measure  of  weight  the  weight  of  its  contents 
in  water  at  a  temperature  of  20°,  the  coffer  at  the  same  time 
typifying  the  earth's  mean  density  with  great  exactness.  "We 
have  already  spoken  of  the  measure  of  length,  the  inch,  as  if  to 
confirm  our  belief  that  this  was  the  standard.  Over  the  last 
door  that  leads  to  the  king's  chamber  are  five  lines,  drawn  par 
allel  ;  these  present  the  pyramidal  cubit,  each  cubit  fifty  inches, 
each  inch  •ginr,TrJir,iru'¥  °f  *ne  earth's  axis  of  rotation. 

Nor  is  the  measurement  of  time  forgotten.  The  three  years 
of  three  hundred  and  sixty-five  days,  and  our  leap-year  of  three 
hundred  and  sixty-six,  the  twelve  months  of  the  year,  the  seven 
clays  of  the  week,  are  all  typified,  not  in  figures  or  hieroglyphics, 
but  by  the  simple  overlapping  or  grooving  of  the  polished  stones 
in  the  gallery,  antechamber,  and  king's  chamber.  If  all  this  be 
accidental  coincidence,  then  verily  is  accident  more  wonderful 
than  forethought !  Further  proofs  are  not  wanting  in  support 
of  this  theory.  The  ancient  Saxon  chaldron,  a  measure  for 
wheat,  whence  the  English  are  said  to  derive  their  quarter 
(which  represents  one -fourth  of  the  contents  of  the  chaldron) 
bears  strong  resemblance  in  dimensions  to  the  pyramidal  coffer, 
and  may  very  possibly  have  been  transmitted  from  that  source. 
The  tradition  that  the  coffer  was  destined  for  some  such  purpose 
as  the  one  we  ascribe  to  it,  is  evidently  prevalent  in  the  East. 
Hekekyan  Bey,  of  Constantinople,  writes  of  this  chest :  "  De 
posited  by  the  Aryans  in  the  sanctuary  of  the  first  pyramid,  as 
a  record  of  their  standard  metric  system." 

The  vast  functions  of  the  pyramid  were  evidently  still  more 
numerous.  The  sun's  rays,  obstructed  by  its  sides  and  apex,  cast 
shadows  on  the  sandy  plain,  which,  as  they  wax  and  wane,  indi- 


WEIGHT,  MEASURE,   ASTRONOMY.  13 

cate  the  hours  of  the  day.  The  plain  of  Gish  formed  one  great 
dial,  superior  to  the  small  metallic  one  proportionately  to  its  size ; 
here  the  heavenly  bodies  record  their  own  history,  and  lay  down 
their  own  charts.  Astronomy,  indeed,  played  no  small  part  in 
the  building  of  the  pyramid  ;  through  the  long  inclined  passage 
the  north-star  was  seen  in  1817  at  the  period  of  its  culmination, 
a-  fact  which  excited  great  interest,  and  led  to  the  inference  that 
the  polar  star  occupied  the  same  position  when  the  pyramid  was 
built :  calculations  were  made,  and  it  was  found  that,  though  the 
present  polar  star  could  not  have  been  visible,  owing  to  the  pre 
cession  of  equinoxes,  the  star  a  Draconis,  which  must  have  been 
the  polar  star  four  thousand  years  ago,  would  have  occupied  the 
same  position.  The  builders  of  the  pyramid  appear,  therefore, 
not  only  to  have  fixed  its  orientation  from  this  observation  of  the 
star,  but  to  have  intended  the  passage  itself  to  be  an  observatory 
whence  accurate  astronomical  calculations  could  be  made ;  we 
need  not  add  that  they  must  have  been  learned  in  astronomy  to 
base  such  practical  operations  upon  that  science. 

Here,  then,  we  have  the  standard  measurement  of  weight,  ca 
pacity,  length,  time,  the  practical  uses  of  astronomy,  and  wonder 
ful  facilities  for  making  observations  and  correct  calculations 
in  that  science,  all  preserved  in  one  building  four  thousand 
years  ago,  by  a  people  who,  to  arrive  at  such  wonderful  accuracy 
of  result,  must  have  long  been  versed  and  preeminent  in  all  scien 
tific  knowledge  (for  we  cannot  bring  ourselves  to  believe  in  the 
sudden  divine  revelation  of  this  knowledge  which  reason  tells 
us  can  only  be  acquired  by,  and  was  only  intended  by  the  Om 
nipotent  to  reward,  the  thought,  wisdom,  and  patient  industry 
of  generations).  "  Wise  in  all  the  learning  of  the  Egyptians," 
was  an  expression  in  the  days  of  Moses  and  of  Solomon ;  we 
to-day  find  that  we  are  not  wise  in  all  the  learning  of  the  Egyp 
tians,  that  our  knowledge  is  often  infinitely  inferior  to  theirs, 
that  we  are  unable  even  justly  to  measure  and  calculate  their 
work.  Can  we  believe  that  the  scientific  results  and  coinci 
dences  we  have  recorded  are  accidental  ?  Or,  admitting  they 
were  planned,  that  a  polished  people  like  the  Egyptians  would 
have  expended  such  vast  labor,  research,  and  learning,  to  fashion 
a  tomb  or  sarcophagus  for  some  real  or  unborn  person  ?  We 
answer :  No  !  the  Great  Pyramid  was  never  intended  for  such  a 
purpose ;  an  ignorant  people  was  incapable  of  planning  it,  and  a 


14:  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

learned  people  superior  to  the  task  of  rearing  it  for  any  other 
than  national  objects. 

Could  the  builders  of  this  proud  monument  of  a  nation's 
glory  have  looked  with  prophetic  eye,  down  the  dark  vista  of 
time,  to  that  fearful  day  that  witnessed  the  destruction  of  the 
Alexandrian  Library — beheld  the  genius  of  unnumbered  ages  con 
signed  to  the  flames — above  all,  had  they  foreseen  that  an  igno 
rant  people  should  arise  and  fill  the  earth,  who  in  affected  wis 
dom,  pointing  to  this  august  structure  of  other  days,  should  at 
tribute  to  its  founders  objects  or  motives  incompatible  with 
true  greatness,  their  efforts  might  have  ceased,  their  arms  have 
been  paralyzed. 

Long  might  we  linger,  did  space  permit,  among  the  architect 
ural  monuments  of  Egypt,  her  temples,  obelisks,  sphinxes,  and 
colossal  statues — volumes  could  not  exhaust  the  subject ;  but  we 
must  leave  this  land  of  mystery,  and  leaving  it  we  arrive  nat 
urally  at  its  offspring,  Greece.  Cadmus  and  Moses  left  Egypt 
nearly  simultaneously,5  the  one  migrating  to  Greece,  the  other  to 
Judea ;  the  former  introduced  into  his  new  country  much  of  the 
learning  and  many  of  the  customs  of  the  father-land. 

The  three  orders  of  architecture,  Doric,  Ionic,  and  Corin 
thian,  are  generally  declared  of  Grecian  birth ;  the  first  two  must, 
however,  be  excepted,  for  the  Doric  .column  bears  strong  evi 
dences  of  Egyptian  extraction,  and  an  Ionic  column  was  found 
amid  the  ruins  of  J^ineveh,  others  on  the  banks  of  the  Tigris ;  so 
that  this  order  is  proved  to  be  of  Asiatic  origin.  Another  style, 
said  to  be  invented  by  the  Greeks  to  perpetuate  the  humiliation 

6  Diodorus  Siculus  who  wrote  in  the  first  century  B.  C.,  gives  the  following  account 
of  and  reasons  for  the  Exodus  of  Cadmus  and  Moses :  "  There  having  arisen  in  former 
days  a  pestiferous  disease  in  Egypt,  the  multitude  attributed  the  cause  of  the  evil  to 
the  Deity ;  for  a  very  great  concourse  of  foreigners  of  every  nation  then  dwelt  in 
Egypt,  who  were  addicted  to  strange  rites  in  their  worship  and  sacrifices :  whence 
the  natives  of  the  land  inferred  that,  unless  they  removed  them,  there  would  never  be 
an  end  to  their  distresses.  They  immediately,  therefore,  expelled  these  foreigners; 
the  most  illustrious  and  able  of  whom  passed  over  in  a  body  (as  some  say)  into 
Greece  and  other  places,  under  the  conduct  of  celebrated  leaders,  of  whom  the  most 
renowned  were  Danaus  and  Cadmus.  But  a  large  body  of  the  people  went  forth 
into  the  country  which  is  now  called  Judea,  situated  not  far  distant  from  Egypt, 
being  altogether  desert  in  those  times.  The  leader  of  this  colony  was  Moses,  a  man 
very  remarkable  for  his  great  wisdom  and  valor.  When  he  had  taken  possession  of 
the  land,  among  other  cities  he  founded  that  which  is  called  Jerusalem,  which  is  now 
the  most  celebrated."— (DiOD.,  lib.  xl.) 


ANCIENT  ARCHITECTURE.  15 

of  some  of  their  captives,  the  caryatid,  or  supporting  figure,  tak 
ing  the  place  of  a  column,  is  also  found  in  several  Egyptian 
temples ;  the  only  order,  therefore,  of  pure  Greek  extraction  is 
the  Corinthian. 

The  Pandroseum,  with  its  caryatids  ;  the  ancient  Temple  of 
Corinth  ;  the  Sysipheum,  which  Strabo  speaks  of  as  in  ruins  ;  the 
magnificent  Temple  of  Minerva  at  Athens,  the  oldest  Grecian 
edifice,  perhaps,  whose  remains  permit  us  to  form  an  adequate 
idea  of  the  grandeur  and  beauty  of  the  perfect  whole — these  and 
many  others,  amid  the  picturesque  mountains  and  valleys  of 
Greece,  recall  to  us  the  days  of  her  glory,  when  Phidias,  Scopas, 
and  Praxiteles,  wrought  their  exquisite  handiwork,  when  all 
that  was  noble,  learned,  and  beautiful,  was  found  within  her 
shores.  Few  will  be  the  readers  who  are  not  familiar  with  the 
names,  at  least,  of  her  monuments,  and,  thanks  to  her  exquisite 
works  of  art,  which  are  yet  unrivaled,  as  also  to  the  rich  inheri 
tance  of  literature  and  science  she  has  handed  down  to  us,  the 
civilization  of  this  country  is  not  often  questioned. 

Greece  in  turn  bequeathed  civilization  to  Home,  which  is  also 
rich  in  monuments,  better  known  and  more  modern  than  those 
of  the  former ;  what  need  to  dwell  on  the  grandeur  of  the  Coli 
seum,  the  Pantheon,  the  glorious  Column  of  Trajan,  the  Arches 
of  Titus  and  Constantine,  or  to  describe  the  remnants  of  palaces 
and  temples,  the  ruins  of  the  Forum,  the  Capitol,  amid  which 
Gibbon  resolved  to  write  his  "Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman 
Empire  ? "  These  are  so  often  depicted  with  pen  and  pencil  as  to 
be  familiar  to  nearly  all. 

These  two  lands,  Greece  and  Italy,  contain  the  greater  part 
of  ancient  architecture  to  be  found  in  Europe.  Other  countries, 
indeed,  possess  scattered  and  isolated  fragments,  but  to  find  an 
accumulation  of  ruins  which  denote  the  existence  of  a  civilized 
people  ages  ago,  we  must  traverse  the  ocean ;  to  find  remnants 
of  cities  that  were  old  when  Greece  was  in  its  infancy,  we  must 
come  to  the  NEW  WOULD  !  The  reader  will  here  imagine,  no  doubt, 
that  allusion  is  made  to  the  Aztec  civilization  of  Mexico,  which 
Prescott  depicts  in  such  glowing  colors ;  but,  while  admiring  the 
research  and  perseverance  displayed  by  that  eloquent  writer,  we 
regret  that  the  "  authorities  "  which  he  quotes,  and  which  would  be 
beyond  refutation  had  the  stories  of  the  Spanish  Conquest  deserved 
the  name  of  history,  were  in  reality  but  one  mass  of  fiction,  owing 


16 


LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 


to  the  despotic  empire  exercised  by  the  Church  and  its  desire  to 
make  all  redound  to  its  glory,  as  also  to  the  self-glorification  of  the 
chief  actors  in  the  scene,  who  were  their  own  historians,  and  not 
unwilling  to  play  the  part  of  conquerors  of  a  civilized  and  war 
like  nation.  The  Spaniards,  at  the  time  of  the  Mexican  Con 
quest,  had  but  just  emerged  from  their  wars  with  the  Moors  or 
Arabs,  a  people  who  had  inherited  from  the  East  art,  wealth,  and 
learning,  as  well  as  a  poetic  and  fiery  imagination,  and  a  taste  for 
gorgeous  display ;  who  had  enriched  Spain  beyond  measure,  built 
the  Alhambra  and  embellished  Granada,  and  who  in  most  arts 
and  sciences  were  superior  to  their  conquerors.  The  adventurers 


ETTINS  IN  CENTRAL  AMERICA. 


who  reached  Mexico  were  not  willing  to  assume  a  secondary  posi 
tion  to  the  heroes  of  the  Moorish  wars,  they  therefore  depicted  the 
primitive  Indian  of  the  forest  in  colors  of  Oriental  splendor,  and 
magnified  their  own  exploits  to  the  greatness  of  those  of  the  Cid. 
No  blame  attaches  to  Mr.  Prescott,  who,  resting  in  good  faith 
upon  a  "weight  of  authority"  which  is  in  reality  but  a  fiction, 
the  work  of  fraud,  bigotry,  and  vain  ambition,  transmits  to  us 
those  splendid  fables.  That  they  are  fables  there  can  be  little 
doubt ;  no  vestiges  of  past  grandeur  appear  in' 'those  places  where 
the  splendid  towns  described  by  Cortez  and  his  contemporaries 


ANCIENT  AMERICAN  RUINS. 


IT 


are  said  to  have  been  situated,  and  where  towns  of  the  same 
name  still  stand  ;  no  remains  of  stately  palaces,  basins  carved  in 
solid  rock,  gardens,  and  strong  walls,  are  to  be  foiind  on  the  site 
of  the  fabulous  city  of  Tezcuco  ;  had  these  wonders  existed  there 
must  surely  have  remained  some  traces ;  even  had  the  stones  been 
taken  to  build  the  present  town,  they  would  still  be  recognizable, 
but  this  is  built  of  adobe  or  dried  mud-bricks,  and  there  are  no  signs 
of  its  ever  having  been  otherwise ;  so  with  Mexico,  so  with  Ta- 
cuba.  Furthermore,  the  Indian  of  the  present  day  does  not  rec 
ognize  or  appear  to  have  any  knowledge  of  the  ancient  ruins  in 
Central  America  ;  it  is  well  known  that  the  traditional  history 
of  the  Indian  is  handed  down  with  almost  as  much  accuracy  as 


KUINS  IN  CENTBAL  AMERICA. 

our  own  written  records,  and  descends  unvaried  from  father  to 
son ;  if,  therefore,  their  race  had  ever  rea'ched  any  thing  like  the 
civilization  attributed  to  the  Aztecs,  some  remembrance  of  its 
past  glories  would  still  be  preserved  among  its  descendants. 

The  fine  carving  of  the  ruins  in  Yucatan  and  elsewhere  in 
Central  America  appears  to  have  been  executed  in  the  same 
manner  as  in  Egypt ;  the  tools  used  in  the  latter  country  were, 
we  know,  of  bronze1  or  copper,  hardened  by  some  process  un 
known  to  our  time ;  the  arrow-heads  and  hatchets  of  the  Indians 


18  LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

were  of  sharpened  stone  or  flint.  Is  it  likely  that  their  race  could 
once  have  possessed  the  art  of  forging  and  hardening  metals  to 
such  perfection  as  the  workmanship  on  the  ruins  in  question  de 
notes,  and  then  become  totally  ignorant  of  that  art  ?  These  ruins 
appear,  indeed,  throughout,  of  Egyptian,  Phoenician,  or  perhaps 
Asiatic  origin,  and  show  signs  of  great  wealth  having  been 
expended  upon  them.  Some  of  the  cities  are  declared  to  be  as 
large  as  Thebes.  We  find  among  them  the  Egyptian  square 
column  with  its  carved  hieroglyphics.  All  the  ornaments,  im 
ages,  and  vessels  which  have  been  found,  bear  the  unmistakable 
Egyptian  type,  notably  the  statue  found  at  Palenque,  which  is 
inscribed  in  hieroglyphics  at  the  base,  and  holds  in  its  hand  an 
indented  ornament,  supposed  by  some  to  be  the  mural  crown  of 
the  Phoenician  Hercules.  The  statues  and  carvings  are  all  color 
ed.  Fine  specimens  of  painting  are  found,  showing  this  unknown 
people  to  have  been  further  advanced  in  this  art  than  in  that  of 
sculpture.  The  flesh-tints  are  of  that  peculiar  red-brown  which  the 
Egyptians  always  used.  Another  notable  Egyptian  feature  is  the 
pyramidal  form  of  building.  True,  the  Mexican  pyramids  are 
truncated,  bearing  on  their  summits  palaces  or  temples,  neverthe 
less,  this  peculiar  style  of  architecture  is  common  to  Egypt  and 
Central  America.  The  pyramid  at  Copan  is  almost  equal  in  size 
at  the  base  to  the  Great  Pyramid,  though  less  perfect  in  propor 
tion  and  workmanship ;  that  on  which  stands  the  palace  at  Pa 
lenque  even  bears  traces  of  having  been  covered  with  polished 
stones  similar  to  the  casing-stones  of  the  Great  Pyramid.  The 
pyramidal  gate- ways,  of  Egypt  also  appear  to  have  existed  in 
America.  Specimens  are  found  at  Copan.  The  serpent,  which 
is  carved  on  the  tomb  of  Pharaoh  Necho,  and  which  is  one  of  the 
chief  emblems  of  the  Egyptians,  forms  one  of  the  principal  feat 
ures  of  adornment  in  the  Nuns'  Hall  at  Uxmal.  A  copper  coin 
found  at  Palenque  was  impressed  with  the  same  emblem. 

The  Spaniards,  finding  a  square  stone  or  altar,  on  which 
were  beautifully-carved  figures  of  warriors  leading  captives  by 
the  hair,  immediately  declared  this  to  be  a  representation  of 
human  sacrifice,  and  termed  the  altar  "  the  sacrificial  stone,"  as 
having  been  consecrated  to  this  loathsome  rite.  We  believe,  how 
ever,  that  the  Spaniards,  themselves  under  the  power  of  priest 
craft,  were  too  ready  to  give  every  emblem,  statue,  or  hiero 
glyphic,  a  religious  meaning,  and  were  too  apt  to  interpret  that 


ORIGIN"  OF  ANCIENT  AMERICAN  RUINS.  19 

meaning  to  the  detriment  of  the  unfortunate  Aztecs.  The  latter 
were  probably  as  innocent  of  the  crime  of  human  sacrifice  as  they 
were  of  having  erected  the  stone  in  question,  which  is  a  remnant 
of  the  long-extinguished  race  that  first  peopled  America,  raised 
by  them,  no  doubt,  to  commemorate  their  victories.  Kenrick  de 
scribes  a  similar  stone  as  existing  in  one  of  the  temples  of  the  Up 
per  Nile,  on  which  appears  a  king  "  holding  a  number  of  captives 
by  the  hair,  who  stretch  their  hands  out  toward  him  in  an  attitude 
of  supplication,  while  he  threatens  to  strike  them  with  a  hatchet." ' 

We  might  multiply,  ad  infinitum,  the  points  of  resemblance 
between  the  ancient  ruins  of  America  and  those  of  Egypt,  a  re 
semblance  which  can  scarcely  be  considered  accidental,  as  it  com 
prises  the  history  of  the  habits,  customs,  and  worship  of  a  people. 
This  resemblance  we  can  record  as  an  incontestable  fact,  but  dis 
coveries  have  hitherto  been  too  limited  to  admit  of  any  thing 
but  surmise  in  accounting  for  it.  The  ruins  in  America  are  in  a 
more  advanced  state  of  decay  than  those  of  Egypt — shall  we 
therefore  believe  that  here  was  the  parent  race,  the  birthplace  of 
Egyptian  art  ?  that'  the  Asiatic  nation  which  gave  civilization 
to  Egypt  had  previously  spread  itself  eastward  to  this  conti 
nent  \ 7  or  shall  we  rather  believe  that  the  Phoenicians,  when 
they  flourished  at  Tartessus  or  Tarshish  (the  present  Cadiz),  trad 
ing  with,  perhaps  colonizing,  the  British  Islands,  extended  their 
voyages  as  far  as  America,  and  colonized  the  latter,  whose  ancient 
monuments  mark  the  decadence  of  Egyptian  art  ? 

Be  this  as  it  may,  the  Spaniards  in  1492,  the  Northmen  five 
hundred  years  previously,  were  not  the  first  to  establish  a  con 
necting  link  between  the  Eastern  and  "Western  Hemispheres ; 
thousands  of  years  before  their  time,  a  people  had  risen,  in  what 
is  now  termed  the  New  "World,  to  a  civilization  similar  if  not 
equal  to  that  of  Egypt.  This  civilization  flourished  evidently  dur 
ing  many  hundred  years,  as  the  many  inland  cities  of  which  re 
mains  are  visible  testify.  These  must  have  taken  centuries  to  ar 
rive  at  such  dimensions,  and  prove  that  inland  home  commerce 
existed,  sufficient  for  the  support  of  millions.  This,  then,  was  no 
sea-coast  colony  of  rapid  growth  and  extinction,  but  a  nation  that 

6  Kenrick,  vol.  i.,  p.  8. 

7  In  our  own  day  Japanese  junks  have  drifted  uncontrolled  from  the  shores  of  that 
island  to  those  of  Alaska  and  California.     Some  such  accident  may  have  revealed  to 
the  Asiatics  the  so-called  New  World,  thousands  of  years  ago. 


20 


LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 


slowly  and  steadily  increased  in  numbers  and  wealth,  how  many 
thousand  years  ago  we  know  not ;  but  this  we  know,  that  trees 
more  than  a  thousand  years  old  have  been  found  growing  on  the 
ruins  in  Central  America,  which  could  only  have  commenced 
growth  many  years  after  the  buildings  had  fallen  into  decay. 

How  this  people  became  extinct  is  yet  a  mystery.     Was  it 
some  internal  war  ?  some  fell  disease  or  black  death  ?  or,  more 


TOMB  OF  SESOBTRIS. 

likely,  did  savage  tribes  overcome  and  destroy  them,  as  barba 
rism  seems  ever  to  destroy  civilization  ?  These  are  questions  yet 
unanswered.  Future  discoveries,  perhaps,  of  other  ruins,  in  a  bet 
ter  state  of  preservation,  may  throw  greater  light  on  the  subject. 
All  we  are  able  now  to  do  is,  to  travel  amazedly  through  these 
ruins.  Here,  indeed,  History,  to  our  eager  query,  "  Who  hath 
builded  them  ? "  mumbleth  something,  but  what  it  is  we  hear  not. 


CHAPTER  II. 

ASTRONOMY,    GEOGRAPHY,   NAVIGATION,   LEARNING,    AMONG   THE 

ANCIENTS. 

As  well  might  we  attempt  to  determine  the  antiquity  of  intel 
lectual  man  as  to  fix  the  age  of  astronomy.  That  it  is  almost 
coeval  with  humanity  we  may,  however,  reasonably  infer,  for  it  is 
not  curiosity,  or  even  a  love  of  science,  but  the  dictates  of  ne 
cessity  which  impel  us  to  its  study :  by  it  the  seasons  are  deter 
mined,  the  proper  dates  fixed  for  civil  and  religious  affairs,  the 
favorable  periods  for  voyages  on.  the  vast  ocean  ascertained. 
Without  it  there  would  be  no  possibility  of  fixed  rules  and  regu 
lations  ;  thus  is  astronomy  indispensable  to  agriculture,  politics, 
and  religion.  In  tracing  back  its  history,  the  most  we  can  do  is, 
to  observe  the  ancient  landmarks,  and  note  the  early  fragments 
which  have  come  down  to  us  bearing  upon  the  subject.  These  are 
sufficient  to  show  that  at  a  very  early  age  mankind  had  reached 
such  proficiency  in  that  science  as  to  render  it  probable  that 
their  knowledge  was  as  complete  as  that  of  the  present  day. 

The  Hebrew  historian  claims  for  his  people  the  honor  of 
having  first  studied  the  heavens  ;  but  the  Hindoos,  according  to 
their  own  record,  are  the  most  ancient  astronomers  of  whom  we 
have  knowledge.  They  computed  eclipses  3102  years  B.  c.,  and,  as 
their  calculations  at  this  early  period  represent  the  state  of  the 
heavens  with  astonishing  accuracy,  and  appear  upon  examination 
to  be  even  more  correct  than  those  they  subsequently  made,  it  is 
evident  they  were  the  result  of  actual  observation.  It  was  the 
Hindoos  who  for  greater  facility  of  calculation  invented  the  ten 
numeral  figures  which  the  Arabs  introduced  into  Spain,  and 
which  have  now  superseded  the  old  Roman  method  of  comput 
ing  by  means  of  the  letters  of  the  alphabet. 


22  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

India,  then,  as  far  as  we  can  trace  back,  appears  to  have  been 
the  cradle  of  astronomy.  She  spread  her  knowledge  eastward 
to  China  and  Japan,  westward  to  Chaldea  and  Egypt,  who  in  turn 
bequeathed  it  to  Phoenicia  and  Greece.  Learned  men  of  these 
lands  appear  to  have  determined  the  motion  and  volume  of  the 
stars,  the  constellations  were  named  in  writings  both  sacred  and 
profane,  the  signs  of  the  zodiac  fixed  many  centuries  anterior  to 
our  era.  One  of  the  learned  men  of  our  day,  who  for  forty  years 
labored  to  decipher  the  hieroglyphics  of  the  ancients,  found  upon 
a  coffin  or  Egyptian  mummy-case  (now  in  the  British  Museum)  a 
delineation  of  the  signs  of  the  zodiac  and  the  position  of  the 
planets ;  the  date  to  which  they  pointed  was  the  autumnal  equi 
nox  of  the  year  1722  B.  c.  Prof.  Mitchell,  to  whom  the  fact 
was  communicated,  employed  his  assistants  to  ascertain  the  ex 
act  position  of  the  heavenly  bodies  belonging  to  our  solar  sys 
tem  on  the  equinox  of  that  year.  This  was  done,  and  a  diagram 
furnished  by  parties  ignorant  of  his  object,  which  showed  that 
on  the  7th  of  October,  1722  B.  c.,  the  moon  and  planets  occupied 
the  exact  points  in  the  heavens  marked  upon  the  coffin  in  the 
British  Museum. 

The  Egyptians  had,  we  have  already  shown,  a  most  perfect 
knowledge  of  astronomy,  and  applied  that  science  to  such  practi 
cal  uses  that  a  knowledge  of  it  must  have  been  common  to  all. 
Mathematics  and  geometry  are  said  to  have  had  their  birth  with 
them.  Diodorus  writes : 

"  They  pay  great  attention  to  geometry  and  arithmetic.  For 
the  river,  changing  the  appearance  of  the  country  very  materially 
every  year,  causes  many  and  various  discussions  among  neighbor 
ing  proprietors,  about  the  extent  of  their  property  ;  and  it  would 
be  difficult  for  any  person  to  decide  upon  their  claims  without 
geometrical  proof  founded  on  actual  observation ;  of  arithmetic 
they  have  also  frequent  use,  both  in  their  domestic  economy  and 
in  the  application  of  geometrical  theorems,  besides  its  utility  in 
the  cultivation  of  astronomical  studies ;  for  the  orders  and  mo 
tions  of  the  stars  are  observed  at  least  as  industriously  by  the 
Egyptians  as  by  any  other  people  whatever ;  and  they  keep  a 
record  of  the  motions  of  each  for  an  incredible  number  of  years, 
the  study  of  this  science  having  been,  from  the  remotest  times, 
an  object  of  national  ambition  with  them. 

"They  have   also   most  punctually   observed   the  motions, 


ANCIENT  ASTEONOMY.  23 

periods,  and  actions  of  the  planets  ....  and  not  uncommonly 
predict  the  failure  of  crops,  or  an  abundance,  and  the  occurrence 
of  epidemic  diseases  among  men  and  beasts;  foreseeing  also 
earthquakes  and  floods,  the  appearance  of  comets,  and  a  variety 
of  other  things  which  appear  impossible  to  the  multitude." 

The  most  ancient   astronomer  of  Greece,  Thales,  acquired 
much  of  his  great  learning  in  Egypt.     Six  hundred  years  before 
Christ  he  computed  the  diameter  of  the  sun,  and  is  said  to  have 
predicted  that  memorable  eclipse  which  on  the  30th  of  Septem 
ber,  610  B.  c.,  stayed  the  effusion  of  blood  and  caused  an  armis 
tice  between  the  Medes  and  Libyans.     Pythagoras,  one  of  his 
disciples,  taught  the  principles  of  our  solar  system,  also  that  the 
moon  reflected  the  sun's  rays,  and  described  accurately  the  na 
ture  of  comets.    He  is  said  to  have  been  the  first  to  observe  that 
Venus  is  alternately  the  evening  and  the  morning  star.     Eratos 
thenes  measured  the  diameter  of  the  earth,  200  B.  c.,  by  an  arc 
of  the  meridian,  which  is  the  means  now  employed.     Epicurus 
speaks  incidentally  as  a  matter  of  course,  of  "  the  world  turning 
as  it  does  round  the  axis  of  the  heavens,  and  that  too  with  sur 
prising  rapidity."     But  the  work  of  the  ancients  which  may  be 
called  the  most  complete  that  has  come  down  to  us  is  that  of 
Claudius  Ptolemy,  well  named  the  Prince  of  Astronomers.     In 
the  second  century  of  our  era  he  wrote  at  Alexandria  his  ad 
mirable  works.     He  determined  the  latitude  and  longitude  of 
more  than  four  thousand  places,  and  gives  the  history  of  ancient 
astronomy,  with  an  elaborate  list  of  the  stars  as  known  to  him 
and  older  astronomers.     The  term   "  colossal,"  given  by   the 
great  Humboldt  to  the  work  of  Ptolemy  on  geography,  applies  as 
well  to  his  astronomical  labors.    ^Beroseus  8  repeats  the  follow 
ing  Babylonian  tradition,  which,  whatever  may  be  thought  of  it 
as  a  theory,  shows  what  study  and  calculation  were  expended  by 
the  ancients  on  these  matters :  he  maintains  that  all  terrestrial 
things  will  be  consumed  when  the  planets  which  now  are  trav 
ersing  their  different  courses  shall  all  coincide  in  the  sign  of 
Cancer,  and  be  so  placed  that  a  .straight  line  could  pass  directly 
through  all  their  orbs ;  but  the  inundation  will  take  place  when 
the  same  conjunction  shall  occur  in  Capricorn.     In  the  first  is 

8  Berosens,  or  Berosus,  lived  in  the  fourth  century  B.  c.,  and  was  the  contempo 
rary  of  Alexander  the  Great.     His  works  are  quoted  by  Josephus,  by  Alexander  Poly- 
histor,  who  wrote  in  the  second  century  B.  c.,  by  Eusebius,  and  others. 
3 


24  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

the  summer,  in  the  last  the  winter  of  the  year.  The  great  year 
of  Aristotle  is  that  in  which  the  planets,  in  completing  their 
course,  return  to  the  sign  from  which  they  originally  started  to 
gether  when  God  set  them  in  motion ;  in  the  winter  of  this  year 
comes  the  deluge,  its  summer  brings  the  conflagration  of  the 
world.  This  periodical  revolution  or  conjunction  is  fixed  by 
Orpheus  at  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  years,  and  by 
Copandras  at  one  hundred  and  thirty  -  six  thousand.  Other 
writers  contend  that  the  heavenly  bodies  shall  no  more  coincide 
in  their  original  positions. 

No  science  seems  to  have  been  held  by  the  ancients  in  such 
veneration  as  the  noble  one  which  lifts  men  above  the  petty 
strife  and  turmoil  of  the  world,  causing  them  to  contemplate  the 
immense  expanse  of  the  heavens  and  numberless  stars.  Among 
all  the  splendors  of  the  Persian  Chosroes,  the  most  magnificent 
was  perhaps  a  dome  supported  by  a  forest  of  forty  thousand  col 
umns,  which  was  adorned  with  one  thousand  globes  of  gold,  imi 
tating  the  motions  of  the  planets  and  constellations  of  the  zodiac  : 

"  'Twas  thus  he  taught  the  fabric  of  the  spheres, 
The  changeful  moon,  the  circuit  of  the  stars, 
The  golden  zones  of  heaven." 

Many  of  the  proudest  achievements  of  the  ancients,  both  in  art 
and  letters,  have  been  lost,  mutilated,  or  so  falsified  that  it  is 
difficult  to  form  a  just  idea  of  the  original.  Notwithstanding 
these  disadvantages  under  which  they  must  labor,  enough  re 
mains  to  prove  that  they  had  arrived  at  many  just  conclusions 
touching  astronomy,  and  the  form  and  size  of  our  planet,  so  that, 
from  the  days  of  Mmrod  to  our  own,  the  ignorant  only  can 
have  believed  the  earth  to  be  other  than  spherical,  the  ridicu 
lous  story  touching  Columbus  and  the  sages  of  Salamanca  to  the 
contrary  notwithstanding.  If  this  knowledge  was  attained  with 
out  the  aids  of  which  we  boast,  their  achievements  should  be  re 
garded  as  more  wonderful  than  ours.  It  may,  however,  be  as  well 
to  conclude  that,  as  in  all  ages  human  nature  has  under  the 
same  circumstances  been  about  the  same,  an  equal  amount  of 
learning,  thought,  and  similar  instruments,  have  ever  been  em 
ployed  ;  in  short,  that  there  is  no  new  thing  under  the  sun,  and 
that  "  wisdom  shall  not  die  with  us."  9 

9  It  is  generally  believed  that  Galileo  was,  persecuted  by  the  Church,  and  tortured 
Iby  the  Inquisition,  on  account  of  discoveries  made  by  him  in  astronomy.    In  (his  be- 


ANCIENT  EGYPTIAN  EXPLORATIONS.  25 

The  attainments  of  the  ancients  in  astronomy  are  less  often 
contested  than  their  knowledge  of  geography,  in  which  they  are 
represented  as  decidedly  deficient ;  nevertheless,  with  the  aid  of 
those  fragments  of  their  writings  which  have  come  down  to  us, 
we  are  able  in  great  measure  to  refute  the  charge.  Certainly  in 
terest  and  enterprise  were  as  nearly  connected  and  as  great  as  at 
the  present  day.  The  huge  ships  propelled  by  sails,  with  hun 
dreds  of  oarsmen  to  take  the  place  of  the  latter  during  calms  or 
adverse  winds,  guided  by  the  magnetic  needle  (their  knowledge 
of  which  we  shall  presently  prove),  afforded  even  greater  advan 
tages  than  modern  sailing-ships.  Pharaoh  Necho  sent  out  a  for 
midable  exploring  expedition,  about  600  B.  c.,  manned  by  Phoe 
nicians,  which,  descending  the  Red  Sea  and  circumnavigating 
Africa,  reached  the  Pillars  of  Hercules  in  the  third  year  §nd  re 
turned  to  Egypt  by  the  Mediterranean,  thus  performing  at  that 
early  period  the  voyage,  in  an  inverse  direction,  for  which  Yasco 
de  Gama,  two  thousand  years  later,  became  so  renowned,  with 
the  additional  navigation  of  the  Mediterranean  and  Red  Seas. 
Herodotus  is  disposed  to  discredit  the  accounts  of  this  voyage, 
for  the  best  reason  that  could  well  be  given  to.  establish  their 
veracity:  that  is,  he  writes  that  the  Phoenicians  asserted  that 
during  a  portion  of  their  voyage  the  sun  was  in  the  north. 

A  gentleman  of  our  day,  who,  after  seven  years'  study,  travel, 
and  observation,  finds  the  sources  of  the  Nile  to  be  the  several 
lakes  mentioned  by  Ptolemy,  and  corresponding  in  number,  form, 
size,  and  location,  with  the  description  of  the  latter,  is  thought 
worthy  of  knighthood,  and  hailed  with  triumph  by  his  learned 
brethren.  If  these  honors  are  to  be  paid  to  one  who  has  sufficient 
ly  informed  himself  to  enable  him  to  indorse  the  correctness  of 

lief  we  do  not  fully  concur.  Books  much  older  than  Galileo  were  then  preserved  at 
Rome  and  Pisa,  containing  those  very  theories  for  which  it  is  alleged  this  Pisan  was 
persecuted  ;  these  records  have  come  down  to  our  time.  It  is  more  just  and  reason 
able  to  suppose  that  he  and  his  books  were  condemned  by  the  Inquisition  on  account 
of  an  attack  made  upon  that  body  in  the  preface  of  a  book  for  the  publication  cf 
which  he  had  obtained  a  license  from  the  holy  office,  as  is  alleged,  by  deception  or 
falsehood.  Would  the  Church  destroy  his  book  for  affirming  that  the  earth  revolved 
round  the  sun  in  little  more  than  three  hundred  and  sixty-five  days,  while  carefully 
preserving  the  writings  of  the  ancients  in  which  they  proclaim  the  same  doctrines  ? 
We  would  not  here  defend  the  Inquisition,  or  justify  the  tyranny  of  the  Church ;  yet, 
let  it  be  remembered  that  Pope  Urban  VIII.  granted  an  annual  pension  of  one  hun 
dred  crowns  for  the  support  of  Galileo  in  the  evening  of  his  days,  and  one  of  sixty 
crowns  to  his  son. 


26  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

Ptolemy,  what  honors  should  we  not  pay  to  the  memory  of  the 
great  geographer  of  seventeen  hundred  years  ago  ? 

The  question,  however,  touching  the  geographical  knowledge 
of  the  ancients  which  most  interests  us  in  the  present  work  is  : 
Were  they  or  were  they  not  ignorant  of  the  existence  of  the 
Western  Hemisphere  ?  Without  reverting  to  what  we  have  said 
in  the  preceding  chapter  touching  the  resemblance  between  the 
ruins  of  Central  America  and  of  Egypt,  in  accounting  for  which 
we  can  only  have  recourse  to  hypothesis,  we  may  rest  upon  a  sure 
foundation  our  belief  that  they  were  not.  Although  most  writers 
on  the  discovery  of  America,  and  extravagant  eulogists  of  Co 
lumbus,  affect  either  utterly  to  ignore,  or  to  regard  as  fables,  the 
allusions  in  ancient  writings  to  a  land  which  can  be  no  other  than 
that  wkich  we  now  call  the  New  World,  those  who  assisted  Co 
lumbus  in  his  undertaking  and  instructed  him  in  the  course  he 
was  to  pursue,  were  actuated  and  inspired  mainly  by  these  allu 
sions.  Columbus  himself,  seeking  to  give  a  learned  air  to  his 
enterprise,  and  to  draw  attention  from  the  real  source  whence  he 
derived  his  knowledge,  dwells  largely  upon  these  ancient  frag 
ments,  as  does  also  his  son.10 

We  will  not  multiply  quotations,  but  will  content  ourselves 
with  the  following  from  Plato,  which  so  accurately  describes  the 
situation  of  America  that  the  reader  must  indeed  be  obstinate 
who  will  not  believe  that  he  described  a  country  which  had  been 
known,  and  did  not  marvelously  imagine  one  which  should  coin 
cide  so  well  with  the  situation  of  the  real  continent : 

"  That  sea  "  (the  Atlantic)  "  was  then  navigable,  and  had  an  isl 
and  fronting  that  mouth  which  you  in  your  tongue  call  the  Pillars 
of  Hercules  ....  and  there  was  a  passage  hence  to  the  rest  of 
the  islands •,  as  well  as  from  these  islands  to  the  whole  opposite 
continent  that  surrounds  that  real  sea  ....  the  Atlantic  Isl 
and  itself  was  plunged  beneath  the  sea,  and  entirely  disappeared  ; 
whence  even  now  that  sea  is  neither  navigable  nor  to  be  traced 
out,  being  blocked  up  by  the  great  depth  of  mud  which  the  sub 
siding  island  produced." 

We  cannot  conceive,  when  we  observe  the  character  of  the 
writings  of  Plato,  that  he  could  have  any  object  in  deceiving  or 
misleading  his  readers.  A  disciple  of  the  sublime  Socrates,  his  aim 

10  See  Fernando  Columhus's  "History  of  the  Admiral,"  chapters  vi.,  vii.,  viii.,  ix.,x. 

11  Plato,  "  The  Timams,"  Davis's  translation. 


ISLAND   OF  ATLANTIS.  27 

was  to  elevate  and  instruct  mankind.  With  regard  to  the  "  great 
island "  of  which  he  speaks,  we  see  no  reason  to  term  it  the 
"fahled  island  of  Atlantis,"  as  do  most  authors.  Wonderful  sub 
mersions  and  convulsions  have  in  our  own  day  changed  the  as 
pect  of  coasts.  The  groups  of  islands  east  of  the  West  Indies 
may  be  remains  of  one  vast  island ;  their  broken  nature  renders 
this  hypothesis  probable.  Why  should  we  not,  observing  the  cor 
rectness  of  the  greater  part  of  the  above  description,  accept  the 
whole  as  truthful,  instead  of  rejecting  the  whole  as  a  fable  be 
cause  one  part  records  an  event  which,  though  wonderful,  is  by  no 
means  impossible  ?  If  this  great  island  were  submerged  it  must 
have  taken  years  before  the  sea  became  navigable  ;  by  that  time 
men  had  ceased  to  consider  it  as  such,  and,  drawn  toward  other 
interests  and  pursuits,  had  abandoned  or  forgotten  the  "  islands 
and  the  whole  opposite  continent  which  surrounds  that  real  sea," 
which  could  have  been  none  other  than  the  West  Indies  and  the 
Continent  of  America.  It  is  not  probable  that  the  learned,  or 
even  ordinarily  educated,  ever  became  totally  ignorant  or  obliv 
ious  of  the  existence  of  this  continent,  while  a  convulsion  so 
terrible  as  must  have  been  the  one  recorded  by  Plato  would  have 
deeply  impressed  the  masses,  whose  vague  and  traditional  ac 
counts  of  the  event  may  have  given  rise  to  those  legends  respect 
ing  the  horrors  pervading  "  the  shadowy "  or  "  gloomy  ocean  " 
which  are  said  to  have  been  prevalent  in  the  time  of  Columbus. 

Why  should  we  wonder  that  the  allusions  to  the  Western  Hem 
isphere  are  so  vague,  or  be  so  assured  that  Atlantis  was  a  fable? 
were  not  Herculaneum  and  Pompeii  lost  for  more  than  a  thousand 
years,  their  existence  forgotten,  and  those  authors  mentioning 
them  accused  of  inventing  fables  to  mislead  the  ignorant  ?  Yet 
after  all  those  years  an  accident  revealed  to  astonished  modem 
times  the  "fabulous  cities  of  Herculaneum  and  Pompeii,"  and 
with  them  the  habits  and  customs  in  their  minutest  details  of  a 
people  who  had  been  thus  buried  in  the  midst  of  the  affairs  of 
daily  life,  by  the  flood  of  molten  lava  and  fiery  shower  of  ashes, 
and  who  are  proved  to  have  rivaled,  if  not  excelled,  us  in  all  the 
refinements  of  civilization.  The  hardened  lava  can  be  hewn 
asunder,  the  ashes  swept  away,  but  none  can  roll  back  the  mighty 
ocean,  nor  disclose  what  its  waves  conceal ;  this  must  remain  till 
the  day  when  the  sea  shall  give  up  its  dead. 

Nothing  more  fully  proves  the  advanced  stage  of  civilization 


28  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

in  the  earliest  ages,  than  the  extensive  commerce  which  was  car 
ried  on.  In  the  infancy  of  nations  and  peoples,  the  desire  for  the 
acquisition  of  property  is  indeed  implanted  in  the  breast  of  man, 
but  this  desire  cannot  develop  into  commerce  till  the  nation  is 
wealthy  and  populous.  In  the  days  of  the  Hebrew  patriarchs,  he 
who  first  sat  down  at  a  spring,  or  reposed  in  the  grateful  shade 
of  a  tree,  acquired  a  right  to  possess  the  same,  which  was  respected 
by  subsequent  visitors.  Abraham  exclaims  to  Lot,  when  their  flocks 
have  become  so  numerous  as  to  render  a  separation  necessary  : 

"  Is  not  the  whole  land  before  thee  ?  separate  thyself,  I  pray 
thee,  from  me :  if  thou  wilt  take  the  left  hand,  then  I  will  go  to 
the  right ;  or  if  thou  depart  to  the  right  hand,  then  I  will  go  to 
the  left.  And  Lot  lifted  up  his  eyes,  and  beheld  all  the  plain  of 
Jordan,  that  it  was  well  watered  everywhere  ....  even  as  the 
garden  of  the  Lord  ....  Lot  chose  him  all  the  plain  of  Jordan  ; 
....  and  Abraham  dwelled  in  the  land  of  Canaan." 

We  are  not,  however,  to  suppose  that  all  nations  were  thus 
primitive  in  the  days  of  the  Patriarch.  As  well  might  it  be  main 
tained  that  the  world  is  at  present  sparsely  populated  because 
there  are  vast  regions  in  America  where  a  citizen  may  acquire 
an  ample  homestead  simply  by  a  residence  of  a  few  years  on  the 
spot  of  his  choice.  Trade  and  commerce  were  already  well  sys 
tematized.  Gold  and  silver,  in  exchange  for  wares,  had  taken  the 
place  of  barter,  at  the  time  of  which  we  speak.  Abraham  paid 
four  hundred  shekels  of  silver,  such  as  were  current  with  the 
merchant,  for  the  cave  of  Machpelah ;  and  Joseph  was  sold  to 
the  Ishmaelitish  merchants,  who  were  on  their  way  to  Egypt 
with  spices  and  perfumes,  for  twenty  pieces  of  silver. 

An  extensive  commerce  was  carried  on  by  the  Phcenicians, 
the  earliest  merchants  of  antiquity  of  whom  we  have  knowledge. 
To  their  great  mart,  Tyre,  the  merchants  of  every  nation  brought 
their  choicest  goods.  The  beauteous  slaves  of  Greece,  soft  linen, 
purple  dyes  and  silks  of  Syria,  embroideries  of  Egypt,  perfumes 
of  Arabia,  horses  and  horsemen,  mules,  wheat,  honey,  balm, 
iron,  gold,  silver,  precious  stones,  even  tin  from  Cornwall,  all 
found  ready  sale  in  the  vast  markets  of  "  the  crowned  city  whose 
merchants  were  princes."  12 

12  No  more  glowing  description  of  the  commercial  greatness  of  a  city  can  be  im 
agined  than  that  in  which  Ezekiel  (chapter  xxvii.)  enumerates  the  many  peoples  who 
traded  with  Tyre. 


COMMERCE  OF  THE  ANCIENTS.  29 

Carthage  and  Alexandria  rivaled  and  succeeded  Tyre  as  the 
great  commercial  marts  of  the  world.  Arabia  Felix,  when  that 
country  was  the  medium  through  which  passed  the  commerce  be 
tween  Egypt  and  India,  seemed  to  concentrate  the  wealth  of  the 
world  within  its  borders.  The  doors  of  the  dwellings  were  of  ivo 
ry  studded  with  rich  jewels  ;  the  pillars  glistened  with  gold  and 
silver ;  aromatic  woods  were  burned  to  cook  food ;  and  so  cloyed 
with  rich  perfumes  were  the  inhabitants  of  this  happy  land  that 
we  are  told  they  burned  pitch  and  goat's-hair  under  their  noses 
to  stimulate  their  sense  of  smell.  Among  the  many  castes  into 
which  the  people  of  India  were  from  the  earliest  ages  divided, 
merchants  are  distinctly  mentioned,  so  that  we  may  conclude 
that  trade  was  established  in  that  country  from  the  remotest 
periods. 

The  staple  articles  of  commerce  with  the  ancients  do  not 
seem  to  have  greatly  varied  from  those  of  the  present  day,  they 
consisted  of  rich  silks,  precious  stones,  and  metals,  linens,  slaves, 
ivory,  ebony,  purple  dyes,  spices,  wines,  horses,  mules,  sugar, 
wheat,  honey,  fans  from  China,  carved  images,  flint-glass,  etc. 
This  vast  commerce  can  scarcely  have  existed  without  carrying 
the  science  of  navigation  to  a  very  advanced  state.  The  Phoeni 
cians,  there  is  no  doubt,  navigated  all  the  known  seas  and  very 
probably  crossed  the  Atlantic.13  The  voyage  of  the  Carthaginian 
Hanno,  about  six  hundred  years  before  Christ,  a  curious  record 
of  which  was  found  suspended  in  the  Temple  of  Saturn  at  Car 
thage,  and  the  expedition  of  Pharaoh  Necho  before  mentioned, 
are  the  earliest  great  enterprises  in  navigation  which  have  come 
down  to  us. 

The  "Periplus  "  of  Hanno  is  apparently  an  official  document 
recording  a  voyage  of  discovery  which  the  Carthaginians  decreed 
should  be  made  with  a  view  to  establishing  Liby-phcenician  col 
onies.  Modern  writers  have  not  been  wanting  who,  seeking  to 
cast  doubt  upon  the  authenticity  of  the  "  Periplus,"  would  detract 
from  the  knowledge  and  enterpriseof  antiquity.  Falconer  has, 
however,  ably  refuted  these  aspersions  ;  and,  as  the  descriptions 
given  by  Hanno  correspond  to  the  aspect  of  the  shores  which  he 

13  In  the  tomb  of  Rameses  the  Great  is  a  representation  of  a  naval  combat  between 
the  Egyptians  and  some  other  people,  supposed  to  be  the  Phrenicians,  whose  huge 
ships  are  propelled  by  sails.  In  these,  guided  by  their  stone  of  Hercules,  or  mariner's 
compass,  they  were  enabled  boldly  to  leave  the  coast. 


30  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

•declares  to  have  coasted,  we  may  regard  the  fact  as  established 
that,  six  hundred  years  before  our  era,  a  voyage  of  discovery 
was  made,  which  was  worthier  in  its  objects  than  that  of  Co 
lumbus. 

It  is  not  possible  that  the  art  of  ship-building  should  have 
reached  such  perfection  as  it  undoubtedly  did  in  early  times,  had 
not  navigation  been  extensive  enough  to  demand  such  perfec 
tion.  The  dimensions  of  the  most  ancient  vessel  on  record,  the 
ark  of  Noah,  three  hundred  cubits  long,  fifty  broad  and  thirty  high, 
are  almost  precisely  the  same  as  those  of  the  fastest  vessels  of 
the  present  day,  which  are  three  hundred  and  twenty-two  feet 
long,  fifty  broad,  and  twenty-eight  and  a  half  in  height.  The 
ships  of  the  Egyptians  were  often  upon  a  most  magnificent  scale. 
The  fleet  with  which  Sesostris  conquered  all  the  countries  adja 
cent  to  the  Red  Sea  is  described  in  ancient  Egyptian  chronicles 
to  have  been  composed  of  four  hundred  large  vessels.14  That 
which  Alexander  ordered  to  be  constructed  on  the  banks  of  the 
Hydaspes,  one  thousand  miles  inland,  was  of  one  thousand  ships  ; 
with  these  he  descended  the  Indus,  and,  on  reaching  the  ocean, 
sailed  to  the  Persian  Gulf.  The  Indians  seem  to  have  had  large 
fleets.16  Archimedes  superintended  the  building  of  a  ship  for 
Hiero  of  Syracuse  which  surpassed  in  magnificence  any  thing  of 
which  we  read.  The  wood  which  would  have  built  fifty  ordinary 
galleys  was  expended  in  its  construction.  It  contained  galleries, 
gardens,  stables,  fish-ponds,  mills,  baths,  an  engine  to  throw 
stones  three  hundred  pounds  in  weight,  and  arrows  twelve 
yards  long.  Its  floors  were  inlaid  with  scenes  from  Homer's 
"  Iliad."  A  temple  of  Yenus  was  also  among  the  wonders  it  con 
tained. 

The  famous  voyage  of  St.  Paul  to  Eome  was  effected  in  three 
vessels.  In  the  first,  no  doubt  a  small  coasting  one,  he  went  from 
Cesarea  to  Myra,  where  he  went  on  board  an  Alexandrian  corn- 
ship,  which  was  wrecked  off  the  cost  of  Malta ;  this  ship  con 
tained  a  cargo  of  wheat,  and  two  hundred  and  seventy  persons, 
all  of  which  were  carried  by  another  Alexandrian  corn-ship,  be 
sides  its  own  crew  and  cargo,  by  Syracuse  and  Rhegiurn,  to 
Puteoli.  Now,  as  it  is  usual  to  allow  a  ton  and  a  half  per  man  in 

14Diodorus  Siculus,  "Canon  of  the  Kings  of  Egypt." 

1BDiodorus  Siculus  relates  that  four  thousand  ships  opposed  the  invasion  of  Semi- 
ramis  into  India. 


SIZE  OF  ANCIENT  SHIPS.  31 

transport-ships,  it  will  be  safe  to  conclude  that  the  average  an 
cient  merchant-ships  ranged  from  five  hundred  to  a  thousand 
tons  burden.  The  vessel  in  which  the  great  obelisk  of  the  Vat 
ican  was  transported  to  Rome  carried  eleven  hundred  tons  of 
pulse  as  ballast,  besides  the  obelisk,  which  weighed  fifteen  hundred 
tons. 

Nor  did  the  ships  of  the  ancients  lack  many  so-called  modern 
improvements.  The  chain-cable,  which  we  have  seen  patented  in 
our  own  day,  was  well  known  to  the  Yenitii,  whose  galleys  are 
thus  described  by  Julius  Csesar  : 

"  Their  bottoms  were  some.what  flatter  than  ours,  the  better 
to  adapt  themselves  to  the  shallows,  and  sustain  without  danger 
the  regress  of  the  tides.  Their  prows  were  very  high  and  erect, 
as  likewise  their  sterns,  to  bear  the  hugeness  of  the  billows  and 
the  violence  of  tempests.  The  body  of  the  vessel  was  entirely 
of  oak,  to  stand  the  shocks  and  assaults  of  that  tempestuous  ocean. 
The  benches  of  the  rowers  were  made  of  strong  beams  of  about 
a  foot  in  breadth,  and  fastened  with  iron  nails  an  inch  thick.  In 
stead  of  cables,  they  secured  their  anchors  with  chains  of  iron" 

A  Roman  vessel  of  the  time  of  Trajan  had  been  sunk  in  the 
Lake  Ricciola  ;  it  wTas  raised  after  more  than  thirteen  hundred 
years,  and  found  to  be  in  a  good  state  of  preservation  ;  the  planks 
were  of  cypress  and  pine,  calked  with  linen  rags,  and  covered 
with  Greek  pitch ;  the  outside  was  covered  with  sheets  of  lead 
fastened  with  small  copper  nails.'  So  the  idea  of  metal  sheeting 
is  no  more  modern  than  that  of  the  chain-cable. 

All  this,  it  will  be  argued,  were  useless  to  sail  across  a  vast 
expanse  of  water,  without  a  knowledge  of  the  magnet,  the  mag 
netized  needle,  or  mariner's  compass. 

The  invention  of  the  compass  is  commonly  attributed  to  a 
pilot  of  Amalfi.18  His  name,  and  the  date  of  so  memorable  an 
event,  are  alike  misty  and  uncertain.  In  our  time  he  is  known 

16  The  Amalfitans  boasted  their  descent  from  Roman  citizens  sent  to  Byzantium  by 
Constantine  the  Great,  and  who,  after  shipwreck  on  the  way,  established  themselves 
at  Melfi,  the  name  of  which  they  transferred  to  their  new  city  built  on  the  shores  of 
the  Gulf  of  Salerno,  on  the  spot  where  Paestum  formerly  flourished.  In  the  ninth 
century,  the  republic  of  Amalfi  was  already  the  mistress  of  the  commerce  of  the  Le 
vant,  and  her  maritime  code  was  adopted  throughout  the  Mediterranean  and  Ionian 
Seas,  as  was  formerly  that  of  Rhodes.  Sicilians,  Arabs,  Africans,  Indians  even, 
frequented  her  mart  to  exchange  their  respective  products.  Her  tari  were  the  most 
approved  circulation  throughout  the  Levant  until  the  Venetian  ducat  prevailed. 


32  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

as  Flavio  Gioia,  but  writers  nearer  to  his  own  day  call  him  Giri 
and  Gira,  and  give  him  the  Christian  name  Giovane.  In  like 
manner,  the  year  1302  has  been  selected  for  the  discovery,  out  of 
a  number  of  dates  to  which  it  is  assigned  in  the  older  authors. 
The  particulars  of  the  man's  history  are  unknown,  nor  is  there  a 
scrap  of  historical  evidence  that  he  either  discovered  or  even 
improved  the  mariner's  compass.  On  tracing  to  its  origin  a 
story  so  generally  received,  reiterated  as  it  is  in  most  books  of 
reference,  and  accepted  in  Italy  as  an  article  of  the  national 
creed,  we  find  the  authority  for  it  lost  in  tradition  and  guess 
work.  The  celebrated  Antony  Panormita,  one  of  the  great 
poets  of  the  fifteenth  century  and  secretary  of  Alphonso,  King 
of  Naples,  has  embalmed  in  verse  the  tradition  of  the  discovery 
at  Amalfi : 

<;  First  Amalfi  gave  to  seamen  the  use  of  the  magnet." 
And  elsewhere : 

"  Of  the  magnet,  Amalfi 
Boasts  the  noble  discovery." 

In  more  recent  times  this  story  has  been  received  by  local 
writers,  who,  indulging  a  lively  fancy,  have  appeared  to  see  in  the 
arms  of  Amalfi  the  heraldic  symbol  of  the  mariner's  compass, 
and  have  thereupon  alleged  that  the  city  did  in  fact  take  the 
compass  for  its  arms,  to  perpetuate  the  memory  of  its  invention 
by  the  citizen  Giovane  Gira  or  Giri,  or  Flavio  Gioia.  It  is  not 
improbable  that  the  sign  of  the  compass  which  still  remains  over 
the  door  of  a  certain  dwelling  in  that  renowned  seaport  originally 
suggested  the  tradition,  and  may  have  served  to  commemorate 
a  famous  nautical  instrument-maker  who  had  made  some  improve 
ment  in  the  indications  of  the  points  of  the  compass  and  in  the 
suspension  of  the  magnetic  needle. 

Notwithstanding  this  absence  of  all  historic  testimony,  our 
students'  guides  and  Italian  patriotism17  cleave  to  a  story  which 
will  not  bear  serious  examination.  For  there  is  a  cloud  of  wit 
nesses  that  long  before  the  era  of  Gioia  the  compass  was  in  famil 
iar  use  in  Europe,  and  that  in  the  East  the  knowledge  of  the 

17  In  the  naval  action  off  Lissa,  in  July,  1866,  the  first  hostile  encounter  of  iron- 
clad  fleets  in  the  world's  history,  the  Flavio  Gioia  and.  Christoforo  Colombo  figured  as 
dispatch-boats  on  the  Italian  side. 


THE  MAGNETIC  NEEDLE.  33 

polarity  of  the  magnet,  and  its  application  to  traveling  by  sea 
and  land,  were  of  immemorial  antiquity. 

The  first  notice  of  the  compass  in  European  literature  appears 
in  the  accounts  of  the  voyages  of  the  Northmen.  "  The  Land- 
namabok "  has  this  passage  in  the  second  chapter  of  the  first 
volume : 

"  Floke  Yilgedarson  set  out  about  the  year  868  from  Roga- 
land  in  Norway  to  rediscover  Iceland.  He  took  with  him  three 
ravens  to  act  as  guides.  It  was  the  custom  of  our  ancestors 
when  looking  out  for  land  to  let  fly  these  birds.  If  they  re 
turned  to  the  ship,  it  was  presumed  they  were  still  far  from  land, 
but  if  they  flew  away  they  were  watched,  and  the  direction  they 
had  taken  followed  as  a  sure  guide  to  land.  To  consecrate  the 
ravens  to  this  use,  Floke  offered  a  great  sacrifice  at  Smorsund, 
where  his  vessel  was  at  anchor.  For  at  that  time  the  navigators 
of  Scandinavia  did  not  make  use  of  the  loadstone." 

This  was  written  about  the  year  1075,  and,  though  the  last 
clause  is  not  absolutely  correct,  as  we  shall  presently  see,  it  yet 
proves  that  the  polarity  of  the  magnet  and  its  use  in  navigation 
were  by  that  time,  at  any  rate,  perfectly  familiar  to  the  North 
men. 

A  century  later,  in  the  year  1190,  the  use  of  the  magnet  at 
sea  is  used  as  a  simile  in  a  French  satirical  poem — a  proof  that  it 
could  not  even  at  that  date  have  been  recently  invented,  but  was 
notorious  and  familiar  to  all.  The  title  of  the  poem  is  u  La  Bible," 
the  author  was  Guyot  de  Provins.  The  writer,  after  having  de 
claimed  against  every  state,  proceeds  to  attack  the  court  of 
Rome.  The  pope,  according  to  him,  should  be  what  the  polar 
ctar  is  to  the  mariner,  the  one  conspicuous,  fixed,  unchanging, 
infallible  guide.  In  natural  connection  with  this,  he  goes  on  to 
speak  of  the  magnet,  the  loving-stone  which  reveals  the  place  of 
the  Tresmontaigne  when  clouds  and  mist  obscure  it.  But  we 
will,  as  nearly  as  we  can  render  it  in  English,  give  the  entire 
passage  : 

"  Would  that  our  Holy  Father  the  pope 
Resembled  th'  immovable  star. 
Very  clearly  they  see  it — 
The  mariners,  they  trust  to  its  ray  : 
By  that  star  they  go  out  and  home, 
They  hold  on  their  way  with  all  calm. 


34  LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

It  is  known  as  the  Tresmontaigne, 

It  is  fixed,  central,  and  certain. 

While  others  shoot,  wander,  revolve, 

This  star  is  the  centre  of  all. 

The  seaman  knows  an  art  that  can't  deceive : 

The  compass18  is  his  sacred  oracle. 

The  potent  charm  of  the  magnet 

(A  stone  dark  and  ugly  in  look, 

Yet  to  it  iron  fondly  adheres), 

Gives  its  impulse  to  the  needle 

Which  then,  cased,  and  freely  suspended, 

Set  in  movement  unhindered, 

True  and  certain  points  to  that  star. 

The  sky  with  sea  in  mist  confused, 

No  moon  or  constellation  to  be  seen, 

The  needle's  lighted  up  without  delay  : 

The  sailor  has  no  fear  of  going  astray, 

To  th'  invisible  star  points  the  faithful  iron, 

And  on  the  trackless  deep  his  way  is  sure. 

Unchanging,  central,  bright,  that  star, 

Such  surely  should  our  Holy  Father  be." 

Another  notice  of  the  compass  is  found  in  the  "  History  of  the 
East  and  West "  by  the  Cardinal  Jacques  de  Vitry,  Bishop  of  Tus- 
culum  and  Ptolemais,  a  legate  of  the  pope  in  the  fourth  Crusade 
and  in  the  army  of  Montfort  against  the  Albigenses,  A.  D. 
1204-1210.  He  calls  the  magnet  adamas  (English  adamant),  a 
name  very  much  in  vogue  in  the  middle  ages,  in  lieu  of  magnes 
(magnet).  The  passage  in  question  is  this : 

"  The  magnet  (adamas)  is  found  in  India.  It  attracts  iron, 
by  some  hidden  quality.  The  iron  needle,  after  it  has  touched 
the  magnet,  always  turns  toward  the  north-star,  which  does  not 
move,  as  if  it  were  the  centre  of  the  firmament,  the  other  stars 
revolving  around  it.  Wherefore  the  magnet  is  very  necessary 
to  navigators  at  sea."  19 

It  is  evident  that  it  is  not  a  new  discovery  that  is  here  de 
scribed  a  century  before  Gioia's  reputed  discovery,  but  an 
established  usage,  and  an  instrument  necessary  to  mariners,  the 
use  of  which  was  notorious. 

Another  conspicuous  authority  on  the  same  point,  in  the  thir 
teenth  century,  is  Brunetto  Latini,  poet,  philosopher,  astrolo- 

18  EAmani&re.  19"Historia  Hierosolimitanae,"  cap.  89. 


ROGER  BACOK  35 

ger,  of  Florence.  He  had  the  honor  of  instructing  "  the  divine 
Dante,"  and  foretold  the  glory  of  his  pupil's  genius.  Having 
been  banished  from  Florence  with  his  party,  the  Guelphs — 
as  was  subsequently  Dante  himself,  who  was  also  sentenced  to  be 
burnt  alive,  and  never  dared  return  to  his  beloved  home — Bru- 
netto  settled  in  France,  where  he  wrote  his  "  Tresor  de  Sapience," 
a  sort  of  encyclopaedia,  in  the  Romance  language.  In  this  work, 
he  makes  mention  of  the  loadstone  and  the  magnetized  needle, 
and,  though  the  description  is  not  altogether  accurate,  it  admits 
of  no  doubt  about  the  use  of  the  needle  in  the  navigation  of  the 
period : 

"  Take  a  magnet,  that  is  calamite.  You  will  find  it  has  two 
faces,  one  lies  toward  the  north  pole,  the  other  toward  the  south 
pole.  Each  of  the  faces  draws  the  needle  toward  that  pole  to 
which  that  face  is  turned ;  and  thereby  mariners  may  be  deceived 
if  they  are  not  on  their  guard." 

Brunetto  had  before  this  paid  a  visit  to  England,  and  spent 
some  time  at  Oxford  with  the  illustrious  monk,  the  greatest  of 
mathematicians  from  Archimedes  down,  the  chemist  whose  won 
derful  discoveries  secured  him  ten  years'  incarceration  as  a  magi 
cian,  the  marvel  of  his  age — Roger  Bacon.  Brunetto,  in  a  letter 
to  his  friend  Guido  Cavalcanti,  also  a  celebrated  poet  of  Florence, 
gives  the  following  account  of  his  visit  to  Oxford.  "We  trust  it 
will  be  found  sufficiently  interesting  to  justify  our  giving  a 
translation  of  the  whole  letter  : 

"  The  Parliament  being  summoned  to  assemble  at  Oxford,  I 
had  an  opportunity  of  visiting  that  famous  school,  of  which  you 
have  heard  so  much — happily  somewhat  sooner  than,  from  the 
nature  of  my  avocations,  I  might  have  otherwise  done. 

"  The  English  word  parliament  is  said,  by  some  learned  men 
here,  to  be  derived  quasi  parium  lamentum,  because  the  Eng 
lish  barons  (peers)  at  these  meetings  complain  of  the  enormities 
of  their  country.  But  I  am  of  opinion  it  is  borrowed  from  our 
word  parleure  (speech),  and  parleor  (an  orator),  as  indeed 
there  are  a  great  many  speakers,  and  often  much  virulent  speech 
delivered  in  these  assemblies. 

"  Our  journey  from  London  to  Oxford  was  made  in  two  days, 
not  without  difficulty  and  danger ;  for  the  roads  are  bad,  and 
we  had  to  climb  hills  of  hazardous  ascent,  which  to  descend 
are  eoually  perilous.  We  passed  through  many  woods  consid- 


36  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

ered  here  as  dangerous  places,  as  they  are  infested  with  robbers ; 
which  indeed  is  the  case  with  most  roads  in  England.  This  is 
connived  at  by  the  neighboring  barons,  for  the  consideration  of 
sharing  the  booty,  and  the  robbers  serving  their  protectors  on  all 
occasions,  personally,  and  with  the  whole  strength  of  their  band. 
However,  as  our  company  was  numerous,  we  had  not  much 
cause  to  tremble. 

"  Accordingly,  the  first  night  we  arrived  safely  at  Sherburn 
Castle,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Watlington,  under  the  chain  of 
hills  over  which  we  passed  at  Stocquinchurque. 

"  This  castle  was  built  by  the  Earl  of  Tanqucrville,  one  of  the 
followers  of  the  fortunes  of  William  the  Bastard  of  Normandy, 
who  invaded  England,  and  slew  King  Harold  in  a  battle  which 
decided  the  fate  of  this  kingdom.  As  the  barons  are  frequently 
embroiled  in  disputes  and  quarrels  with  the  sovereign  and  with 
each  other,  they  take  the  precaution  of  building  strong  castles 
with  lofty  towers  and  deep  moats,  with  drawbridges,  posterns, 
and  portcullises.  They  also  make  a  provision  of  victuals  in  case 
they  happen  to  be  besieged,  so  as  to  hold  out  for  a  considerable 
time.  They  have  also  a  large  collection  of  all  arms  and  ma 
chines  for  defense. 

"  The  country  around  Oxford  is  beautiful.  The  city  is  watered 
by  the  Cher  well  and  the  Isis,  or  Ouse,  which  rivers  wander  over 
the  land  in  many  a  wild  meander.  As  I  stood  viewing  these 
scenes  from  the  surrounding  hills,  this  thought  occurred  to  me : 
6  Medicine  and  the  useful  arts  are  commendable  pursuits.  But  a 
petty  trade  is  considered  ignoble ;  if  it  be  large,  and  very  pro 
ductive,  it  benefits  a  large  number  without  vanity,  and  is  not  to 
be  lightly  esteemed.  No  pursuit,  however,  is  better  than  agri 
culture,  more  satisfactory  or  more  worthy  of  a  gentleman  (franc 
home).9  Then  I  remembered  the  words  of  Horace  : 

'  Happy  is  he  quitting  all  trades,  who, 
As  did  they  of  the  olden  time, 
Cultivates  his  land  and  rears  his  beasts, 
Unknown  to  usurers,  and  unjust  to  none.' 

The  number  of  scholars  in  this  high-school  is  about  three  thousand : 
indeed,  their  number  is  too  great,  inasmuch  as  the  revenues  of 
their  houses  are  insufficient  for  their  support,  so  that  they  are 
constrained  to  ask  relief  at  the  butteries  of  the  great  barons  and 
the  cabins  of  their  vassals.  This  is  true  chietly  of  those  edu- 


ROGER  BACON.  37 

cated  to  be  priests  and  to  display  the  religion  and  the  faith  of 
Jesus  Christ,  with  the  rewards  of  the  good,  and  the  sufferings  of 
'the  wicked.  The  others,  who  are  to  practise  law  and  physic, 
or  other  learned  profession,  live  with  their  respective  societies, 
without  wrong  and  without  scandal. 

"  You  may  be  assured  I  did  not  fail  to  see  Friar  Bacon  as  soon 
as  possible.  He  is  the  only  one  I  could  hear  of  that  is  skilled  in 
Hebrew  and  Greek.  Even  the  Latin  they  use  is  not  that  of 
Tully,  and,  as  the  doctors  know  nothing  of  the  Romance  tongue, 
my  communication  with  them  was  very  slight.  But  I  had 
ample  amends  in  the  frequent  conversations  I  had  with  this  mir 
ror  of  good  learning. 

"  For,  unlike  one  described  by  Horace — 

'He  seeks  not  smoke  from  flame, 
But  light  from  smoke  to  give.' 

"  As  the  friar  studied  long  in  Paris,  he  makes  himself  well 
understood  in  the  Romance  language,  according  to  the  patois  of 
France.20  Friar  Roger  Bacon  is  a  Cordelier  of  the  order  of  Saint 
Francis  ;  he  is  a  D.  D.,  a  good  physician,  and  the  greatest  chem 
ist,  mathematician,  and  astrologer,  of  the  present  age.  He  is, 
moreover,  a  profound  philosopher,  and  has  made  a  number  of 
discoveries  which  have  brought  upon  him  the  imputation  of  sor 
cery  and  magic.  This  absurd  idea  rises  above  the  common  peo 
ple  and  even  the  scholars,  and  makes  his  own  community  and 

20  The  Romance  language  was  a  popular  Latin,  in  use  over  the  greater  part  of  Eu 
rope,  modified  in  different  countries  to  adapt  it  to  the  idiom  of  the  respective  races. 
From  the  twelfth  to  the  fourteenth  centuries  the  University  of  Paris  was  the  means  of 
diffusing  "  the  patois  of  France  "  far  and  wide.  Of  England,  Germany,  and  Italy,  it 
used  to  be  said : 

"  Filii  nobilium  dum  sunt  juniores 
Mittuntur  in  Franciam  fieri  doctores." 

Thus  the  French,  the  dialect  of  the  provinces  north  of  the  Loire  only,  prevailed 
over  the  Provenfal,  the  southern  dialect  of  the  Romance,  that  of  the  Troubadours. 
Roger  Bacon  and  Chaucer  used  it ;  Frederick  II.,  the  German  emperor,  wrote  his 
poems,  and  Marco  Polo  his  adventures,  in  the  idiom  of  Paris  ;  and  we  find  Brunetto 
corresponding  in  it  with  his  fellow-townsmen  of  Florence.  Dante  and  Petrarch  had 
not  yet  formed  the  Italian. 

Europe  has  at  present  seven  literary  modifications  of  the  Romance  language.  Of 
these,  three  preserve  the  name  ;  the  Rvuman,  of  the  Danubian  Principalities ;  the  Rou- 
mansch,  or  Romanese,  of  the  Grisons  of  Switzerland ;  and  the  Lower  Romanese,  called 
also  the  Latinique,  of  the  Engadine,  on  the  borders  of  the  Tyrol  The  languages  of 
Italy,  Spain,  Portugal,  and  France,  are  the  other  members  of  the  family. 


38  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

the  doctors  fear  and  shun  him.  This  makes  him  cautious  about 
his  experiments  ;  but  he  assures  me  he  has  placed  on  record  his 
several  discoveries,  and  that  they  will  be  found  after  his  death 
among  his  papers,  for  they  do  not  suit  the  times  we  live  in, 
when  all  learning  is  a  vain  study  of  abstruse  speculations  pro 
ducing  nothing  useful.  I  told  him  the  story  which  you  and  I 
have  both  frequently  heard,  of  the  Brazen  Head — how  that  he 
and  his  brother  in  religion,  Friar  Thomas  Bungey,  had  labored 
seven  years  to  complete  it,  in  order  to  know  whether  it  would 
not  be  possible  to  inclose  England  within  a  wall  and  rampart, 
and  that  they  foiled  after  all  to  receive  the  answer,  because  not 
expecting  it  so  soon,  they  were  both  out  of  the  way,  and  did  not 
hear  the  reply  which  the  Oracle  had  made.  It  is  very  certain 
that  the  friar  has  invented  many  wonderful  machines,  in  particu 
lar,  a  head  of  brass  which  utters  certain  sounds.  This  is  un 
doubtedly  the  Brazen  Head  which  gave  rise  to  the  story  of  the 
oracle.  He  showed  me  curious  mirrors  of  his  invention.  One 
sort  sets  fire  to  any  combustible,  when  under  the  sun's  rays ; 
another,  in  which  figures  are  made  to  appear  and  disappear  at 
pleasure ;  a  third,  which  enables  a  person  to  discover  objects  at 
a  great  distance,  not  discernible  by  the  naked  eye.21  In  the  pur 
suit  of  these  discoveries  he  has  spent  a  great  deal  of  money.  He 
has  now  succeeded  to  a  large  property ;  and  his  family,  being 
wealthy,  had  liberally  supplied  him  with  means.  He  told  me 
that  he  knew  a  method  of  combining  saltpetre  with  charcoal  in 
certain  proportions,  so  as  to  produce  wonderful  effects  on  being 
touched  with  the  least  possible  spark  of  fire.22  I  had  no  oppor- 

21  The  discovery  of  an  instrument  of  long  sight  by  the  arrangement  of  convex  and 
concave  glasses  in  a  tube,  is  generally  attributed  to  a  Dutch  spectacle-maker  of 
Middlebourg,  about  the  year  1600;  its  application  in  the  telescope,  to  Galileo,  who 
began  with  a  magnifying  power  of  four,  then  of  seven,  finally  of  thirty,  with  which 
he  made  out  the  satellites  of  Jupiter  and  the  lunar  mountains.     We  see  that,  nearly 
four  centuries  before,  Bacon  had  anticipated  them.     The  Chinese  had  such  instru 
ments  in  use  long  ages  before  the  Christian  era. 

22  The  discovery  and  use  of  gunpowder  are  of  much  older  date  than  is  generally  al 
lowed.     The  German  monk,  Berthold  Schwarz,  is  commonly  credited  with  the  inven 
tion.     But  it  is  noticed  in  the  works  of  two  churchmen  who  lived  a  century  before 
Schwarz — Albertus  Magnus,  the  Dominican  monk,  who  gave  up  an  archbishopric,  to 
be  free  to  pursue  his  scientific  researches  ;  and  our  present  acquaintance,  Friar  Bacon. 

Gunpowder  was  employed  in  Europe  certainly  as  early  as  1257,  if  not  before,  at 
the  siege  of  Niebla,  in  Spain ;  and  there  is  no  doubt  of  its  ha^ng  been  in  use  by  the 
Arabs  much  earlier.  In  an  Arab  treatise  on  engines  of  war,  in  the  early  part  of  the 


GUNPOWDER.— THE  MAGNET.  39 

tunity  of  witnessing  the  experiment,  but  some  persons  in  whose 
presence  he  had  performed  it  assured  me  that  it  had  the  closest 
resemblance  to  thunder  and  lightning.  It  is,  I  suppose,  on  ac 
count  of  the  great  noise,  that  the  good  friar  is  so  cautious  of  mak 
ing  any  trial  of  it  except  in  retired  places,  laboring  as  he  does 
under  the  suspicion  of  being  a  necromancer.  He  further  showed 
me  a  black,  ugly  stone,  the  magnet,  to  which  iron  readily  ad 
heres.  If  a  needle  be  rubbed  upon  it,  and  then  left  free  to  float 
on  the  surface  of  water  by  means  of  a  reed,  the  •  point  of  the 
needle  turns,  and  remains  steadily  pointing  to  the  polar  star. 
So  that,  be  the  night  ever  so  obscure,  and  neither  star  nor  moon 
be  visible,  the  mariner  by  the  help  of  the  needle  holds  on  his 
right  course.  This  discovery,  which  appears  so  useful  to  all  who 
voyage  by  sea,  encounters  great  prejudice,  even  on  the  part  of 
seamen,  so  that  pilots  use  it  with  caution  for  fear  of  falling  under 
the  suspicion  of  magic,  as  every  thing  which  is  not  understood  is 
commonly  attributed  to  some  infernal  agency.  The  time  will 
come,  no  doubt,  when  these  prejudices,  which  are  so  great  a  hin- 
derance  to  research  into  the  secrets  of  Nature,  will  die  out,  and 
mankind  will  then  reap  the  benefit  of  the  labors  of  Friar  Bacon, 
and  do  justice  to  the  genius  and  industry  which  now  meet  with 
mistrust  and  obloquy." 

We  next  come  upon  works  of  very  great  value :  an  elaborate 
"  Review  of  Ancient  Astronomy,"  by  John-Baptist  Riccioli,  the 
great  astronomer  of  Ferrara,  also  a  churchman ;  and,  by  the 
same  author,  a  treatise  in  twelve  books  on  geography  and  hy 
drography.  In  chapter  xviii.  of.  the  tenth  book  of  this  latter 
work,  a  chapter  on  the  compass,  we  are  informed  that — 

"  Under  the  reign  of  Saint-Louis  (1226-'70),  French  navigators 
used  the  magnetized  needle,  which  they  kept  swimming  in  a 
little  vase  of  water,  supported  by  two  tubes  so  as  not  to  sink." 

Riccioli  claims  for  the  Northmen  from  a  remote  antiquity 
the  use  of  the  magnet  in  their  navigation.  He  says : 

thirteenth  century  it  is  described  under  the  name  by  which  it  is  at  present  known. 
The  Arabs  may  have  imported  it  from  China ;  but  the  so-called  Greek  fire,  which  was 
introduced  into  Greece  from  China  by  Callinichus,  architect  of  Heliopolis,  in  the 
year  673,  was  nothing  else  than  gunpowder,  which  was  thrown  in  the  form  of 
fusees  and  explosive  shells.  The  Roman  fireworks,  which  began  to  be  used  in 
theatrical  representations  about  the  end  of  the  third  century,  were  also  of  Chinese 
origin.  Records  of  that  wonderful  people  carry  back  the  use  of  gunpowder  to  a  very 
high  antiquity. 


40  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

"  In  the  seventh  century,  the  navigators  of  the  Baltic  and  of 
the  German  Ocean,  instead  of  a  needle,  used  a  triangular  piece  of 
iron  wire,  which  swam  in  a  small  vessel  of  water,  and  the  use  of 
this  instrument  was  considered  among  them  to  be  of  great  an 
tiquity  (valde  antiquus)" 

It  is  remarkable  that  the  compass  which  Yasco  de  Gama 
found  in  use  among  the  pilots  of  the  Indian  Ocean  was  similar 
to  this  of  the  Northmen,  only,  instead  of  being  of  iron  wire,  it  was 
a  simple  iron  plate  magnetized,  supported  on  the  surface  of  a 
vase  of  water  in  the  same  way.  This  we  learn  from  the  Cicero 
of  Portugal,  Bishop  Osorio,  who,  about  the  middle  of  the  six 
teenth  century,  wrote  a  great  work,  "  De  rebus  Emmanuelis  vir- 
tute  et  auspicio  gestis  "  ("  The  Golden  Age  in  Portugal "). 

After  the  learned  authorities,  it  is  pleasant  to  turn  to  a 
professor  of  the  gay  science,  and  to  find  the  minstrel  as  good  a 
witness  as  the  mathematician.  Gauthier  d'Espinois  commences 
one  of  his  ballads  with  this  simile : 

"  As  ever  the  magnet  inclines 

The  needle,  when  the  charm's  once  wrought : 
So  who  my  lady's  beauty  divines, 
He  too's  irretrievably  caught." 

Gauthier  was  a  friend  of  Thibaut  IV.,  King  of  Navarre 
(1205-' 5 3),  who,  besides  being  a  renowned  warrior  and  Crusader, 
also  cultivated  literature  and  poetry,  and  left  at  his  death  a 
number  of  ballads,  more  than  sixty  of  which  are  still  preserved. 

The  poem  of  Gauthier' s  reminds  us  of  a  more  ancient  idyl, 
from  the  pen  of  Claudian,  the  last  of  the  line  of  classical  poets, 
in  whom  appeared  once  more,  before  its  final  extinction  amid  the 
decay  and  ruins  of  the  Latin  Empire,  the  genius  of  Horace  and 
Yirgil.  Claudian  had  the  misfortune  to  be  court-poet  to  a  roi 
faineant,  Honorius ;  a  reign  made  memorable  by  the  sack  and 
pillage  of  Rome  by  the  Goth  Alaric  in  the  year  409.  The  poem 
which  we  borrow  from  Claudian,  offers  an  ingenious  allusion  to 
the  loves  of  Mars  and  Yenus,  founded  on 

THE  MAGNET. 

"  0  thou,  with  anxious  mind  worming  out  the  secrets  of  Nature, 
Seeking  to  unravel  her  mysteries  : 

How  the  moon  wanes  and  increases,  what  power  eclipses  the  sun : 
Who  wouldst  search  out  the  cavern  of  the  winds. 


THE  MAGNET.  4 

And  what  convulses  the  bowels  of  the  earth  : 

Thou  wouldst  know — who  sends  the  cloud  with  the  lightning-flash, 

And  speaks  in  the  solemn  responding  peal, 

And  what  light  determines  the  colors  of  Iris. 

If  thy  understanding  grasp  the  truth,  inform  me  also, 

For  I  hmg  to  resolve  these  problems. 

A  stone  there  is  by  the  name  of  Magnet, 

Colorless,  unattractive,  despised  ; 

Its  lot  is  not  to  adorn  the  hair  of  the  Caesars, 

Or  the  alabaster  throat  of  the  virgin, 

Nor  does  it  set  off"  as  a  clasp  the  warrior's  tunic : 

Yet  the  powers  of  this  dark  stone  are  prized  above  the  fairest  gems, 

And  whatever  the  Indian  fisherman  may  produce 

Of  Oriental  pearls,  it  will  surpass. 

That  stone — it  lives !  but  to  iron  it  owes  its  life, 

And  by  the  unbending  bar  it  is  fed : 

Iron  is  its  nourishment,  its  stimulus,  its  banquet ; 

It  renews  through  iron  its  exhausted  strength  ; 

This  rude  aliment  animates  its  members 

And  long  preserves  a  latent  vigor. 

The  iron  absent,  the  magnet  languishes, 

Sadly  numbed  with  hunger  it  succumbs, 

And  thirst  dries  up  its  opened  veins. 

"  Mars,  with  blood-stained  lance  chastising  cities — 
Venus,  who  resolves  the  miseries  of  mortals  by  her  tender  gifts, 
Have  in  common  the  sanctuary  of  a  golden  temple. 
The  divinities  have  not  the  same  image : 
Mars  appears  in  the  glistening  iron, 
The  loving-stone  represents  the  Cyprian  goddess. 
The  priest  with  the  accustomed  rites  celebrates  their  union 
The  torches  light  the  dance,  myrtle  crowns  the  temple-gate, 
The  nuptial  purple  veils  the  lovers'  couch ; 
Then  appears  a  prodigy  unheard  of: 
Venus  of  her  own  force  ravishes  her  spouse. 
Recalling  the  bonds  of  which  the  gods  were  witnesses, 
Her  voluptuous  breathing  attracts  the  limbs  of  Mars : 
Around  the  helmet  of  the  God  her  arms  are  clasped, 
And  with  live  chains  she  holds  him  captive. 
She  sustains  his  weight — while  he, 
Excited  by  the  amatory  impulse  of  her  breath, 
Allows  himself  to  be  ensnared  with  bands  invisible. 
At  the  Hymen,  Nature  herself  presides. 
A  tenacious  breath  is  the  marriage-bond  ; 
Their  stolen  bliss  with  joy  the  gods  renew. 
"What  secret  heat  constrains  the  sympathetic  metals? 
What  inspires  the  mutual  penchant  under  their  rude  exterior? 


42  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

The  loving-stone  glows  and  betrays  a  conscious  trouble 

In  the  presence  of  the  friendly  steel : 

Which,  in  turn,  learns  the  lesson  of  a  placid  love. 

Thus,  with  a  look  does  Venus  soften  and  arrest  her  bosom's  lord, 

When,  heated  with  blood  and  brandishing  naked  steel, 

He  urges  his  fierce  coursers  and  whets  their  rage. 

Alone,  she  encounters  them :  she  stills  his  raging  heart, 

She  tempers  its  fury  with  a  milder  flame. 

Peace  is  restored  to  his  soul.     Murderous  fights 

He  forgets.    The  blood-red  crest  is  seen  to  stoop — for  a  kiss! 

O  Love,  thou  cruel  boy !     What  sway  is  not  allowed  thee  ? 

Thou  art  indifferent  to  the  thunder-bolt  of  Jove. 

The  Thunderer  himself,  attacked  by  thee,  is  fain  to  quit 

Olympus,  and  amid  the  waves  bellows  as  a  bull. 

Thy  arrows  pierce  the  frozen  crag,  and  forms  inanimate : 

Rocks  feel  thy  darts.     A  secret  ardor  consumes  the  loadstone 

Whose  blandishments  the  hardened  steel  cannot  resist. 

Thy  flames  prevail  against  the  heart  of  marble." 

This  notion  of  the  attraction  of  Love  lias  given  its  name  to  the 
magnet  in  many  languages.  Chin-Tsang-ki,  the  author  of  a 
Chinese  .Natural  History,  under  the  title  of  "  Pent-tzou-chi-hy," 
written  twelve  hundred  years  ago,  says  of  the  loadstone : 

"It  attracts  iron  as  a  tender  mother  attracts  her 
Children  by  love.     Hence  its  name  Tsu-chy  (loving-stone). " 

This  name  has  also  been  adopted  by  the  Japanese  from  the 
Chinese. 

In  the  ancient  language  of  the  Hindoos,  the  Sanscrit,  which  has 
been  a  dead  language  now  some  twenty-two  hundred  years,  the 
magnet  was  called '  tkoumbdka,  the  kisser,  also  ay  askant  aman'i, 
the  precious  stone  beloved  of  iron.  These  names  remain  in  the 
modern  Indian  tongues,  Hindoostani,  Bengali,  etc.,  and  in  Sin 
ghalese,  the  loving-stone. 

In  some  of  the  European  languages  also  the  sentiment  is  found. 
The  French  call  it  the  aimant,  the  loving  one.  In  Spanish  and 
Portuguese  it  is  iman,  equivalent  to  amante,  the  lover.  The  inti 
mate  connection  for  eight  hundred  years  with  Asia  accounts  for 
the  prevalence  of  Oriental  ideas  and  of  Oriental  names  in  the 
Peninsula. 

In  colder  latitudes  and  among  more  roving  populations,  utility 
and  hardy  activity  displace  the  tender  and  soft.  In  Dutch  and 
Swedish  it  is  known  as  the  sailing-stone  (zeilsteen,  and  segel  steri). 


THE  MAGNET.  43 

In  the  British  Islands,  it  is  the  leading,  directing,  drawing  stone. 
This  last  is  the  sense  of  the  Irish  tarrangart,  the  drawer,  and 
of  the  Welsh  tywysfwn,  the  conductor :  while  the  English  load 
stone  corresponds  with  the  notion  of  the  loadstar  that  leads  or 
guides  in  the  heavens.  In  Icelandic,  the  identical  sense,  the  con 
ducting  or  leader  stone  (leider-stein}.  Bat  we  have  seen  Brunetto 
Latini  give  it  in  his  Romance  language,  the  name  of  calamite, 
by  which  it  is  at  present  best  known  in  Italy  and  the  Levant 
(It.  calamity  Gr.  Kd^a^lra).  This  name  is  supposed  to  refer  to 
the  primitive  way  of  suspending  the  needle  on  reeds  so  as  to  float 
on  the  surface  in  a  vase  of  water.  Kalamis,  in  Greek,  signifies  a 
reed,  and  Tcalamites  a  dweller  among  reeds,  and  this  was  the  name 
of  a  very  green  little  frog  whose  name  and  address  were  thus  con 
tained  in  one  word.  The  word  calamite  in  the  Eomance  language 
preserved  the  sense  of  green  frog,  and  was  applied  to  the  magnet 
ized  needle  from  its  supposed  resemblance  to  the  frog  floating  on 
reeds.  Hugo  Bertius,  who  lived  in  the  reign  of  Saint-Louis, 
King  of  France,  gives  a  graphic  account  of  this  frog-like  appa 
ratus.  The  Hebrew  term  Icalamitah  for  this  stone  may,  however, 
have  the  priority  of  age.  It  is  not  found  in  the  Bible,  but  its 
near  congener,  chalamish,  is  found  Deut.  viii.  15,  and  xxxii.  13, 
and  Psalm  cxiv.  8.  In  the  last-cited  text  it  seems  to  have  the 
sense  of  a  cut  or  sharpened  stone.  The  Talmud  calls  it  tJie  Stone 
of  Attraction.  The  ancient  Hebrew  prayers  contain  allusions  to 
the  magnet  under  the  name  of  Kalamitah,  and  also  of  Magnis. 
The  latter  appellation  (as  magnis,  magnes,  magnetes,  maghnathis, 
magnet^  magneet,  or  other  terminations  to  suit  the  idiom  of  the 
people)  appears  to  be  almost  universal,  even  where,  as  in  English, 
it  is  popularly  known  by  another  name.  It  has  no  such  other 
name  in  German,  Russian,  and  Magyar.  In  Arabic,  Turkish, 
Persian,  and  kindred  languages,  every  object  has  a  number  of 
names,23  scientific,  popular,  and  figurative :  al-maghnathis  is  the 
usual  designation  in  them  all  of  this  stone ;  one  of  its  other  names 
is  the  Stone  of  Devils,  and  another,  the  Stone  of  Attraction. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  magnet  is  a  Greek  word,  probably  from  its 
having  been  found  in  great  abundance  in  the  province  of  Mag 
nesia,  in  Lydia.  The  ancient  name  of  the  capital  of  Magnesia  was 
Heraclea,  or  city  of  Hercules  ;  hence  the  magnet  was  often  called 

23  As  many  as  a  thousand,  five  hundred,  and,  commonly,  hundreds. 


44  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

Ai&os  rjpafckela,  rendered  in  English  the  stone  of  Hercules,  also 
Mcvyvrja-ios  X/$o?  and  AvSi/cr)  X/$o9,  the  Magnesian,  and  the  Lydian 
Stone.  According  to  Nicander,  a  physician  who  wrote  medicine 
in  verse,  about  two  hundred  years  before  Christ,  it  was  the 
shepherd  Magnes  who  introduced  the  stone  to  the  knowledge  of 
mankind,  and  who  gave  it  his  own  name.  He  is  said  to  have 
made  the  discovery  when,  at  the  head  of  his  flock,  he  suddenly 
found  himself  fastened  to  the  soil  by  the  nails  of  his  sandals  and 
the  iron  point  of  his  staff. 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  Phoenicians  made  use  of 
the  compass  in  their  voyages.  Ancient  Phoenician  coins  bear  the 
impress  of  a  vessel,  at  the  prow  of  which  stands  a  woman  (their 
goddess  Astarte)  holding  in  one  hand  a  cross  and  with  the  other 
pointing  the  way  :  the  cross  symbolized  the  mariner's  compass  or 
cross  of  the  ancients,  which  is  thus  described  by  an  Arabian  writer 
of  the  thirteenth  century  (1242),  Boulak  Kibdjalick  :  «  They 
take  a  cup  of  water,  which  they  shelter  from  the  wind ;  they  then 
take  a  needle,  which  they  fix  in  a  peg  of  wood  or  straw,  so  as  to 
form  a  cross  /  they  then  take  the  magnes  and  turn  round  for 
some  time  above  the  cup,  moving  from  left  to  right,  the  needle 
following ;  they  then  withdraw  the  magnes,  after  which  the 
needle  stands  still  and  points  north  and  south." 

The  cross,  then,  was  a  fit  emblem  or  coat-of-arms  for  a  great 
commercial  and  maritime  people,  like  the  Phoenicians.  The  com 
pass  was  their  guide ;  they  symbolized  it  by  the  goddess  Astarte, 
who,  with  her  magnetic  cross,  indicated  to  them  a  path  across  the 
pathless  waves. 

Hercules  was  the  patron  divinity  of  the  Phoenicians.  This  was 
also  natural ;  the  magnes,  or  stone  of  Hwcules,  was  indispensable 
to  the  mariner,  as  it  was  the  chief  agent  in  making  the  compass 
which  was  his  guide. 

The  name  given  to  the  magnet  by  the  ancient  Egyptians 
shows  that  they  were  acquainted  with  its  two  opposite  properties 
of  attraction  and  repulsion.  The  loadstone  was  called  the  bone 
of  Haroeri,  and  the  iron  the  bone  of  Typhon.  Haroeri  was  the 
son  of  Osiris24  and  of  Isis,  who  conceived  him  while  in  the 
womb  of  her  own  mother  Khea,  so  that  he  was  born  at  the  same 

24  In  Egypt  brother  and  sister  often  became  man  and  wife.  While  in  Egypt, 
Abraham  and  Isaac  gave  out  that  Sarah  and  Rebecca  were  not  wives,  but  might  at 
any  moment  be  taken  hi  marriage  by  their  pretended  brothers  if  not  otherwise  engaged. 


THE  MAGNET.  45 

moment  with  both  his  parents.  Isis  was  the  emblem  of  the 
generative  and  fructifying  powers  of  Nature — Haroeri  that  of 
the  Universal  Cause :  while  Typhon,  also  a  son  of  Rhea,  having 
destroyed  Osiris,  the  Egyptian  Messiah,  the  benefactor  of  human 
ity,  became  the  emblem  of  Destruction,  the  ideal  of  the  powers 
of  Nature  inimical  to  man,  as  among  the  winds  the  dread  Ty 
phoon.  The  crocodile  and  the  scorpion  are  sacred  to  Typhon. 
Considering  Nature,  in  the  state  of  union  and  decomposition, 
under  the  symbol  of  Haroeri  and  Typhon,  the  Egyptian  priests 
seem  to  have  seen  an  image  of  these  conditions  in  the  action  of 
the  loadstone  on  the  iron,  according  as  the  stone  attracted  or 
repelled  the  metal. 

Indeed,  ample  evidence  exists  that  the  characteristics  of  mag 
netism,  and,  to  some  extent,  the  closely-related  phenomena  of 
electricity,  were  known  both  to  Egyptian  priests  and  to  Greek  nat 
uralists.  Diogenes  Laertius,  in  his  "  Lives  of  the  Philosophers ," 
gives  a  list  of  Aristotle's  works,  among  which  is  a  volume  on  the 
loadstone,  entitled  Ilepl  r^  Ai&ov — a  precious  contribution  to 
science  which  has  not  survived  the  lamentable  destruction  of  the 
great  Greek  libraries.  But  we  have  preserved  fragments  of  a 
work  of  that  truly  encyclopedic  master,  on  stones  in  general — 
their  extraction,  the  mines  and  the  countries  that  supplied 
them,  their  properties,  varieties,  colors,  and  their  application  in 
the  arts  and  in  medicine.  In  this  work,  Ilepl  r&v  AiQwv,  Aris 
totle  described  no  less  than  seven  hundred  different  kinds  of 
stones,  minerals,  and  metals,  the  greater  part  of  which  were  un 
known  even  by  name  to  the  non-artistic  majority  of  men.  "We 
cite  the  following  passage  from  this  work  as  a  condensed  ex 
position  of  all  that  can  be  said  even  to  this  day  upon  the 
magnetic  forces  in  the  loadstone,  upon  magnetism  by  influence 
or  artificial  magnets,  and  especially  on  the  polarity  of  the 
magnet : 

"  The  occult  force  by  which  this  stone  attracts  iron,  acts  even 
through  interposed  solid  bodies  as  well  as  through  the  air.  It 
has  not  only  an  attractive  force,  but  also  that  of  repulsion  ;  by 
the  one  angle  it  flies  from  the  iron,  while  with  the  other  face  it 
attracts  it.  The  one  face,  of  itself  regards  the  north,  the  oppo 
site  one  the  south.  Now,  the  magnet  has  the  property  of  infus- 

Cleopatra  was  the  wife  of  her  two  brothers  successively,  Ptolemy  XII.  and  XIII.,  as 
well  as  the  mistress  of  Caesar  and  of  Marc  Antony. 


46  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

ing  these  forces  into  an  iron  bar  —  which  on  being  applied  to  the 
loadstone  immediately  exercises  both  attraction  and  repulsion, 
and  assumes  precisely  the  same  direction  —  the  one  angle  regard 
ing  the  north,  the  other  the  south.  If  to  this  iron  you  apply  an 
other  bar,  the  former  will  produce  the  same  effects  upon  the  lat 
ter  as  the  loadstone  itself." 

In  the  work  on  the  Soul,  Ilepl  "¥vxf)s,  of  the  same  great 
genius,  he  reverts  to  this  topic,  speaking  of  the  loadstone  as  7; 
\l0rj,  the  stone,  par  excellence: 

Se  KOLI  @a\rj$  e'£  lov  aTTOfjLvrjfjLOvevovo-i,  KIVTJTI/COV  TI  rrjv 
,  elirep  TOV  \l&ov  e<f)rj  ^v^]V  e%€t,v,  OTL 


"  Now,  even  Thales  seems,  according  to  what  has  been  hand 
ed  down  concerning  him,  to  have  held  that  whatever  communi 
cates  movement  possesses  a  soul  ;  '  thus,  the  stone,'  he  said.  '  has 
a  soul  because  it  sets  iron  in  motion.'  ' 

Ancient  Chinese  topographical  works  also  contain  allusions 
to  the  minerals  of  their  own  and  neighboring  countries,  and  de 
scribe  situations  where  they  abound.  The  "Nan  Chouan  i  wey 
chi,"  or  "  Memoirs  on  the  Phenomena  of  the  Southern  Territo 
ries,"  relate  that  — 

"  On  the  capes  and  headlands  of  the  Chang-hai  (the  southern 
sea  on  the  coasts  of  Tonquin  and  Cochin-china)  shallows  abound, 
and  a  vast  amount  of  magnetic  stone,  so  that  the  large  foreign 
ships  which  are  fastened  with  iron  plates  are  attracted  as  they 
approach  the  coast  and  drawn  inshore  by  the  great  accumulation 
of  loadstones,  and  they  cannot  get  past  such  spots,  which  are 
very  numerous  in  the  south." 

It  is  a  remarkable  coincidence  that  the  greatest  of  ancient 
astronomers,  Claudius  Ptolemy,  was  aware  of  this  phenomenon 
in  the  China  seas.  In  the  very  detailed  enumeration  and  de 
scription  of  the  coasts  and  islands  of  those  waters,  contained  in 
the  second  chapter  of  the  seventh  book  of  his  "  Geography,"  he 
says: 

"  2aTvp(ov  vr\croiy   a)v  TO  fiera^v  fioipai  pod  2B  .   .   . 
ol  Kare^ovre^  ovpas  e^euv  \eyovrcu,  oirolas  $iaypd<t>ov(ri  ras 
o-arvpcov.     fyepovrai  8e  teal  aXXat  avve^elv  Sew    ev  als  <pdcn  ra 

25  Ptolemy's  zero  of  longitude  was  on  the  meridian  of  the  Fortunate  Islands 
(Canaries),  the  westernmost  land  known  to  him.  His  localities  are  identified  by  data 
more  reliable  than  his  figures,  which  are  often  wide  of  the  truth. 


THE  MAGNET.  47 


7r\oia  /tare^ecr^at,  /^Trore  r?}?  rjpaic\eias 
irepl  aura?  <yevv(t)fj,€vr)s.     8ia  TOVTO  enriovpoi 
iv  76  /cal  aura?  av&pcoTro^dyov?  /caXov/jievovs 

"  The  islands  of  the  satyrs,  the  centre  one  of  which  is  171° 
....  Those  who  inhabit  these  isles  are  fabled  to  have  tails,  such 
as  are  drawn  for  satyrs.  There  are  said  to  be  other  islands  to  the 
number  of  ten,  lying  near  these,  at  which  ships  having  iron 
fastenings  are  arrested  by  the  stone  of  Hercules  there  existing, 
wherefore  ships  are  put  together  with  treenails.  The  islands  are 
said  to  be  in  the  possession  of  man-eaters  called  Manioles." 

Centuries  earlier,  one  greater  than  Ptolemy  had  made  allu 
sion  to  this  phenomenon.  Aristotle,  who,  accompanying  his 
pupil  Alexander  the  Great  in  his  Asiatic  expedition,  accumulated 
vast  stores  of  facts  in  natural  history  in  the  many  countries 
overrun,  affirms  in  the  above-mentioned  work,  Ilepl  TWV  Al&cw, 
that— 

"  On  the  coasts  of  the  Indian  Ocean  are  masses  of  magnetic 
rock.  If  vessels  approach,  they  lose  their  nails  and  iron  fasten 
ings,  which  are  attracted  away  from  the  vessels  so  that  the  force 
of  cohesion  of  the  wood  cannot  retain  them.  On  account  of 
these  dangers,  ships  that  navigate  those  seas  are  not  fastened  with 
iron  nails,  but  with  nails  of  soft  wood  that  swell  in  the  water." 

Galen,  the  great  Greek  physician,  also  writing  a  work  on 
stones,  declares  : 

"  On  the  coasts  of  the  Indian  Ocean  the  magnet  is  found  in 
great  abundance,  so  that  seamen  dare  not  take  their  ships  in 
close  to  the  shore  if  fastened  with  iron  nails,  nor  must  they  have 
any  sort  of  iron-  work  ;  for,  on  approaching  those  magnetic  cliffs, 
all  the  nails  and  whatever  of  iron  they  possess  are  attracted  away 
by  the  magnetic  force." 

The  mention  of  Galen  reminds  us  of  a  word  upon  our  theme 
from  another  physician,  who  was  also  busy  with  stones,  Marcel- 
lus  Empiricus,  physician  of  Theodosius  the  Great,  the  last  sov 
ereign  of  an  undivided  Eoman  Empire.  He  says  : 

"The  loadstone,  called  Antiphyson,  attracts  and  repels 
iron." 

These  words  show  a  familiarity,  as  early  as  the  fourth  cen 
tury,  with  the  inverse  action  of  the  poles  of  the  magnet  or  the 
existence  of  two  magnetic  fluids.  The  term  Antiphyson  admi 
rably  expresses  this  natural  incompatibility. 


48  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

St.  Ambrose  (in  the  sixth  century)  gives  a  narrative  of  a 
Theban's  voyages  in  the  Indian  Ocean.  Speaking  of  the  island 
Taprobana  (Ceylon),  he  says : 

"  There  are  about  a  thousand  other  islands  called  Mannioles, 
which  are  subject  to  the  chief  of  the  four  kings  of  Taprobana. 
In  them  is  found  in  great  abundance  the  stone  called  magnes, 
which  attracts  the  nature  of  iron  by  its  force :  so  that,  if  a  ship 
approach  that  has  iron  nails,  she  is  retained  there  and  cannot  get 
farther,  by  I  know  not  what  hinderance,  the  source  of  which  is 
in  that  stone.  For  this  reason  wooden  nails  are  exclusively  used 
to  fasten  ships  in  that  trade." 

The  abundance  of  magnetic  rocks  and  sands  in  the  Eastern 
seas  is  noticed  in  a  later  age  by  the  Arab  geographers.  Cherif- 
Edrisi,  who  wrote  a  number  of  geographical  treatises,  and  con 
structed  a  terrestrial  globe  in  silver  for  King  Eoger  of  Sicily 
about  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century,  relates  of  El-Mandeb, 
at  the  Red  Sea  straits  called  Bab-el-Mandeb  (the  Mandeb  Gate) : 

"  It  is  a  mountain  surrounded  on  all  sides  by  the  sea,  and 
highest  on  the  southern  side.  Its  direction  is  northwest,  and  its 
length  twelve  miles.  Where  it  approaches  the  Abyssinian  coast 
it  is  broken  into  islets  and  reefs  of  considerable  extent,  so  that 
that  part  of  the  sea  is  not  navigable.  In  the  midst  of  these  reefs 
and  isles,  there  is  a  range  called  Moorookein,  not  very  much  ele 
vated  above  the  level  of  the  sea.  It  is  a  continuous  mass  of 
magnetic  rocks,  and  no  vessel  fastened  with  iron  nails  may  ven 
ture  to  pass  near  it,  without  risk  of  being  drawn  inshore  and 
retained  there." 

In  his  geographical  works  this  author  mentions  repeatedly 
the  use  of  the  magnet  in  navigation.  A  similar  account  of 
masses  of  oxide  of  iron  on  the  coasts  of  Arabia  and  India,  is 
given  by  Bailak,  a  native  of  Kipchak,  near  Cairo,  who  wrote  also 
an  elaborate  and  most  curious  treatise  on  stones,  called  "  Thesau 
rus  of  Merchants  for  the  Knowledge  of  Stones."  He  devotes  a 
considerable  space  to  a  description  of  the  loadstone,  its  proper 
ties  and  uses  in  navigation,  and  it  is  evident  that  he  is  not  writ 
ing  of  an  art  newly  invented  or  received,  but  of  an  apparatus 
generally  known  and  used  in  the  Levant.  What  he  says  of  the 
use  of  the  magnetic  fish,  in  the  Indian  seas,  goes,  with  other 
authorities  cited,  to  show  that  this  was  the  primitive  form  of  sea- 
compass  all  the  world  over : 


THE  COMPASS.  49 

"  I  was  an  eye-witness,  during  a  voyage  from  Tripoli  in  Syria 
to  Alexandria,  in  the  year  640,  of  the  practice  of  the  Syrian  pilots 
in  making  use  of  the  loadstone. 

"  The  night  was  so  obscure  that  no  star  could  be  perceived  so 
as  to  enable  the  seamen  to  make  out  the  four  cardinal  points. 
But  there  was  a  vase  filled  with  water  placed  in  the  interior  of 
the  ship,  on  the  surface  of  which  floated  a  needle  fixed  in  a 
wooden  or  reedy  float  in  the  form  of  a  cross,  the  needle  having 
first  been  rubbed  with  a  loadstone  just  large  enough  to  fill  the 
palm  of  the  hand,  or  smaller.  The  needle  thus  magnetized,  by 
its  two  points  looks  north  and  south.  Navigators  in  the  Indian 
Ocean,  instead  of  the  needle  and  its  reed  or  wooden  float,  as  with 
us,  make  use  of  a  magnetic  iron  fish,  hollow,  and  so  constructed 
that  when  it  is  thrown  into  the  water  it  swims,  and  it  indicates  by 
its  head  and  tail  the  two  points  south  and  north.  The  expla 
nation  of  the  fish  floating,  though  of  iron,  is  this :  that  all  metallic 
bodies,  even  the  hardest  and  heaviest,  when  made  into  hollow 
vessels,  displace  a  larger  quantity  of  water  than  their  weight,  and 
not  only  swim  on  the  surface,  but  can  carry  a  weight  as  a  coun 
terpoise  to  the  water  displaced." 5 

Bailak  reminds  us  of  a  very  common  school  experiment  in 
physics.  After  having  exhibited  the  needle  fixed  on  a  pivot, 
the  operator  places  it  on  a  disk  of  cork  floating  in  a  vase  of  water. 
The  disk  is  observed  to  turn  slowly  round  and  stop  exactly  when 
the  needle  acquires  the  identical  direction  it  had  when  on  the 
pivot.  In  this  experiment  it  is  an  important  point  that  the  disk 
turns  only,  in  one  sense  or  the  other ;  it  does  not  advance  either 
toward  the  north  or  the  south,  whence  the  conclusion  is  that  the 
force  acting  on  the  needle  is  in  reality  not  attractive  but  simply 
directing. 

The  iron  fish  recalls  the  notion  of  the  old  Provencal  and  Le 
vant  sailors  before  mentioned,  of  a  green  frog,  in  their  name  of 
the  instrument,  calamite,  a  notion  beyond  all  doubt  of  Oriental 
origin  :  the  creature  is  known  to  the  Burmese  navigators  as  the 
lizard. 

The  names  by  which  the  case  or  instrument  containing  the 
needle  is  known,  generally  express  the  simple  notion  of  a  box  or 
inclosure.  In  the  northern  languages — English,  Dutch,  Ger- 

26  It  is  a  pity  Bailak  did  not  let  us  know  whether  this  principle,  so  clearly  enunciated, 
had  been  utilized  in  the  construction  of  iron  ships,  in  his  day. 


50  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

man5  Kussian,  and  the  Scandinavian  dialects — there  is  but  one 
word,  compass,  or  kompast,  signifying  the  encompassing  'or 
inclosing  thing.  The  box  is  more  distinctly  expressed  by  the 
Italian  name  bussola,  equivalent  to  the  modern  word  ~bossolo,  a 
box,  whence,  in  Portuguese  and  Polish,  ~bussola,  and  in  French 
loussole,  and  modern  Greek  mpousoulas.  There  is  also  in 
Arabic  a  word  applied  to  the  compass — one  of  its  numerous 
names  in  that  language — very  much  resembling  in  sound  the 
Italian  name ;  it  is  moossaleh,  and  in  Arabic  the  initial  m  has 
frequently  a  cold  in  the  head,  and  is  pronounced  /b"  This  Arabic 
word  signifies  a  dart  or  point,  which  seems  artistic  and  charac 
teristic  of  the  instrument,  while  the  notion  of  a  box  would  rep 
resent  the  rude  appreciation  of  a  person  ignorant  of  the  essential 
contents.  It  is  possible  that  bussola  is  derived  from  the  Arabic 
word,  and  may  not  have  been  suggested  by  the  low  Latin  ~buxis 
or  any  other  word  signifying  box. 

It  is  also  possible  that  the  word  originated  in  the  Arabic 
name  for  the  ocean.  Edrisi  (El  Edressi),  an  Arabian  writer  on 
geography,  of  the  twelfth  century,  says  : 

"  The  outer  ocean,  that  in  which  the  compass  was  necessary, 
is  called  El  Bahar  el  Bossul,  the  violent  (boussale  is  the  present 
name  for  the  compass),  as  distinguished  from  El  Bahar  El  Muit." 

The  Italians  or  Amalfitans  in  their  trade  with  the  Saracens 
must  have  become  in  a  measure  acquainted  with  the  language  of 
the  Arabs,  hence  perhaps  the  word  bussola  was  first  applied,  in 
Italian,  to  the  compass. 

The  popular  name  of  the  compass  in  the  Turkish  marine  is 
pousola.  But  its  most  accepted  designation  in  Arabic  and  in 
the  kindred  dialects,  the  Turkish  and  Persian,  is  Tdbleh  ndmeh, 
signifying  mirror  of  the  south,  and  kibleh  numd,  indicator  of 
the  south.  Most  likely  this  denomination  came  from  the  Chinese, 
who  hold  that  the  magnetic  needle  points  to  the  south,  and  call 
it  chi  nan,  indicator  of  the  south.  The  south  is  most  in  honor 
throughout  Asia.  In  China  the  throne  is  always  turned  toward 
the  south,  as  is  the  principal  facade  of  all  public  buildings.  The 
south  is  considered  the  front,  the  north  the  back,  of  the  world. 
The  piety  of  the  Mussulman  supports  this  opinion.  He  turns 
his  face,  in  saying  his  prayers,  toward  the  temple  of  Mecca,  which 
is,  in  general,  situated  southward  from  Mohammedan  countries. 

27  E.  g.,  Mahomet,  often  pronounced  Baphomet. 


THE  COMPASS.  51 

The  Arab  word  Jcibleh,  therefore,  signifying  that  which  should  be 
in  front,  or  facing  us,  is  applied  to  the  southern  part  of  the 
heavens,  means  south,  and  to  the  southward.  Perfectly  synony 
mous  with  it,  is  the  Chinese  word  thsian,  which  is  used  in  both 
acceptations. 

We  have  seen  that,  in  the  days  of  Boger  Bacon,  the  use  of  the 
compass  was  one  of  the  arts  supposed  to  have  some  connection 
with  an  infernal  agency.  We  have  not,  however,  found  in  the 
languages  of  Europe,  which  we  have  mentioned,28  this  idea  of 
necromancy  expressed  in  the  popular  name  of  the  instrument. 
The  Spanish  alone  has  this  merit.  In  that  language,  the  name 
by  which  the  compass  is  known,  is  not  allied  with,  or  derived 
from,  its  name  in  any  other  tongue :  it  conveys  distinctly  the 
notion  of  sorcery  or  divination.  Brujo  means  a  man  in  pact 
with  the  Evil  One,  a  sorcerer.  The  verb  brujulear  is,  to  prac 
tise  divination.  Brujula  is  the  compass.  Those  who  gave  it 
this  name  evidently  considered  it,  in  some  degree,  of  preter 
natural  and  magical  origin ;  hence  we  find  the  Spanish  pilots 
avoid  the  general  term  compass,  brujula,  preferring  the  more 
specific  and  technical  needle,  la  aguja.  On  the  other  hand, 
among  the  followers  of  the  Prophet,  the  compass  is  an  essential 
part  of  the  material  of  devotion.  The  pious  Mussulman  in 
prayer,  as  we  have  said,  turns  his  face  toward  the  temple  of 
Mecca,  and  carries  the  compass  about  him  habitually  with  this 
purpose. 

In  the  writings  of  the  Arabs,  and  of  the  Chinese  from  a  very 
early  date,  traces  abound  of  their  acquaintance  with  the  variation 
of  the  compass,  though  the  discovery  is  one  of  the  reputed  glo 
ries  of  Columbus,  founded  on  an  entry  in  the  journal  of  his  first 
voyage  under  date  of  September  17,  1492.  But,  if  he  under 
stood  the  phenomenon,  he  has  not  done  himself  justice,  since 
the  journal  records  his  conviction  that  the  star  had  shifted, 
not  the  needles.  Fournier,  on  the  other  hand,  in  his  "  Hydro 
graphy  "  (chapter  x.,  of  book  xi.),  attributes  the  earliest  record 
of  the  needle's  declination  to  Sebastian  Cabot.  We  feel  no 
doubt,  however,  that  the  pilots  both  of  England  and  the  Penin 
sula  had  made  the  observation  before  the  days  of  Columbus  and 

28  Guyot  de  Provins  calls  it  Amani&re  in  the  poem  already  cited.  This  was  proba 
bly  a  modification  of  Aimant.  It  was  afterward  known  as  la  Mariniere,no  doubt  on 
account  of  the  services  it  renders  mariners. 


52  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

Cabot.  The  publication  of  his  journal  has  given  Columbus  the 
preeminence  in  the  European  roll  of  fame. 

But  Kow-tsung-chy,  author  of  a  work  of  great  erudition,  a 
medico-natural  history,  given  to  the  world  about  the  year  1110 
of  our  era,  gives  the  following  notice  of  the  loadstone,  and  of  the 
polarity  and  the  declination  of  the  magnetic  needle  : 

"  It  is  covered  with  small  slightly-reddish  spots,  and  its  sur 
face  is  studded  with  rough  points.  It  attracts  iron  and  adheres 
to  it,  and  on  that  account  is  called  The  stone  that  sniffs  the  iron. 
When  rubbed  with  the  loadstone,  an  iron  -  pointed  instrument 
acquires  the  property  of  pointing  to  the  south — not,  however, 
absolutely  due  south,  declining  always  toward  the  east.  This 
needle,  on  being  passed  through  a  reed  so  as  to  float  on  the  sur 
face  of  water,  turns  to  the  south,  but  always  with  a  declination 
toward  the  point  Ping,"  (that  is,  east  5°  6'  south)  "  which  is  the 
great  central  fire." 

The  Chinese,  who  regard  the  south  as  the  principal  pole,  speak 
of  the  declination  of  the  magnetic  needle  at  Peking  as  pretty 
constantly  2°  to  2°  30'  east,  while  European  observers,  reckoning 
from  the  opposite  pole  of  the  needle,  would  call  it  west  declina 
tion.  Nevertheless,  the  Chinese  have  not  always  taken  into  ac 
count  in  their  public  works  this  variation  of  the  compass.  Thus, 
the  east  and  west  walls  of  Peking,  constructed  under  the  second 
emperor  of  the  dynasty  of  Ming,  are  not  due  north  and  south, 
but  decline  2°  30'  from  south  to  east.  Hence  it  is  evident  that 
the  walls  were  oriented  by  the  compass  without  allowing  for  dec 
lination  of  the  magnetic  needle. 

Nothing  is  more  curious  than  the  accidental  vestiges,  like  so 
many  fossil  traces,  of  the  practical  arts  which  are  supposed  to 
be  of  modern  and  European  invention,  among  the  oldest  records 
of  Central  Asia — often  in  the  midst  of  poetic  fictions  and  the  ex 
travagances  of  Eastern  mythologies.  In  the  earliest  chapters  of 
Chinese  annals,  the  magnet,  its  attractive  force,  its  polarity,  its 
application,  are  thus  revealed  as  the  property  of  the  various  Tar 
tar  tribes  in  wandering  over  the  trackless  steppe.  At  the  head  of 
the  caravan  went  a  car,  on  the  box  of  which  stood  the  figure  of  a 
presiding  genius,  whose  right  arm,  outstretched,  contained  a  mag 
net.  However  the  car  turned  and  returned,  the  hand  of  the  gen 
ius  pointed  ever  to  the  south.  Modern  Chinese  history  attributes 
the  invention  of  this  magnetic  car  to  the  great  Emperor  Wang- 


MAGNETIC  CAR. 


53 


ti,  who  reigned  about  2,700  years  before  Christ.  But  the  pas 
sage  in  the  Wai-ki,  the  most  ancient  chronicle,  cited  as  the 
record  of  the  invention  by  Wang-ti,  has  nothing  to  show  that  it 
was  then  first  invented,  or  that  it  had  not  previously  been  a  well- 
known  resource  of  travelers.  The  chronicle  sets  forth  simply 
that  Wang-ti,  in  a  campaign  against  a  formidable  pretender  to 
the  throne,  at  a  time  when  the  fogs  were  so  dense  as  to  throw 
his  troops  into  disorder,  had  such  cars  made  in  order  that  his 
army  might  distinguish  the  four  quarters,  or  cardinal  points,  so 
that  each  division  might  occupy  its  proper  position.  This  inter- 


CHINESE  MAGNETIC  CAB. 

esting  passage  of  the  Wai-ki  is  cited  in  the  "  Tung-Kian-Kang- 
Mou,"  or  "  Grand  Annals  of  China,"  which  also  borrows  from  an 
other  ancient  chronicle  an  account  of  a  diplomatic  mission  from 
the  Yue-chang-Chi.  a  nation  occupying  a  part  of  the  peninsula 
of  Malacca,  to  the  Emperor  Ching-Wang,  1,110  years  before 
Christ. 

"  The  Yue-Chang-Chi,  who  are  to  the  south  of  Kiao-Chi " 
(Anam),  "  sent  three  envoys,  separately,  with  presents  to  the  em 
peror,  of  white  pheasants.  They  sent  word,  at  the  same  time 
that  as  the  distance  was  very  great,  and  the  country  intersected 


54  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

with  lofty  mountains  and  deep  rivers,  a  single  envoy  might  not 
reach  the  court,  and  that  they  judged  it  best  to  send  three. 

"  Chiou-Kung  (uncle  and  prime-minister  of  the  emperor)  re 
ceived  the  envoys  and  said  :  'If  the  benefits  of  our  prince's  vir 
tue  had  not  been  widely  diffused,  he  would  not  have  received 
this  homage  ;  if  his  mode  of  government  and  his  laws  were  not 
known  and  approved  everywhere,  our  prince  would  not  have 
counted  these  nations  among  his  vassals.'  The  envoys  declared 
the  motive  of  their  mission  :  '  The  senate  and  the  white-haired 
old  men  of  our  country  have  come  to  the  conclusion  that,  as 
during  three  years,  Heaven  had  sent  neither  furious  winds  nor 
protracted  rains  ;  that,  as  there  had  been  no  convulsions  inland 
or  inroads  of  the  sea,  a  holy  person  must  have  appeared  in  the 
Central  Kingdom  (China).  Hence  they  send  us,  to  present  the 
homage  of  our  people.' 

"  Chiou-Kung  then  conducted  them  to  the  temple  of  the  an 
cestors  of  the  imperial  family,  and  offered  a  solemn  sacrifice  be 
fore  the  images  of  the  ancient  kings.  The  embassy,  on  return 
ing  to  their  own  country,  missed  their  way,  whereupon  Chiou- 
Kung  presented  them  with  five  traveling-cars,  constructed  to 
show  the  south.  The  envoys  of  the  Yue-Chang-Chi,  traveling 
by  these  cars,  reached  safely  the  sea-coast,  which  they  followed  as 
far  as  the  kingdoms  of  Fou-nan  and  Lin-y"  (Gulf  of  Bengal), 
"  and  reached  home  the  year  following.  The  cars  which  showed 
the  south  were  always  driven  in  advance  to  show  the  way  to 
the  company  behind,  and  to  let  them  know  the  position  of  the 
four  cardinal  points." 

"We  also  read  that,  when  the  emperor  went  out  in  state,  the 
procession  was  always  headed  by  the  magnetic  car,  which  was 
driven  by  the  emperor's  master  of  the  horse.  To  familiarize 
the  people  with  the  four  cardinal  points  was  considered  one  of 
the  most  important  ends  of  state  progress ;  and  magnetic  cars 
were  officially  distributed  to  governors  of  provinces  and  the 
great  nobles. 

But  the  magnetic  car  for  long  journeys  was  provided  with 
another  ingenious  contrivance — destined  to  measure  and  report 
the  distance  traversed.  By  a  sort  of  clock-work  set  in  motion 
by  the  wheels  of  the  car,  at  the  end  of  every  league  a  figure  of  a 
man  in  wood,  with,  a  wooden  mallet,  was  made  to  start  out  and 
give  a  smart  tap  on  a  drum,  and  a  wheel  made  one  revolution. 


CHINESE  EEOOEDS  DESTKOYED.  55 

At  the  tenth  revolution,  another  wooden  manikin  overhead  rang 
a  bell. 

•  Unhappily,  in  the  year  223  before  Christ,  the  Emperor  Chi- 
Wang-ti  ordered  all  the  historical  monuments  of  legislation  and 
of  the  government  and  progress  of  the  country  to  be  collected 
and  burnt,  with  the  view,  not  only  of  abolishing  the  ancient  laws 
and  constitution,  but  of  extinguishing  the  very  memory  of  the 
past.  The  application  of  this  decree  seems  to  have  extended 
beyond  the  writings — to  their  authors  and  students — for  we  find 
that  no  less  than  five  hundred  men  of  letters  who  had  concealed 
themselves  in  the  mountains  were  hunted  out,  and  condemned, 
together  with  their  libraries  and  papers,  to  the  flames. 

The  mischief  was  to  a  certain  degree  retrieved  by  this  barba 
rian's  successor,  who  had  all  the  books  that  had  escaped  the 
flames  carefully  sought  out,  and  surviving  traditions  committed 
to  writing.  The  works  of  Confucius  (Kung-tze),  and  other  re 
puted  sacred  books,  were  recovered ;  but  alas !  the  destruction 
of  records  of  art  and  science  had  been  but  too  successful.  Espe 
cially  scanty  are  the  records  of  navigation.  There  are,  however, 
preserved  allusions  to  voyages  to  the  mouths  of  the  Indus,  in 
which  the  vessels  are  said  to  have  been  directed  by  the  magnetic 
needle  pointing  to  the  south.  The  "  You  Kio  Kou  zu  Kioung- 
lin,"  or,  "  The  Garden  of  Red  Jasper  for  Youth  to  rejoice 
in  the  Treasures  of  Antiquity,"  a  sort  of  cyclopaedia,  attributes 
to  Choo-Kung,  who  lived  1,100  years  before  our  era,  the  con 
struction  of  both  magnetic  cars  and  compasses.  And  the 
"  Grand  Annals  of  China,"  entitled  "  Tung  Kian  Kang-mou,"  in 
relating  the  wars  of  the  great  Emperor  Wang-ti,  already  men 
tioned,  cite  ancient  authorities  with  which  we  are  unacquainted, 
to  the  effect  that  during  his  reign  the  compass,  of  which  the 
needle  pointed  to  the  south  and  the  north,  was  in  use,  and  that 
by  means  of  its  indications  of  the  quarters  of  the  heavens,  build 
ings  were  oriented,  and  merchants  and  travelers  performed  their 
journeys.  These  are  the  sole  passages  in  which  the  use  of  the 
compass  as  such  is  expressly  mentioned  .as  in  use  at  that  remote 
period,  though  it  could  not  be  doubted  that,  once  the  polarity  of 
the  magnet  known,  as  has  been  shown  by  the  example  of  the 
magnetic  car,  so  ingenious  a  people  would  not  fail  in  mechanical 
appliances  suited  to  the  special  circumstances  and  requirements 
of  each  class  of  the  community.  Indeed,  the  magnetic  rod  in 


56  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

the  arm  of  a  wooden  figure  was  in  all  probability  an  elaboration 
of  an  original  mechanism,  which  must  have  been  simpler  and  on 
a  smaller  scale,  as  in  the  form  of  a  magnetized  needle  made  to 
float  on  water  or  to  move  freely  on  a  pivot.  There  is,  then, 
every  reason  to  believe  that  the  use  of  the  compass  in  China  is 
of  an  antiquity  more  remote  than  the  reign  of  Wang-ti,  which, 
as  we  have  said,  was  about  2,700  years  before  the  Christian  era. 

The  instrument  chiefly  in  use  at  that  early  period  appears 
to  have  been  the  water-compass,  which  we  have  already  seen 
in  use  by  the  Northmen  and  the  Arabs.  In  a  vase  filled  with 
water  the  needle  was  made  to  float,  supported  by  two  reeds. 

The  following  passage,  from  a  curious  and  voluminous  collec 
tion  of  facts  and  observations,  of  manners  and  usages,  in  North 
and  East  Tartary,  by  Nicolaes  "Witsen,  the  celebrated  Burgo 
master  of  Amsterdam,  published  about  the  middle  of  the  last 
century,  shows  that,  down  to  a  comparatively  recent  period, 
the  compass  of  this  primitive  type  universal  was  still  in  use  in 
the  Chinese  waters.  This  extract,  which  has  other  statements 
fitted  to  arrest  attention,  forms  part  of  a  chapter  on  the  penin 
sula  of  the  Corea,  the  land  forming  the  east  coast  of  the  great 
inland  water  called  the  Yellow  Sea,  on  the  northwestern  part  of 
which  is  the  Gulf  of  Pe-che-li  and  the  mouth  of  the  Pei-ho,  on 
whose  banks  stands  Peking  : 

"  Het  Buskruit,  zoo  wel  als  den  Druk,  is  van  voor  duizend 
jaer  by  hen,  zoo  zy  zeggen,  bekent  geweest ;  gelijk  als  mede 
het  compas,  hoewel  van  andere  gadaente  als  hier  te  lande,  want 
zy  bedienen  zich  slechts  van  een  klein  houtje  voor  scherp  en 
achter  stomp,  't  geen  in  een  tobbe  waters  werd  geworpen,  en  dus 
met  de  scherpe  punt  Zuyden  wyst ;  na  alien  schyn  zal  daer  bin- 
nen  de  Magnetische  kracht  verborgen  zyn.  Acht  streeken  winds 
weten  zy  te  onderscheiden.  De  compassen  zyn  ook  van  twee 
houtjes,  kruiswys  over  malkander  gelegt,  daervan  een  der  ein- 
den  't  geen  Zuyden  wyst  wat  vooruit  stecht." 

"  Gunpowder  and  printing  have  been  known  to  them,  so  they 
say,  above  a  thousand  years :  the  same  of  the  compass,  though 
of  a  somewhat  different  form  to  ours.  They  use  only  a  small 
bit  of  wood,  sharp  in  front  and  blunt  behind  ;  this  is  placed  in  a 
tub  of  water,  and  the  sharp  point  points  to  the  south,  in  all 
probability  from  the  magnetic  force  concealed  therein.  They  dis 
tinguish  eight  points  or  rhumbs  of  winds.  They  have  also  com- 


CHINESE  COMPASS.  57 

passes  composed  of  two  pieces  of  wood  laid  over  each  other  cross 
wise,  of  which  one  of  the  ends  which  shows  the  south  projects." 

But  the  compass  without  water,  in  which  the  magnetic  needle 
rest  on  a  pivot,  is  also  very  ancient  in  China.  The  needle  rarely 
exceeds  an  inch  in  length  and  not  a  line  in  thickness.  It  is  sus 
pended  with  extreme  delicacy  and  is  singularly  sensitive,  that  is, 
it  appears  to  move  with  the  slightest  movement  of  the  box  to 
east  or  west,  although  in  fact  the  magnet  and  the  perfection 
of  the  mechanism  which  contains  it,  consist  in  this,  that  the 
needle  is  deprived  of  all  movement,  and  remains  constantly  di- 
re'cted  to  the  same  point  of  the  heavens,  whatever  be  the  ra 
pidity  with  which  the  box  of  the  compass  may  be  turned,  or  the 
other  objects  which  surround  it.  This  regularity  of  their  com 
pass  is  the  result  of  a  Chinese  invention.  A  band  of  thin  cop 
per  is  placed  about  the  centre  of  the  needle  and  fixed  by  the 
edges'  on  the  outside  of  a  small  hemispheric  cup,  reversed,  of  the 
same  metal.  This  cup  admits  a  pivot  of  steel,  which  comes  from 
a  cavity  made  in  a  circular  bit  of  cork  or  very  light  wood,  which 
forms  the  box  of  the  compass.  The  surface  of  the  cup  and  that 
of  the  pivot  are  perfectly  polished,  so  as  to  avoid  any  sort  of  fric 
tion.  The  edges  of  the  cup  are  proportionably  large,  adding  to 
its  weight,  and  act  so  that  the  cup  tends  to  preserve  the  centre 
of  gravity  in  any  and  every  situation  of  the  compass.  The  cavity 
in  which  the  needle  is  thus  suspended  has  a  circular  form,  and 
is  only  just  sufficient  to  take  the  needle  with  the  cup  and  pivot. 
Over  the  cavity  there  is  a  thin  piece  of  transparent  talc,  which 
prevents  the  needle  being  affected  by  the  outer  air,  while  per 
mitting  the  observation  of  its  slightest  movement. 

The  small  needle  of  the  Chinese  compass  has  a  great  advan 
tage-over  those  wrhich  are  used  in  Europe,  with  respect  to  the  in 
clination  toward  the  horizon,  which  in  the  European  compasses  re 
quires  that  one  end  should  be  heavier  than  the  other  to  counter 
balance  the  magnetic  attraction.  But  this  inclination  differing 
in  different  parts  of  the  world,  the  needle  can  be  absolutely  cor 
rect  only  in  the  place  where  the  instrument  was  constructed. 
In  the  short  and  light  needles  suspended  in  the  fashion  of  the 
Chinese,  the  weight  which  is  below  the  point  of  suspension  is 
more  than  sufficient  to  overcome  the  magnetic  force  of  the  in 
clination  in  every  part  of  the  globe.  Thus  these  needles  never 
have  any  deviation  in  their  horizontal  position. 


58  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

The  Chinese  compass  is,  apart  from  the  magnetic  needle, 
quite  a  work  of  art,  representing  a  highly-elaborated  system  of 
physics  and  astrology.  In  this  sketch  we  can  do  no  more  than 
give  a  rough  notion  of  it;  to  enter  into  detailed  explanation 
would  unduly  tax  the  interest  of  our  readers  in  Chinese  habits 
of  thought  and  their  antique  learning,  which  however,  at  present 
remote,  will  soon  become  one  of  the  most  interesting  inquiries, 
especially  in  America,  whither  the  magnetic  charm  of  political 
equality  and  personal  freedom,  together  with  the  bounteous  gifts 
of  Nature,  attract  an  exodus  from  every  clime,  of  the  stamina  and 
the  hope  of  the  nations. 

The  surface  of  the  compass,  outside  the  space  in  which  the 
needle  performs  its  function,  is  divided  into  a  great  number  of 
concentric  divisions,  which  are  intersected  by  an  infinity  of  lines 
in  a  direction  from  the  centre  to  the  circumference.  The  inner 
circle  contains  the  characters  of  the  eight  principal  points,  repre 
sented  by  animals,  as  in  the  signs  of  the  zodiac.  The  second  has 
four-and-twenty  compartments,  representing  the  four-and-twenty 
winds.  In  the  third  and  fourth  circles,  the  same  number  of  com 
partments,  with  inscriptions  having  a  moral  and  mystical  import. 
The  fifth  contains  seventy-two  compartments,  twelve  of  which 
remaining  blank,  the  other  sixty  are  filled  with  combinations  of 
the  two  cycles  of  twelve  and  of  six.  As  a  specimen  of  the  whole, 
we  will  give  one  of  the  series  of  cyclical  signs  : 


Ou, 

the 

Horse 

=. 

South. 

Wei, 

a 

Sheep 

= 

S.^W. 

Chin, 

u 

Ape 

— 

S.  |W. 

Yeou, 

u 

Hen 

= 

West. 

Siu, 

a 

Dog 

= 

W.iN. 

Jlai, 

a 

Pig 

= 

W.f  K 

Tsu, 

u 

Eat 

=: 

North. 

Tcheou, 

M 

Ox 

— 

N.  £  E. 

In, 

« 

Tiger 

= 

N.f  E. 

Mao, 

« 

Hare 

— 

East. 

Chin, 

it 

Dragon 

= 

E.£S. 

Szu, 

u 

Serpent 

= 

E.-IS. 

The  sixth  circle  contains  one  hundred  and  twenty  compart 
ments.  The  seventh,  again,  only  twenty-four.  The  eighth  con 
tains  the  sixty  combinations  before  mentioned,  with  some  slight 


CHINESE   COMPASS.  59 

variation.  The  ninth,  tenth,  and  eleventh,  are  modified  repe 
titions  of  the  preceding.  The  twelfth  circle  contains,  in  sixty 
combinations,  the  names  twelve  times  repeated  of  the  five  Chi 
nese  elements,  combined  with  the  five  divisions  of  the  year,  the 
five  regions  of  the  world,  and  the  five  principal  colors.  Thus : 

Moo,  "Wood,  Spring,  East,  Green. 

Ho,  Fire,  Summer,  South,  Ked. 

Too,  Earth,  Mid-year,  Midst,  Yellow. 

Kin,  Metal,  Autumn,  West,  White. 

Chooi,  Water,  Winter,  North,  Black. 

The  thirtieth  circle  contains  the  three  hundred  and  sixty 
degrees  of  the  twenty-eight  celestial  palaces  (or  the  zodiac),  con 
tained  in  the  fifteenth  circle. 

The  fourteenth  contains  the  symbols  of  the  foregoing. 

The  fifteenth  circle  contains  the  twenty-eight  palaces  of  the 
Chinese  ecliptic,  which  are  : 

In  the  South : 

1.  Tsing,  the  Well,  containing  less  than  30  degrees. 

2.  Kouei,  "  Evil  Genius,  containing          2£  " 

3.  Lieo,  "  Willow  "  13£  " 

4.  Sing,  "  Star,  containing  more  than     6  " 

5.  Chang,   "  Bended  Bow,          "  17  « 

6.  T,  "  Light,  containing  less  than  20  " 
Y.  Thin,  «  Motion,        "      '   more  "  18  " 

In  the  West  : 

8.  Khouei,  the  Seat  [corporeal],  containing  18  degrees. 

9.  Leoo,        "    Yacuum,  more  than  12        " 

10.  Wei,        "    Stomach,  containing  15        " 

11.  Mao,  "  Pleiades,  «  11  " 

12.  Py,  «  End,  «  16J-  " 

13.  Tse,  "  Beak,  «  3J-  " 

14.  Tzan,  "  Addition,  "  9^  " 

In  the  North : 

15.  Teoo,  the  Bushel,  containing  more  than  22  degrees. 

16.  Neoo,  "    Ox,  "  T       " 

17.  Neu,    "    Woman,        "  11        " 


60  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 


18.  JJeUj  "  Vanity,  containing  less  than      9  " 

19.  Ouei,  "  Danger,         «                            16  " 

20.  Chy,  "  Edifice,          "         less  than    18  « 

21.  Py,  "  Wall,             "          more  than    9  « 


22.  Rio,  the  Horn,  containing  more  than  12  degrees. 

23.  Rang,  "  Neck,  «  "                9  « 

24.  2%  "  Origin,  "  less  than     16  " 

25.  F<mg,  "  House,  "  more  than    5  " 

26.  Sin,  "  Heart,  "  6  « 

27.  TF&,  "  Tail,  "  18  « 

28.  J3,  "  Sieve,  «  9J-  u 

Such,  then,  was  the  knowledge  possessed  in  the  earliest  ages 
of  what  is  generally  termed  a  comparatively  modern  invention  ; 
such  were  the  facilities  possessed  by  the  ancients  for  making 
long  voyages,  for*  crossing  the  wide  ocean.  "We  see  no  reason  to 
doubt,  therefore,  that  they  were  as  eminent  in  navigation  as 
history  allows  them  to  have  been  in  other  arts.  The  astrolabe, 
somewhat  similar  in  construction  to  the  armillary  sphere,  but 
more  simple,  found  favor  with  the  astrologers  of  the  East  in  their 
observations  of  the  stars  ;  as  early  as  1 50  B.  c.  we  find  it  used 
by  the  Egyptian  astronomer  Hipparchus. 

Thus  far  we  have  shown  a  few  of  the,  many  "  great  modern 
inventions "  which  were  undoubtedly  known  to  the  ancients,39 
and  may  we  not  justly  infer  that  others  were  equally  well  known 
which  are  not  mentioned  in  the  writings  which  have  reached  us, 
or  mention  of  which  has  been  misconstrued.  Does  not  the  wise 
and  ancient  author  of  the  book  of  Job  accurately  describe  the 
art  of  printing  in  the  exclamation  :  "  O  that  mine  adversary  had 
written  a  book !  .  .  .  O  that  my  words  were  now  written  !  O 
that  they  were  printed  in  a  book !  That  they  were  graven  with 
an  iron  pen  and  lead  in  the  rock  forever !  " 

Here  are  allusions  to  the  arts  of  writing,  printing,  lithog 
raphy,  stereotyping,  and  book -making,  of  which  Bilclad  the 

29  Diodorus  especially  admires,  among  the  many  arts  and  inventions  of  the  Egyp 
tians,  their  mode  of  rearing  poultry  by  artificial  heat ;  his  minute  description  of  the 
process  would  enable  any  ordinary  mechanic  to  proceed  on  the  same  principle  ;  yet 
the  "  invention  of  rearing  poultry  by  artificial  means  "  has  been  patented  in  our  day? 
and  extolled  as  one  of  the  great  proofs  of  progress  in  human  intelligence. 


PRINTING— TELEGRAPHING.  61 

Shuliite  asks  no  explanation ;  we  may  therefore  infer  that  Job 
was  speaking  of  matters  well  understood.80 

Addison  tells  us  that  Strada,"  "  in  one  of  his  prolusions,  gives 
an  account  of  a  chimerical  correspondence  between  two  friends 
by  the  help  of  a  certain  loadstone  which  had  such  virtue  in  it 
that,  if  it  touched  two  several  needles,  when  one  of  the  needles  so 
touched  began  to  move,  the  other,  though  at  never  so  great  a  dis 
tance,  moved  at  the  same  time,  and  in  the  same  manner. 

"  He  tells  us  that  the  two  friends,  being  each  of  them  pos 
sessed  of  one  of  these  needles,  made  a  kind  of  dial-plate,  inscrib 
ing  it  with  the  four-and-twenty  letters,  in  the  same  manner  as 
the  hours  of  the  day  are  marked  upon  the  ordinary  dial-plate. 
They  then  fixed  one  of  the  needles  on  each  of  these  plates  in 
such  a  manner  that  it  could  move  round  without  impediment,  so 
as  to  touch  any  of  the  four-and-twenty  letters.  Upon  their  sepa 
rating  from  one  another  into  different  countries,  they  agreed  to 
withdraw  themselves  punctually  into  their  closets  at  a  certain 
hour  of  the  day,  and  to  converse  with  one  another  by  means  of 
their  invention. 

"  Accordingly,  when  they  were  some  hundred  miles  asunder, 
each  of  them  shut  himself  up  in  his  closet  at  the  time  appointed, 
and  immediately  cast  his  eye  upon  the  dial-plate.  If  he  had  a 
mind  to  write  any  thing  to  his  friend,  he  directed  his  needle  to 
every  letter  that  formed  the  words  which  he  had  occasion  for, 
making  a  little  pause  at  the  end  of  every  word  or  sentence,  to 
avoid  confusion.  The  friend,  in  the  mean  while,  saw  his  own 
sympathic  needle  moving  of  itself  to  every  letter  which  that  of 
his  correspondent  pointed  at.  By  this  means  they  talked  to 
gether  across  the  whole  continent,  and  conveyed  their  thoughts 
to  one  another  in  an  instant,  over  cities  or  mountains,  seas  or 
deserts." 

Allowing  for  slight  incongruities  and  possible  exaggerations 
of  one  who,  ignorant  of  the  real  nature  of  electricity,  confounded 
the  properties  of  this  phenomenon  with  those  of  the  loadstone, 
this  anecdote  embodies  the  whole  system  of  telegraphing  with 
a  dial- plate  as  it  is  now  practised  in  some  European  countries. 
It  is  far  from  improbable  that  friends  in  very  early  times  may 

30  Job  seems,  moreover,  to  have  a  realizing  sense  of  the  awful  advantages  possessed 
by  a  reviewer  over  the  unfortunate  enemy  who  should  have  written  a  book, 

31  A  writer  of  the  sixteenth  century. 


62  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

have  used  electricity  (the  existence  of  which  was  known  in  the 
time  of  Thales)  as  a  means  of  correspondence,  and  that  electric  tele 
graphing  was  known,  if  not  universally,  at  least  to  the  learned. 
Yet,  to  this  century  is  generally  unhesitatingly  ascribed  the  hon 
or  of  discovering  it. 

We  might  multiply  conjectures,  and  enumerate  many  intima 
tions  we  possess — some  vague  and  shadowy,  others  amounting 
almost  to  certainty — that  the  discoveries  in  science  which  we 
boast  of  as  modern,  are  only  rediscoveries  or  revivals  of  quasi 
forgotten  knowledge  of  the  ancients ;  though,  owing  to  the  de 
struction  which  time  and  the  vandalism  of  man  have  effected, 
proofs  may  never  be  sufficient  to  place  this  question  beyond 
doubt. 

But,  however  hotly  the  scientific  knowledge  of  the  ancients 
may  be  contested,  there  is  one  field  of  learning  in  which  they 
are  avowedly  unsurpassed,  nay,  un equaled — this  is  the  wide 
field  of  literature. 

No  modern  lyric  is  more  rich  in  metaphor  or  passionate  in  lan 
guage  than  the  Song  of  Solomon ;  no  poet  has  been  more  inspired 
by  the  majesty  of  the  Supreme  Being,  the  beauties  of  the  earth, 
and  the  grandeur  of  the  heavens ;  none  has  more  pathetically 
described  grief,  or  more  nobly  the  duties  of  the  righteous  man  in 
prosperity  or  adversity,  than  he  who  wrote  the  wonderful  book 
of  Job.  The  Proverbs  and  Ecclesiastes,  in  their  adaptation  to 
the  wants  of  our  own  age,  prove  that,  in  the  weakness  and  wis 
dom  of  human  nature,  at  least,  there  is  no  new  thing  under  the 
sun. 

The  poems  of  Homer,  even  translated  into  a  less  musical  and 
perfect  language,  thrill  the  heart  to  hear,  and  fire  the  soul  of 
many  a  school-boy  with  his  first  admiration  for  great  and  noble 
deeds.  Less  is  known  of  this  author  than  of  many  an  inferior 
genius ;  of  his  birthplace  and  parentage  we  are  alike  ignorant ; 
only,  as  we  read  those  glorious  pages,  the  dim  vision  of  a  blind 
old  man  with  flowing  beard  and  majestic  mien  rises  before  us, 
refuting  the  modern  theory  that  they  are  not  the  inspiration 
of  one  great  genius,  but  the  effusions  of  a  dozen  or  more  min 
strels.  The  "  Iliad"  and  "  Odyssey,"  written  more  than  two 
thousand  years  ago,  are  said  to  have  been  the  first  epic  poems ; 
if  so,  epic  poetry  was  perfect  at  its  birth,  so  perfect  that  all  sub 
sequent  epics,  taking  these  two  as  their  models,  fall  far  short  of 


HINDOO  ETHICS.  63 

them  in  excellence.  "In  great  things,"  says  Quintilian,  "what 
sublimity  of  expression ;  and,  in  little,  what  a  justness  and 
propriety — diffusive  and  concise,  pleasant  and  grave,  admirable 
both  for  his  copiousness  and  brevity ! " 

The  wisdom  of  Moses,  the  jurist  and  historian,  is  apparent, 
whether  he  composed  or  selected  his  admirable  laws  ;  that  which 
often  appears  trivial  to  the  thoughtless  shows  wonderful  knowl 
edge  of  what  is  injurious  or  beneficial  to  individuals  and  na 
tions.13 

The  more  we  study  the  literature  and  theology  of  that  an 
cient  people,  the  Hindoos,  the  more  we  are  impressed  by  the  pro 
found  thought  and  wisdom  displayed,  the  purity  of  the  doctrines 
enunciated,  the  high  moral  standard  of  excellence  maintained,  as 
also  the  poetic  language  and  imagery  of  their  writings.88 

32  Take,  for  instance,  the  prohibition  to  eat  swine's  flesh,  which  so  often  causes  a 
smile.  There  is  a  note  in  the  Talmud  stating  that  the  use  of  this  meat  is  forbidden  on 
account  of  the  small  insect  which  infests  it.  Late  events,  the  fearful  ravages  of  the 
trichinae  in  Germany,  and  even  in  some  parts  of  the  United  States,  have  shown  the 
wisdom  of  this  law,  particularly  as  enacted  for  the  inhabitants  of  a  warm  climate. 

83  The  general  idea  entertained  of  the  religious  belief  and  customs  of  the  Hindoos 
is  but  an  erroneous  one,  thanks  to  the  misinterpretations,  perhaps  not  wholly  uninten 
tional,  of  the  earliest  modern  writers  on  the  subject ;  they,  as  a  rule,  record  only  the 
forms  of  superstitions  which  were  erected  upon  the  original  pure  foundation  by  a  cor 
rupt  and  ambitious  priestcraft,  and  which  mark  the  decadence  of  the  Hindoo  religion 
and  people. 

Later  writers,  the  researches  of  such  men  as  Schlegel,  Colebrook,  William  Jones, 
Strange,  and  the  remarkable  work  of  M.  Jacolliot,  "La  Bible  dans  1'Inde,"  give  us 
a  more  just  conception  of  this  race,  probably  the  parent  of  our  own. 

The  original  pure  Hindoo  religion  recognized  but  one  God  (as  did  the  sages  of 
Greece,  in  spite  of  its  mythology).  In  the  Yedas,  the  ancient  sacred  writings  of  the 
Hindoos,  which  the  learned  declare  to  have  been  written  more  than  three  thousand 
years  before  Christ,  we  find  the  Deity  thus  defined :  "  He  who  exists  by  Himself, 
who  is  in  all,  because  all  is  in  Him."  And,  again,  with  surpassing  majesty  of  thought ; 
"  The  Ganges  flows — it  is  God ;  the  ocean  roars — it  is  God  ;  the  wind  blows — it  is 
He;  the  cloud  that  thunders,  the  lightning  that  flashes — it  is  He.  As  from  all 
eternity  the  universe  existed  in  the  spirit  of  Brahma,  so  to-day  is  all  that  exists  his 
image."  Can  we  boast  of  any  grandeur  or  more  beautiful  definition  of  Divine  eter 
nity  and  omnipresence  ? 

To  those  who  imagine  the  Brahminical  religion  as  instigating  its  votaries  to  put 
faith  in  empty  and  absurd  forms,  rather  than  in  worthy  actions,  let  us  quote  a  few 
maxims  from  the  teachings  of  Manou,  the  Hindoo  philosopher  and  legislator,  who  can 
not  have  written  less  than  four  thousand  years  ago : 

"  Of  all  things  pure,  purity  hi  the  acquisition  of  riches  is  the  best.  He  who  preserves 
purity  in  becoming  rich,  is  really  pure,  and  not  he  who  is  purified  with  earth  and 
water."  (Will  not  the  just  and  thoughtful  applaud  this  maxim  in  the  present  age  of 
corruption  ?) — "  As  the  body  is  purified  by  water,  so  is  the  spirit  by  truth." — "  Sound 


64:  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

Five  hundred  and  fifty  years  before  our  era,  in  a  land  of 
which  Columbus  possessed  but  a  mythical  knowledge,  and  re 
garded  as  a  realm  of  barbarous  idolatry  and  wealth,  Confucius 
led  men  to  admire  and  practise  virtue  for  the  sake  of  virtue  only, 
and  laid  the  foundation  for  the  high  and  enlightened  moral  civili 
zation  which  still  distinguishes  his  disciples.84 

doctrines  and  good  works  purify  the  soul.  The  intelligence  is  purified  by  knowledge." 
— "  Science  is  useless  to  a  man  without  judgment,  as  a  mirror  to  a  blind  man." — "  The 
man  who  only  appreciates  the  means,  according  as  they  conduce  to  his  success,  soon 
loses  his  perception  of  the  just,  and  of  sound  doctrines." 

Nor  were  the  psychological  ideas  of  the  Hindoos  less  elevated  than  their  morality 
was  pure.  Chrishna  taught :  "  The  soul  is  the  principle  of  life,  which  sovereign  wis 
dom  employed  to  animate  bodies  ;  matter  is  inert  and  perishable,  the  soul  thinks  and 
acts,  and  is  immortal."  The  profound  philosophy  of  Greece,  the  theology  of  to-day, 
has  given  us  no  better  or  more  concise  definition. — The  elevation  of  woman,  indis 
pensable  to  true  civilization,  was  enjoined,  her  status  and  mission  chivalrously  defined, 
in  the  Vedas  :  "  He  who  despises  woman,  despises  his  mother." — "  There  is  no  crime 
more  odious  than  to  persecute  women,  and  take  advantage  of  their  weakness  to  de 
spoil  them  of  their  patrimony.  When  women  are  honored  the  divinities  are  content,  but 
where  they  are  not  honored  all  undertakings  fail."  "  Women  should  be  shielded  with 
fostering  solicitude  by  their  fathers,  their  brothers,  their  husbands,  and  the  brothers 
of  their  husbands,  if  they  hope  for  prosperity." 

34  That  morality  and  a  wise  conception  of  the  same  belong  especially  to  no  sect, 
time,  or  people,  is  evidenced  by  the  fact  that  the  Golden  Rule  of  Christianity,  beauti 
ful  and  comprehensive,  was  thus  laid  down  by  Confucius  five  hundred  years  before 
the  birth  of  Christ:  "What  you  do  not  like  when  done  to  yourself,  do  not  do  to 
others."  "  In  the  way  of  the  superior  man  there  are  four  things,  to  none  of  which  have 
I  as  yet  attained  :  To  serve  my  father  as  I  would  require  my  son  to  serve  me ;  to 
serve  my  elder  brother  as  I  would  require  my  younger  brother  to  serve  me  ;  to  serve 
my  prince  as  I  would  require  my  minister  to  serve  me  ;  to  set  example  in  behaving 
to  a  friend  as  I  would  require  him  to  behave  to  me." — ("  Doctrine  of  the  Just  Mean," 
chapter  xiii.)  The  whole  of  this  chapter  is  replete  with  wisdom,  and  is  dictated  by  a 
calm,  elevated  philosophy,  teaching  men  that  virtue  consists  in  doing  their  duty  con 
scientiously  in  whatever  situation  they  may  be  placed.  "  The  superior  man,"  we  read, 
"  can  find  himself  in  no  situation  in  which  he  is  not  himself.  He  does  not  murmur 
against  Heaven,  nor  grumble  against  men.  Thus  it  is  that  the  superior  man  is  quiet 
and  calm,  waiting  for  the  appointments  of  Heaven,  while  the  mean  man  walks  in  dan 
gerous  paths,  looking  for  lucky  occurrences."  Resignation  to  Divine  will  and  philo 
sophic  moderation  are  here  forcibly  enjoined.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  translation 
of  Confucius  (of  which  we  here  make  use)  by  the  Rev.  James  Legge,  is  made  with 
the  avowed  object  of  lessening  the  fame  of  the  great  philosopher,  and  the  credit  of  his 
followers,  by  placing  in  an  unfavorable  light  the  moral  doctrines  of  this  most  enlight 
ened  Chinese  school ;  and  it  is  to  be  feared  that  sectarian  partiality  may  have  allowed 
itself,  here  and  there,  to  misinterpret  sentiments,  particularly  as  these  are  expressed 
in  a  language  every  word  of  which  is  susceptible  of  several  interpretations.  Never 
theless,  it  has  been  impossible  for  the  translator  to  conceal  the  wisdom  and  sublimity, 
blended  w'th  sound  practical  sense,  of  the  teachings  inculcated  on  the  Chinese  by  their 
beloved  master.  The  following,  selected  at  random  from  the  Analects,  may  serve  as  an 


ANCIENT  LITERATURE.  65 

Philosophy,  the  pure  teachings  of  morality,  have  never  since 
flourished  as  in  the  days  when  Socrates  taught  the  doctrine  of 
the  immortality  of  the  soul,  which  his  disciple  Plato  developed 
to  a  still  higher  spiritualism.  The  teachings  of  these  and  the 
whole  school  of  great  philosophers  who  nourished  long  ago,  con 
tain  all  the  requisites  for  making  men  good  and  nations  pros 
perous. 

History  was  well  understood  by  the  ancients.  Herodotus 
is  styled  the  father  of  that  useful  branch  of  literature,  not,  we 
may  reasonably  suppose,  because  he  was  the  first  historian,  but 
because  his  writings  are  the  first  treating  on  that  subject  only 
which  have  come  down  to  us  complete ;  as  also,  no  doubt,  on  ac 
count  of  the  inimitable  style  he  employed  in  his  narratives,  sim 
ple,  picturesque,  and  vivid  in  description,  which,  as  he  recited 
them  beneath  the 'blue  skies  of  Greece  during  the  excitement  of 
the  Olympic  games,  brought  the  far-off  countries  through  which 
he  had  traveled,  and  their  inhabitants,  before  the  minds  of  his 
enthusiastic  listeners.  If  we  reflect  upon  the  fact  that  most  of 
the  ancient  historians  found  time,  amid  the  toils  and  occupations 

example  of  the  system :  "  The  superior  man  in  every  thing  considers  righteousness  to 
be  essential.  He  performs  it  according  to  the  rules  of  propriety.  He  brings  it  forth 
in  humility.  He  completes  it  in  sincerity.  This  is  indeed  a  superior  man." — "  The 
master  said,  *  Alas  !  there  is  no  one  that  knows  me ! '  Tsze-Kung  said  :  'What  do  you 
mean  by  thus  saying  that  no  one  knows  you  ?  '  The  master  replied  :  '  I  do  not  mur 
mur  against  Heaven,  I  do  not  grumble  against  men.  My  studies  lie  low,  my  penetra 
tion  rises  high.  But  there  is  Heaven — that  knows  me.'  " — "  I  will  not  be  concerned  at 
men's  not  knowing  me,  I  will  be  concerned  at  my  own  want  of  ability." — "  The  wise 
man  is  correctly  firm,  not  firm  merely." — "  He  who  exercises  government  by  means 
of  his  virtue  may  be  compared  to  the  north  polar  star,  which  keeps  its  place,  and  all 
the  stars  turn  toward  it." — "  Learning  without  thought  is  labor  lost,  thought  without 
learning  is  perilous." — "  The  master  said  :  *  Yew,  shall  I  teach  you  what  knowledge 
is  ?  When  you  know  a  thing,  to  hold  that  you  know  it,  and  when  you  do  not  know 
a  thing,  to  allow  that  you  do  not  know  it.  This  is  knowledge.'  " — "  They  who  know 
the  truth  are  not  equal  to  those  who  love  it,  and  they  who  love  it,  are  not  equal  to 
those  who  find  delight  in  it." — "  Now  the  man  of  perfect  virtue,  wishing  to  be  estab 
lished  himself,  seeks  also  to  establish  others ;  wishing  to  be  enlarged  himself,  he  seeks 
also  to  enlarge  others.  To  be  able  to  judge  of  others  by  what  is  nigh  in  ourselves,  this 
may  be  called  the  art  of  virtue." — "  Let  the  will  be  set  on  the  path  of  duty,  let  per 
fect  virtue  be  accorded  with,  let  relaxation  and  enjoyment  be  found  in  the  polite  arts." 
— "  In  language  it  is  simply  required  that  it  convey  its  meaning." — "  Fine  words  and 
an  insinuating  appearance  are  seldom  associated  with  virtue." 

What  exalted  doctrines  are  these !  What  wisdom  and  observation  of  human 
nature  are  displayed,  and  withal  what  modesty  !  "  To  this  I  have  not  attained,"  says 
the  sage  of  his  golden  rule;  and,  again,  "  A  transmitter  and  not  a  maker,  believing  in 
and  loving  the  ancients,  I  may  compare  myself  to  our  old  P'ang." 


66  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

of  the  soldier  or  of  the  statesman,  to  leave  such  valuable  records 
to  posterity ;  that  Xenophon,  the  Hebrew  Josephus,  Julius  Caesar, 
etc.,  were  distinguished  warriors  as  well  as  eminent  writers,  it 
may  be  conceded  that  human  intellect  has  not  much  advanced 
since  those  times. — "  The  treasury  of  remedies  for  the  soul "  was 
inscribed  over  the  entrance  of  the  library  of  Osymandias  at 
Thebes  three  thousand  years  ago,  and  who  to  day  will  invent  a 
more  apt  and  beautiful  definition  ?  We  pride  ourselves  on  our 
common-school  system,  yet  find  it  recorded  of  Charondas,  law 
giver  of  Catania,  who  lived  five  hundred  years  before  our  era : 
"  He  made  another  law,  better  than  these,  and  neglected  by  the 
older  legislators — for  he  enacted  that  all  the  sons  of  the  cit 
izens  should  be  instructed  in  letters,  the  city  paying  the  salaries 
of  the  teachers.  For  he  held  that  the  poor,  not  being  able  to  pay 
their  teachers  from  their  own  property,  would  be  deprived  of  the 
most  valuable  discipline." 

The  learning  of  the  East  was  transferred  to  Europe,  especial 
ly  to  Spain,  by  the  Arabs.  The  Caliph  Almanzor,  early  in  the 
ninth  century  of  our  era,  turned  his  attention  from  religious 
learning  and  warlike  exploits,  to  profane  science.  He  culti 
vated  astronomy  with  ardor.  His  successor,  Al-Mamoun,  by  means 
of  agents  in  Constantinople,  Syria,  and  Egypt,  caused  many  of 
the  great  scientific  works  of  Greece  to  be  collected.  These  were 
translated  by  his  order,  and  his  subjects  enjoined  to  study  them 
with  the  assurance  that  the  elect  of  God  are  they  who  best  im 
prove  their  mental  faculties,  and  that  teachers  of  wisdom  are  the 
light  of  the  world.  A  subordinate  officer  donated  two  hundred 
thousand  pieces  of  gold  to  found  a  school  in  Bagdad,  and  endowed 
the  same  with  an  annual  revenue  of  fifteen  thousand  dinars.  The 
learning  of  the  Greeks  and  Arabs  overspread  the  East.  The  Om- 
miades  of  Spain  caught  the  ardor;  Bagdad  and  Cordova  became 
names  synonymous  with  that  of  Athens  in  the  days  of  her  glory ; 
great  libraries  were  collected,  both  public  and  private.  We  read 
of  a  doctor  who  declined  an  invitation  to  reside  at  the  court  of 
Bokhara  because  the  transportation  of  his  library  alone  would  re 
quire  four  hundred  camels.  That  of  the  Fatimites  numbered  one 
hundred  thousand  manuscripts  elegantly  translated  and  beautifully 
bound.  Free  access  to  these  was  given  to  the  students  of  Cairo, 
while  in  Spain  the  Omniiades  possessed  a  library  of  six  hundred 
thousand  volumes,  forty-four  of  which  were  employed  in  thecata- 


LITERATUKE  AND   SCHOOLS   OF  SPAIN.  67 

logue  alone.  Cordova,  Malaga,  Almeria,  and  Murcia,  boasted  of 
more  than  three  hundred  writers,  and  nearly  one  hundred  public 
libraries  were  open  in  Andalusia.  The  writings  of  the  Grecian 
sages  appeared  in  the  Arabic,  in  which  language  only,  many  have 
been  preserved  to  us.  The  Caliph  Al-Mamoun  supplied  costly  in 
struments  for  astronomical  observation.  Twice  his  mathematicians 
correctly  measured  a  degree  of  the  earth's  circle,  and  determined 
that  our  globe  was  twenty-four  thousand  miles  in  circumference. 

Such  was  the  learning  of  the  Arabs,  a  people  who  enlightened 
Spain  for  hundreds  of  years,  and  were  only  driven  from  that 
country  immediately  before  Columbus  sailed  on  his  first  voyage. 
They  cannot  have  failed  during  all  those  years  to  impart  some  of 
their  knowledge  to  the  Spaniards,  yet  we  are  informed  by  histo 
rians  who  have  the  air  of  believing  their  assertion,  however  im 
probable  it  may  appear  when  tested  by  reason,  that  the  learned 
men  of  Salamanca,  convoked  to  hear  Columbus  propound  his 
"  startling  theory,"  treated  with  ridicule  the  idea  of  the  earth's 
being  spherical. 

What  are  the  proofs  we  possess  that  the  knowledge  of  the 
ancients  was  incomplete?  Imperfect  globes,  defective  maps, 
errors  in  the  statements  found  in  ancient  MSS.,  as  they  have 
reached  us — these  are  cited  as  evidence  of  the  ignorance  of  the 
past.  It  should  be  remembered  that  a  desire  to  impress  the 
young  with  an  idea  of  our  own  importance,  has  induced  many  to 
select  the  defects  of  a  particular  age  or  country  as  proofs  of  its 
real  status  ;  the  vainglorious  author,  finding  among  the  ancients 
two  works,  one  containing  correct  views  touching  the  form  of 
our  earth,  the  other  declaring  it  to  be  flat,  would  too  often  con 
tent  himself  with  holding  up  the  latter  as  evidence  of  ancient 
ignorance  and  modern  progress.  In  what  light  may  we  not  be 
placed  centuries  hence?  It  will  only  be  necessary  for  some 
curious  antiquary  to  deposit  in  one  of  the  museums  a  few  flint 
arrow-heads  collected  from  the  fields,  or  one  of  the  Pembina 
carts 35  which  for  the  last  thirty  years  have  annually  borne  the 
merchants  and  merchandise  of  Prince  Rupert's  Land  to  the  city 
of  St.  Paul,  for  coming  generations  to  declare  that  Americans  in 
the  nineteenth  century  were  ignorant  of  the  use  of  metals ! 

35  These  carts,  caravans  of  which  often  number  as  many  as  a  hundred  and  fifty, 
are  manufactured  entirely  of  wood  and  green  hide;  not  a  particle  of  metal  enters  their 
composition ;  even  the  linchpin  is  of  wood. 


68  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

Is  it  not  time  that  a  more  just,  generous,  and  reasonable  spirit 
pervade  the  civilization  of  our  age  ?  that,  while  we  glory  and  de 
light  in  the  great  deeds  of  our  race  and  age,  we  do  not  consider 
that  great  deeds  belong  to  them  alone  ?  that,  while  eagerly  seek 
ing  after  knowledge  and  enacting  laws  to  impart  it,  we  do  not 
imagine,  and  thereby  prove  gross  ignorance,  that  knowledge  is 
our  special  inheritance,  and  that  the  people  of  the  past  were  less 
favored  by  their  Creator  than  are  we  ? 

The  Hindoo  philosopher  Narada,  reputed  to  have  lived  before 
the  Deluge,  reasons  thus  :  "  Never  resort  to  the  argument,  '  I  do 
not  know  this,  therefore  it  is  false.'  We  must  study  to  know, 
know  to  comprehend,  and  comprehend  to  judge." 

This  is  the  proper  spirit ;  heroes  and  scholars  are  not  less 
heroic  or  learned  because  others  as  great  as  they  have  preceded 
them,  nor  will  it  dim  the  lustre  of  the  present  to  be  just  to  the 
memory  of  the  past. 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE   NORTHMEN   IN   AMEEICA. 

WHILE  the  greater  part  of  Europe  was  plunged  in  the  intel 
lectual  darkness  which  pervaded  the  middle  ages,  while  the 
monk  in  his  cloister  toiled  laboriously  during  a  lifetime  to  per 
petuate  some  one  work  of  saintly  or  classic  lore,  and  the  masses 
were  ignorant,  superstitious,  the  slaves  of  feudal  lords  and  barons 
scarcely  less  ignorant  than  themselves,  a  people  flourished  in  the 


LANDING  OF  THE  NORTHMEN. 


extreme  north,  with  whom  enterprise  and  freedom  were  neither 
dead  nor  stagnant,  who  possessed  scientific  knowledge  and  ap 
plied  the  same  to  practical  purposes  ;  a  people  simple,  fearless, 
and  energetic,  republicans  in  practice  if  not  in  name,  with  whom 
chieftains  were  the  fathers  and  protectors  of  their  followers,  shar- 


70  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

ing  their  perils  and  respecting  their  rights ;  a  pagan  people  in 
deed,  worshipers  of  Odin  and  Thor,  believers  in  the  joys  of 
Walhalla,  yet  doers  of  deeds  so  noble  as  to  be  worthy  the  most 
enlightened  Christian  :  such  were  the  Northmen  ;  such  their  sim 
ple  records,  which  bear  every  impress  of  truth,  prove  them  to 
have  been.  Issuing  from  an  Asiatic  hive,  they  early  overran 
Norway  and  Sweden ;  their  language,  the  old  Danish  or  Donsk 
tungci)  is  now  only  preserved  in  Iceland,  which  they  colonized  in 
the  year  875  ;  in  985  they  rediscovered  and  colonized  Greenland ; 
the  same  year  the  American  Continent  proper  was  discovered  by 
them,  and,  during  the  first  years  of  the  eleventh  century,  they 
made  thither  frequent  voyages,  residing,  for  periods  of  several 
years,  at  different  times,  in  what  is  now  called  New  England. 
To  this  they  were  actuated  by  motives  far  different  from  those 
of  Columbus :  they  did  not  come  in  search  of  gold  or  slaves,  but 
to  gather  by  industry  the  natural  products  of  the  land,  carrying 
on  therewith  a  nourishing  trade  between  the  continent,  Green 
land,  Iceland,  and  Norway.  No  absurd  visions  of  untold  wealth, 
no  dreams  of  Ophir,  haunted  their  brain  ;  nor  did  they  seek  by 
false  representations  to  inveigle  others  into  bearing  all  the  bur 
dens,  while  they  should  reap  all  the  profits,  of  their  expeditions ; 
they  were  the  worthy  pioneers  of  European  settlement  on  our 
shores ;  a  hardy  race,  counting  on  their  own  labor  to  develop 
the  natural  resources  of  the  lands  they  discovered. 

The  voyages  made  by  the  Northmen  to  America  are  recorded 
in  the  Sagas  or  ancient  Icelandic  records,  manuscripts  of  un 
doubted  authenticity,  and  of  a  date  far  anterior  to  Columbus. 

The  settlement  of  Greenland  by  them  undoubtedly  took 
place ;  allusions  to  it  and  the  colonies  formed  there  are  con 
stantly  occurring  in  Norse  or  Icelandic  records.  Letters  and 
learning  flourished  in  Iceland  when  the  rest  of  Europe  was  in 
tellectually  stagnant ;  histories  and  annals  are  therefore  copious. 
The  last  bishop  was  appointed  to  Greenland  in  1406,  when  the 
colony  consisted  of  two  hundred  and  eighty  settlements,  all  of 
which  evidently  became  extinct ;  at  what  time  after  communica 
tion  with  the  parent-country  ceased,  or  from  what  causes,  is  not 
known,  yet  few  acquainted  with  history  will  doubt  their  having 
existed.  Once  in  Greenland,  this  continent  was  nearer  the  set 
tlers  than  their  fatherland :  it  would  have  been  difficult  for  them 
not  to  discover  it.  Indeed,  throughout  Icelandic  chronicles  and 


GEOGRAPHY  OF  THE  NORTHMEN".          71 

history,  there  are  constant  allusions  to  this  discovery.  In  a  geo 
graphical  treatise  called  "  Description  of  the  Whole  Earth,"  writ 
ten  toward  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century,  we  read :  "  England 
and  Scotland  are  one  island  ;  but  each  is  a  separate  kingdom. 
Ireland  is  a  great  island.  Iceland  is  also  a  great  island  north  of 
Ireland.  All  these  countries  are  situated  in  that  part  of  the 
world  called  Europe.  Next  to  Denmark  is  lesser  Sweden ;  then  is 
QEland,  then  Gottland,  then  Helsingeland,  then  Yermeland,  and 
the  two  Kvendlands,  which  lie  north  of  Biarmeland.  From  Biarme- 
land  stretches  desert  land  toward  the  north,  until  Greenland  be 
gins.  South  of  Greenland  is  Helluland  ;  next  is  Maryland,  from 
thence  it  is  not  far  to  Vinland  the  good,  which  some  think  goes 
out  to  Africa."  We  thus  see  that  the  geographical  knowledge 
of  the  Scandinavians,  not  only  with  regard  to  Europe,  but  also 
touching  the  position  of  the  new  continent,  was  correct.  As  to 
their  supposition  that  Yinland  extended  to  Africa,  it  is  an 
avowed  hypothesis,  and,  at  any  rate,  but  a  small  error,  compared 
to  Columbus' s  persistent  declaration  that  the  island  of  Cuba  was 
Asia. 

Thanks  to  the  eminent  labors  of  Prof.  Rafn,  the  Icelandic 
histories  of  pre-Columbian  discoveries  in  America  have  become 
well  known  to  the  curious ;  while,  through  the  more  accessible 
works  of  Toulmin  Smith,  Beamish,  and  last,  but  not  least,  De 
Costa,  the  general  reader  has  been  convinced  of  the  fact,  which 
is  now  no  longer  disputed,  that  the  Northmen  were  the  first 
modern  discoverers  of  this  continent.  This  fact  is  now  so  gen 
erally  conceded,  and  stands  upon  so  sure  a  foundation  of  almost 
contemporaneous  documents,  that  argument  is  happily  not 
needed  to  establish  the  justness  of  the  Northmen's  claims ;  it 
will  only  be  necessary  for  us  to  give  a  brief  synopsis  of  these 
early  histories,  and  note  here  and  there  the  contrast  existing  be 
tween  the  spirit  which  animated  the  semi-pagan  people  on  the 
one  hand,  and  the  bigoted  devotee  Columbus  on  the  other,  to 
prosecute  their  discoveries  ;  this  contrast  redounds  by  no  means 
to  the  credit  of  the  latter. 

We  shall  not  here  dwell  upon  the  intellectual  and  commercial 
activity  which  early  characterized  the  Northmen,  save  to  ob 
serve  that  they  were  sufficient  to  render  the  discovery  of  Amer 
ica  by  them  a  natural  consequence  of  their  ever-extending  voy 
ages  and  explorations.  Between  Norway  and  Iceland,  Iceland 


72  LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

• 

and  Ireland,  there  were  communication  and  traffic ;  the  people  of 
the  latter  island  were  further  advanced  in  civilization  than  their 
neighbors  the  Britons.  Tacitus  tells  us  of  Ireland  that  "  the  ap 
proaches  and  harbors  are  better  known  "  (than  those  of  Britain), 
"  by  reason  of  commerce  and  the  merchants."  The  Northmen, 
we  have  seen,  possessed  the  magnetic  compass ;  they  were  particu 
larly  remarkable  as  a  seafaring  people.  When  they  had  reached 
Iceland,  the  distance  to  Greenland  was  comparatively  trifling ;  a 
passage  thence  to  America,  a  natural  sequence  of  their  westward 
course.  In  recording  their  voyages,  we  shall  not  attempt  labo 
riously  to  explain  the  identity  of  each  place  described  by  the 
Northmen — this  has  already  been  done  by  Rafn  ;  we  shall  only 
quote  the  result  of  his  labors.  Slight  possible  flaws  in  his  iden 
tification  have  been  pointed  out  by  De  Costa,  but  the  main  fact, 
that  the  lands  discovered  were  those  portions  of  America  extend 
ing  from  Labrador  to  Florida,  is  admitted  by  all  who  have 
studied  the  records,  who  agree  that  they  describe  with  wonder 
ful  accuracy  the  aspect  and  products  of  that  region,  and  that  such 
accuracy,  it  is  scarcely  needful  to  say,  cannot  be  the  result  of 
chance,  nor  the  descriptions  have  been  written  for  other  lands. 
Circumstantial  evidence,  scientific  proof,  of  this  are  exhausted  by 
Kafn  in  his  "  Antiquitates  Americanse."  to  which  comprehen 
sive  work  we  refer  the  reader,  should  he  still  be  disposed  to 
doubt  that  the  following  narratives  are  proofs  of  pre-Columbian 
exploration  and  settlement  in  America. 

Eric  the  Red  had,  in  the  spring  of  986  A.  D.,  emigrated  to 
Greenland  from  Iceland,  and  there  formed  a  settlement.  One 
of  his  followers  was  Heriulf,  whose  son  Biarne  was  absent  on 
a  voyage  to  Norway  at  the  time  of  his  departure.  Biarne  had 
always  made  a  point  of  spending  the  winter  with  his  father  ;  on 
his  return  to  Iceland,  he  determined  that  this  winter  should 
form  no  exception  to  his  rule,  and  that  he  would  follow  Heriulf 
to  the  land  whither  he  had  traveled,  a  somewhat  arduous  under^ 
taking,  as  he  possessed  no  chart  or  directions  save  that  the  new 
settlement  lay  to  the  westward.  "  He  was,"  we  read,  "  a  prom 
ising  young  man.  In  his  earliest  youth  he  had  a  desire  to  go 
abroad,  and  he  soon  gathered  property  and  reputation,  and  was 
by  turns  a  year  abroad  and  a  year  with  his  father.  Biarne  was 
soon  in  possession  of  a  merchant-ship  of  his  own."  When 
Biarne  returned  with  his  ship  from  his  Norway  expedition,  he 


DISCOVERY   OF  AMERICA  BY  BIARNE.  73 

would  not  unload,  but  said  to  his  crew,  "  I  will  steer  for  Green 
land  if  ye  will  go  with  me."  They  one  and  all  agreed  to  go 
with  him.  Biarne  said,  "  Our  voyage  will  be  thought  foolish, 
as  none  of  us  have  been  on  the  Greenland  sea  before." 

They  set  sail  and  encountered  continuous  northerly  winds 
which  drove  them  southward ;  the  fog  became  so  dense  as  to  con 
ceal  the  surrounding  ocean.  When  the  weather  at  length  cleared 
they  found  themselves  in  sight  of  a  land  plentifully  wooded  and 
gently  undulated ;  this,  however,  Biarne  concluded  could  not  be 
Greenland,  as  it  varied  greatly  from  the  descriptions  of  that  coun 
try  which  had  been  given  him.  He  therefore  left  it  to  the  lar 
board,  and,  sailing  two  days,  saw  another  land,  flat  and  woody  ; 
the  wind  was  now  southwest ;  they  passed  a  third  land,  moun 
tainous  and  covered  with  glaciers  ;  this  they  coasted  sufficiently  to 
find  that  it  was  an  island,  but  did  not  go  ashore.  They  now  stood 
out  to  sea,  a  strong  southwest  wind  still  prevailing,  which  brought 
them,  after  four  days'  swift  sailing,  to  Greenland,  and  to  the  very 
cape  where  Heriulf  had  settled.  This  was  the  first  discovery  of 
America  by  the  Northmen.  Like  the  discovery  of  the  West 
Indies  by  the  pilot  Sanchez,  it  was  the  result  of  chance,  but  the 
chance  was  itself  the  result  of  hardy  enterprise.  Biarne  started 
from  Iceland  in  search  of  Greenland,  of  which  he  only  knew  by 
hearsay ;  driven  south,  he  discovered  instead  America.  The  nar 
rative  which  records  his  voyage  describes  accurately  the  points 
upon  which  he  touched,  which,  it  has  been  agreed,  were :  first, 
Cape  Cod ;  second,  Nova  Scotia ;  third,  Newfoundland.  Biarne's 
impatience  to  rejoin  his  father  before  the  winter  set  in,  caused 
him  to  neglect  any  exploration  of  the  lands  he  thus  accidentally 
visited.  For  this  he  was  censured  by  his  countrymen  ;  they  could 
hardly  understand  his  refraining  from  becoming  acquainted  with 
the  new  country  and  its  products.  The  spirit  of  discovery  was 
then  rife  with  the  Northmen. 

Leif,  son  of  Eric  the  Eed,  bought  Biarne's  ship,  equipped 
and  manned  it  with  a  crew  of  thirty  men  ;  one  of  these  was 
Tyrker,  "  a  man  from  the  south,"  probably  a  German,  who  had 
long  been  a  retainer  of  Eric,  and  was  much  attached  to  Leif 
from  his  boyhood.  When  all  was  ready,  the  latter  besought 
his  father  to  become  the  commander  of  the  expedition.  Eric  at 
first  declared  himself  to  be  too  old  for  the  undertaking,  but 
yielded  finally  to  the  solicitations  of  his  son.  As  he  rode  down 


74  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

to  the  ship  his  horse  stumbled  and  threw  him,  disabling  his  foot. 
"  It  is  destined,"  said  he,  "  that  I  should  never  discover  more 
lands  than  this  Greenland  on  which  we  live."  He  remained 
therefore  at  home,  and  Leif  commanded  the  ship.  The  above 
incident,  simply  related,  and  Biarne's  devotion  and  eagerness  to 
rejoin  his  father,  give  us  a  pleasant  knowledge  of  the  love  and 
respect  which  existed  among  the  Northmen  between  father  and 
son,  even  when  the  latter  had  attained  to  manhood.  Leif  pur 
chasing  his  ship  from  Biarne  (the  avowed  though  accidental  dis 
coverer  of  the  lands),  organizing,  and  defraying  the  expenses  of 
the  expedition,  then  modestly  desiring  that  his  father,  not  him 
self,  should  be  its  chief,  contrasts  strongly  with  Columbus,  who 
entirely  concealed  the  source  whence  he  derived  his  information, 
resorted  to  fraud  and  false  promises  to  obtain  his  equipment, 
and  finally  insisted,  as  only  the  little-minded  can  insist,  upon 
being  vested  with  sounding  titles  and  surrounded  by  puerile  ob 
sequiousness. 

Leif  set  sail  in  the  year  1000  A.  D.  to  revisit  the  lands  seen 
by  Biarne  ;  he  first  reached  the  island  which  the  latter  had  coast 
ed.  He  said :  "  It  shall  not  be  said  of  us,  as  it  was  of  Biarne,  that 
we  did  not  come  upon  the  land ;  for  I  will  give  the  country  a 
name,  and  call  it  Helluland"  (hetta,  a  stone).  They  went  on 
board  again,  and  put  to  sea,  and  reached  another  land.  Sailing 
toward  it,  they  put  out  a  boat,  and  landed.  "  This  country  was 
flat  and  woody,  surrounded  by  cliffs,  and  a  low  shore  of  white 
sand;  they  called  it  Markland  (Woodland)"  Thence  they 
sailed  two  days,  with  a  northeast  wind,  and  came  to  an  island 
which  lay  eastward  of  the  main-land,  and  entered  a  channel, 
which  separated  the  island  from  the  main-land  promontory. 
Sailing  westward,  they  came  to  a  river,  which  flowed  from  a  lake 
into  the  sea;  they  entered  the  river,  and  thence  the  lake,  in 
which  they  cast  anchor.  This  was  evidently  Mount-Hope  Bay, 
which  they  reached  by  Pocasset  River  and  Seaconnet  Passage. 
On  the  shores  they  constructed  huts,  or  booths,  for  temporary 
shelter,  but,  upon  determining  to  spend  the  winter  there,  they 
enlarged  their  quarters  and  built  houses.  The  place  was  called 
Leifsbiider  (Leif's  Booths). 

"  The  country  appeared  to  them  of  so  good  a  kind  that  it 
would  not  be  necessary  to  gather  fodder  for  the  cattle  for  winter. 
There  was  no  frost  in  winter,  and  the  grass  was  not  much  with- 


DAY  AND  NIGHT.— GRAPES.  75 

ered.  Day  and  night  were  more  equal  than  in  Greenland  and 
Iceland ;  for,  on  the  shortest  day,  the  sun  was  in  the  sky  be 
tween  Eyktarstadr  and  the  Dagmalstadr." 3<J 

When  the  houses  were  completed,  Leif  divided  his  men  into 
two  companies,  one  of  which  kept  watch  at  the  settlement  while 
the  other  explored  the  surrounding  country.  He  shared  alike 
with  his  men,  accompanying  them  in  their  explorations  one  day, 
and  the  next  remaining  at  home.  He  enjoined  them  not  to  sepa 
rate,  nor  to  extend  their  travels  too  far.  He  is  described  in  the 
narrative  as  "a  stout,  strongman,  and  of  manly  appearance  ;  and 
was  besides  a  prudent  and  sagacious  man  in  all  respects." 

One  day  the  exploring  party  returned,  and  it  was  found  that 
Tyrker,  the  German,  was  missing  ;  Leif,  much  concerned,  immedi 
ately  started  with  twelve  men  in  search  of  him,  but  had  not  pro 
ceeded  far  when  they  met  him.  "  Leif  soon  perceived  that  his 
foster-father  was  quite  merry.  Tyrker  had  a  high  forehead, 
sharp  eyes,  with  a  small  face,  and  was  little  in  size,  and:  ugly ; 
but  was  very  dexterous  in  all  feats.  Leif  said  to  him  :  *  Why 
art  thou  so  late,  my  foster-father  ;  and  why  didst  thou  leave  thy 
comrades  ? '  He  spoke  at  first  long  in  German,  rolled  his  eyes 
and  knit  his  brows ;  but  they  could  not  make  out  what  he  was 
saying.  After  a  while,  and  some  delay,  he  said  in  Norse :  '  I 
did  not  go  much  farther  than  they,  and  yet  I  have  something 
altogether  new  to  relate,  for  I  have  found  vines  and  grapes.' 
c  Is  that  true,  my  foster-father  ? '  said  Leif.  *'  Yes,  true  it  is,' 
answered  he,  '  for  I  was  born  where  there  was  no  scarcity  of 
grapes.' '  Tyrker,  far  away  from  his  fatherland,  which  he  had 
probably  not  seen  since  childhood,  was  evidently  moved  to  strange 

36  Rafn  thus  explains  this  passage  :  "  In  Vineland  the  sun  rose,  on  the  shortest  day, 
at  the  beginning  of  Dagmal,  and  set  at  the  close  of  Eykt.  As  the  ancient  Northmen 
divided  the  horizon  into  eight  grand  compartments,  called  dttir,  so  they  also  made  a 
corresponding  octuple  division  of  the  solar  day  into  aliquot  parts,  called  eyktir,  each 
of  which  was  consequently  equal  to  three  hours.  Sladr  signifies  limit,  or  boundary, 
and,  when  used  in  reference  to  the  rising  and  setting  of  the  sun,  it  denotes,  in  the 
morning,  the  commencement,  and,  in  the  evening,  the  close  of  the  Eykt.  Dagmalstadr 
is,  therefore,  half-past  seven  o'clock  A.  M.,  and  Eyktarstadr  half-past  four  p.  M.  The 
sun  therefore  rose  at  half-past  seven  o'clock  and  set  at  half-past  four  on  the  shortest 
day,  which  was  consequently  nine  hours  long.  This  circumstance  gives  for  the  lati 
tude  of  the  place  41°  24'  10".  The  latitude  of  Seaconnet  Point  and  of  the  south 
point  of  Conannicut  Island  is  41°  26',  and  of  Point  Judith  41°  23',  which  three  head- 
lands  bound  the  entrances  to  what  is  now  called  Mount-Hope  Bay,  and  which  was  doubt 
less  called  Hopsvatn  by  the  ancient  Northmen." 


76 


LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 


emotion  at  the  sight  of  vines  such  as  grew  around  the  home  of 
his  earliest  recollections.  This  episode  and  the  simplicity  with 
which  it  is  narrated,  is,  as  Mr.  De  Costa  justly  claims,  «  a  stroke 
of  genuine  nature,  something  that  a  writer,  framing  the  account 
of  a  fictitious  voyage,  would  not  dream  of."  It  is  well  known 
that  grapes  formerly  grew  wild  in  great  abundance  in  the  vicin 
ity  of  Mount-Hope  Bay,  hence  the  names  Martha? s  Vineyard  and 
Vineyard  Sound. 

Henceforth,  the  occupation  of  Leif  and  his  companions  was 
twofold— felling  and  hewing  timber,  and  gathering  grapes.  Leif 
called  the  land  Yineland.  In  the  spring  they  sailed  with  a  fair 


GRAPES  DISCOVERED  BY  THE  NORTHMEN. 

wind  for  Greenland.  When,  in  sight  of  land,  Leif  steered  to  the 
windward,  his  men  inquired  the  reason  ;  he  replied,  "  I  mind  my 
helm,  and  tend  to  other  things  too.  Do  you  see  any  thing  ?  " 
They  said  they  saw  'nothing  remarkable.  Leif  replied  that  he 
saw  something  which  was  either  a  ship  or  a  rock ;  on  exami 
nation,  the  crew  pronounced  it  a  rock.  "  But  he  saw  so  much 
better  than  they,  that  he  discovered  men  upon  the  rock.  <  Now 
I  will,'  said  Leif,  '  that  we  hold  to  the  wind,  that  we  may  come 
up  to  them  if  they  should  need  help  ;  and,  if  they  should  not  be 
friendly  inclined,  it  is  in  our  power  to  do  as  we  please,  and  not 


THORER  SAVED  FROM  SHIPWRECK.  77 

theirs.'  Now  they  sailed  under  the  rock,  lowered  their  sails, 
cast  anchor,  and  put  out  another  small  boat  which  they  had  with 
them.  Then  Tyrker  asked  who  their  leader  was.  He  said  his 
name  was  Thorer,  and  that  he  was  a  Northman.  '  But  what  is 
your  name  3 '  said  he.  Leif  told  his  name.  (  Are  you  the  son 
of  Eric  the  Eed  of  Brattahlid  ? '  he  asked.  Leif  said  that  was 
so.  '  Now  I  will,'  said  Leif,  '  take  ye  and  all  on  board  my  ship, 
and  as  much  of  the  goods  as  the  ship  will  store.'  They  took  up 
this  offer,  and  sailed  away  to  Ericfiord  with  the  cargo,  and 
thence  to  Brattahlid,  where  they  unloaded  the  ship.  Leif  offered 
Thorer  and  his  wife  Gudrid,  and  three  others,  lodging  with  him 
self,  and  offered  lodging  elsewhere  for  the  rest  of  the  people, 
both  of  Thorer's  crew  and  his  own.  Leif  took  fifteen  men  from 
the  rock,  and  thereafter  was  called  Leif  the  Fortunate.  After 
that  time,  Leif  advanced  greatly  in  wealth  and  consideration. 
That  winter  sickness  came  among  Thorer's  people,  and  he  him 
self  and  a  great  part  of  his  crew  died." 

Though  Leif  had  explored  a  portion  of  the  country,  and 
could  not,  therefore,  share  the  reproach  which  Biarne  had  in 
curred,  there  was  an  evident  opinion  among  his  countrymen  that 
further  exploration  should  be  made. 

Leif  had  been  baptized  in  Norway  at  the  suggestion  and  so 
licitation  of  King  Olaf,  about  the  year  999.  In  the  following 
year  he  first  introduced  Christianity  into  Greenland.  Old  Eric  the 
Red  does  not,  however,  seem  to  have  taken  kindly  to  the  new 
creed,  for  we  find  it  recorded  of  him  that,  when  the  people  called 
his  son  Leif  the  Fortunate,  he  said ;  "  These  two  things  went 
against  one  another ;  that  Leif  had  saved  the  crew  of  the  ship, 
and  delivered  them  from  death,  and  that  he  had  brought  that 
bad  man  into  Greenland ;  that  is  what  he  called  the  priest."  We 
read,  however,  that  the  old  man  was,  after  much  urging,  baptized. 
He  died  soon  after  Leif's  return  from  Yinland  (1001)  ;  the  latter, 
therefore,  assumed  his  father's  place  at  the  head  of  the  Brattah 
lid  settlement,  and  it  was  his  brother  Thorwald  who,  in  the 
spring  of  1002,  sailed  to  prosecute  his  discoveries.  For  this  pur 
pose  he  lent  Thorwald  his  vessel  and  gave  him  ample  instructions. 
It  is  likely  that  the  Northmen  made  observations  and  charts 
during  their  voyages,  whiclf  were  sure  guides  to  those  who  fol 
lowed  them ;  their  knowledge  of  the  compass  would  enable  them 
to  do  this,  and  facts  go  far  to  prove  that  they  availed  themselves 


78  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

of  the  ability.  Leif  first  readied  Newfoundland,  the  most  north 
erly  and  last  point  seen  by  Biarne.  He  does  not  touch  upon 
other  lands,  as  he  most  likely  would  have  done  had  his  instruc 
tions  been  vague  (as  Biarne  himself  did  when  sailing  for  Green 
land  with  nothing  but  description  to  guide  him).  He  next  visited 
Markland  (Nova  Scotia),  which  was  the  second  seen  by  Biarne, 
and  lastly  Vinland,*  which  was  in  the  vicinity  of  the  first  point 
of  land  Biarne's  expedition  had  sighted.  These  were  evidently 
the  points  he  made  for,  and  he  found  them  without  difficulty. 
Now  Thorwald,  sailing  by  Leif's  chart,  makes  immediately  for 
Leifsbiidir,  touching  at  no  intervening  points  (at  least  no  men 
tion  is  made  of  his  having  done  so)  till  he  reached  the  bay. 
Here  he  staid  two  winters,  making  Leifsbiidir  headquarters,  and 
sending  thence  exploring  parties.  One  of  these  went  south  in 
the  ship's  boat,  how  far  we  are  not  able  to  determine,  as  the  de 
tails  of  Thorwald' s  expedition  are  more  meagre  than  those  of  the 
other  narratives,  owing  no  doubt  to  the  death  of  the  chief  before 
returning  to  Greenland.  In  the  year  1004  Thorwald  set  out  in 
his  large  ship  to  explore  northward,  encountering  bad  weather 
when  opposite  a  cape  (evidently  the  extreme  point  of  Cape 
Cod) ;  and,  the  keel  of  his  ship  being  damaged,  he  said  to  his 
companions,  "  We  will  stick  up  the  keel  here  upon  the  ness,37  and 
call  the  place  Kialarness  "  (Keel  Promontory),  "  which  they  did." 
The  ship  being  repaired,  they  sailed  east  to  a  point  of  land  cov 
ered  with  trees,  said  to  be  Point  Alderton,  below  Boston.  When 
they  had  landed,  Thorwald  said :  "  Here  it  is  beautiful ;  and  I 
would  willingly  set  up  my  abode  here." 

Soon  after  they  were  attacked  by  hostile  Skrsellings  (natives). 
"  Then,"  said  Thorwald,  "  we  shall  put  up  our  war-screens  along 
the  gunwales,  and  defend  ourselves  as  well  as  we  can,  but  not 
use  our  weapons  much  against  them." 

"  They  did  so  accordingly.  The  Skraellings  shot  at  them  for 
a  while,  and  then  fled  away  as  fast  as.  they  could.  Then  Thor 
wald  asked  if  any  one  was  wounded,  and  they  said  nobody  was 
hurt.  He  said:  'I  have  a  wound  under  the  arm.  An  arrow 
flew  between  the  gunwale  and  the  shield,  under  my  arm  ;  here 
is  the  arrow,  and  it  will  be  my  death-wound.  Now  I  advise  you 
to  make  ready  with  all  speed  to  return  ;  but  ye  shall  carry  me  to 
the  point  which  I  thought  would  be  so  convenient  for  a  dwelling. 

*7  The  Northmen  called  all  points  of  land,  or  promontories,  ness. 


THE   YULE-FEAST.  79 

It  may  be  that  it  was  true  what  I  said,  that  here  would  I  dwell 
for  a  while.  Ye  shall  bury  me  there,  and  place  a  cross  at  my 
head  and  one  at  my  feet,  and  call  the  place  Crossness.' " 

Having  obeyed  these  last  instructions,  his  companions  re 
turned  to  Leifsbiidir,  spent  the  winter  in  loading  their  ships,  and 
returned  in  the  spring,  "  bringing  heavy  tidings  to  Leif." 

Thorstein  Ericson  hearing  the  fate  of  his  brother  Thorwald, 
determined  to  bring  his  body  from  Yinland  to  Greenland.  He 
equipped  the  same  vessel  and  set  sail,  accompanied  by  his  wife 
Gudrid,  but  his  expedition  was  unfortunate,  and  he  returned  to 
Greenland  without  reaching  any  of  the  lands  his  brothers  had 
visited.  He  died  that  winter. 

During  the  next  summer  (1006)  two  ships  came  from  Iceland, 
one  of  which  was  commanded  by  Thorfinn  Karlsefne,  a  man  of 
wealth  and  illustrious  birth,  his  ancestors  being  noble  Danes, 
.Norwegians,  Swedes,  Irish,  and  Scotch,  some  of  them  kings  or 
of  royal  descent ;  the  other  was  commanded  by  Biarne  Grirnolf- 
son  and  Thorhall  Gamlason.  Each  ship  had  a  crew  of  forty  men. 

"  Leif  and  other  people  rode  down  to  the  ships,  and  friendly 
exchanges  were  made.  The  captains  requested  Leif  to  take 
whatever  he  desired  of  their  goods.  Leif,  in  return,  entertained 
them  well,  and  invited  the  principal  men  of  both  ships  to  spend 
the  winter  with  him  at  Brattahlid.  The  merchants  accepted  his 
invitation  with  thanks.  Afterward  their  goods  were  moved  to 
Brattahlid,  where  they  had  every  entertainment  they  could  de 
sire  ;  therefore  their  winter-quarters  pleased  them  much.  When 
the  Yule-feast  began,  Leif  was  silent  and  more  depressed  than 
usual.  Then  Karlsefne  said  to  Leif:  c  Are  you  sick,  friend  Leif? 
you  do  not  seem  to  be  in  your  usual  spirits.  You  have  enter 
tained  us  liberally,  for  which  we  desire  to  render  you  all  the  ser 
vice  in  our  power.  Tell  me  what  it  is  that  ails  you.'  '  You 
have  received  what  I  have  been  able  to  offer  you  '  said  Leif,  i  in 
the  kindest  manner,  and  there  is  no  idea  in  my  mind  that  you 
have  been  wanting  in  courtesy  ;  but  I  am  afraid  lest,  when  you 
go  away,  it  may  be  said  that  you  never  saw  a  Yule-feast  so 
meanly  celebrated  as  that  which  draws  near,  at  which  you  will 
be  entertained  by  Leif  of  Brattahlid.'  <  That  shall  never  be  the 
case,  friend,'  said  Karlsefne;  6  we  have  ample  stores  in  the  ships  ; 
take  of  these  what  you  wish,  and  make  a  feast  as  splendid  as  you 
please.'  Leif  accepted  the  offer,  and  the  Yule  began ;  and  so 


80  LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

well  were  Leifs  plans  made,  that  all  were  surprised  that  such  a 
rich  feast  could  be  prepared  in  so  poor  a  country.  After  the 
Yule-feast,  Karlsefne  began  to  treat  with  Leif  as  to  the  marriage 
of  Gudrid  ....  and  in  the  end  it  turned  out  that  Karlsefne  mar 
ried  Gudrid  (widow  of  Thorstein  Ericson),  and  their  wedding 
was  held  at  Brattahlid,  this  same  winter. 

"  The  conversation  often  turned,  at  Brattahlid,  on  the  discov 
ery  of  Yinland  the  Good,  and  they  said  that  a  voyage  there  had 
great  hope  of  gain.  And,  after  this,  Karlsefne  and  Snorre  made 
ready  for  going  on  a  voyage  there  the  following  spring.  Biarne 
and  Thorhall  Gamlason,  before  mentioned,  joined  him  with  a 
ship  "(1007). 

The  first  land  this  joint  expedition  reached  after  the  isle  of 
Disco,  which  they  called  Biarney,  or  Bear  Island,  was  evidently 
some  part  of  Labrador.  They  found  on  it  great  stones  and  many 
foxes  ;  they  named  it  Helluland  it  Hilda,  or  Stony-land  the  Great, 
to  distinguish  it  from  Newfoundland,  which  Leif  had  first  named 
Helluland,  and  which  they  now  called  Helluland  it  Litla  (the 
Little).  The  description  in  the  ancient  narrative  is  said  to  an 
swer  perfectly  to  the  aspect  of  that  region.  Sailing  southward 
a  day  and  a  night,  they  came  to  a  land  covered  with  woods,  in 
which  were  many  wild  animals.  This  was  Nova  Scotia,  which 
in  1501  will  be  called  Tierra  Yerde,  or  Greenland,  on  account 
of  these  same  forests,  by  Don  Gaspar  de  Corte  Heal,  and  which 
Leif  had  already  appropriately  named  Markland  (Woodland). 
They  then  came  to  an  island  supposed  to  be  Sable  Island,  where 
they  killed  a  bear.  Thence  they  reached  Kialarness  (Cape  Cod), 
and  saw  the  keel  which  Thorwald  had  there  set  up.  The  shores 
of  this  cape,  long  and  barren  wastes  of  sand,  stretching  along  the 
coast  to  an  apparently  endless  extent,  they  named  Furdus- 
strandir  (Wonderful  Shores),  "  because  they  seemed  so  long  pass 
ing  by."  The  coast  then  became  indented  with  coves,  and  they 
ran  the  ship  into  a  bay,  whither  they  directed  their  course. 
"  King  Olaf  had  given  Leif  two  Scots,  a  man  named  Haki,  and 
a  woman  named  Hekia ;  they  were  swifter  of  foot  than  wild 
animals.  These  were  in  Karlsefne' s  ship.  And  when  they  had 
passed  beyond  Wonder-strand,  they  put  these  Scots  ashore,  and 
told  them  to  run  over  the  land  to  the  southwest,  three  days,  and 
discover  the  nature  of  the  land,  and  then  return.  They  had  a 
kind  of  garment  that  they  called  kiqfal,  that  was  so  made  that  a 


COKN.— BUZZARD'S  BAY.  81 

hat  was  on  top,  and  it  was  open  at  the  sides,  and  no  arms ; 
fastened  between  the  legs  with  a  button  and  strap,  otherwise 
they  were  naked.  When  they  returned,  one  had  in  his  hand  a 
bunch  of  grapes,  and  the  other  an  ear  of  corn.  They  went  on 
board,  and  afterward  the  course  was  obstructed  by  another  bay. 
Beyond  this  bay  was  an  island,  on  each  side  of  which  was  a 
rapid  current,  that  they  called  the  Isle  of  Currents  (Straumey)." 

This  island  was  probably  Nantucket,  which  was  evidently  at 
one  time  united  with  Martha's  Vineyard.  The  name  they  gave 
it  shows  that  they  possessed  knowledge  of  the  Gulf  Stream.  On 
this  island,  we  read :  "  There  was  so  great  a  number  of  eider- 
ducks  there,  that  they  could  hardly  step  without  treading  on 
their  eggs.  They  called  this  place  '  Stream  Bay.'  This  was 
Buzzard's  Bay  ;  the  eggs  were  probably  those  of  the  gull  which 
still  frequents  that  part  in  great  numbers.  Here  we  are  told 
'they  brought  their  ship  to  anchor,  and  prepared  to  stay.  They 
had  with  them  all  kinds  of  cattle.  The  situation  of  the  place, 
was  pleasant,  but  they  did  not  care  for  any  thing  except  to  ex 
plore  the  -  land.  Here  they  wintered,  without  sufficient  food. 
The  next  summer  (1008),  failing  to  catch  fish,  they  began  to 
want  food.  Then  Thorhall  the  hunter  disappeared.  .  .  . 

"  They  found  Thorhall,  whom  they  sought  three  days,  on 
the  top  of  a  rock,  where  he  lay  breathing,  blowing  through  his 
nose  and  mouth,  and  muttering.  They  asked  why  he  had  gone 
there.  He  replied  that  this  was  nothing  that  concerned  them. 
They  said  that  he  should  go  home  with  them,  which  he  did. 
Afterward  a  whale  was  cast  ashore  in  that  place,  and  they  as 
sembled  and  cut  it  up,  not  knowing  what  kind  of  a  whale  it  was, 
they  boiled  it  with  water,  and  devoured  it,  and  were  taken 
sick ;  then  Thorhall  said  :  <  JSTow  you  see  that  Thor  is  more 
prompt  to  give  aid  than  your  Christ.  This  was  cast  ashore  as  a 
reward  for  the  hymn  which  I  composed  to  my  patron  Thor,  who 
rarely  forsakes  me.'  "When  they  knew  this,  they  cast  all  the  re 
mains  of  the  whale  into  the  sea,  and  commended  their  affairs  to 
God.  After  which  the  air  became  milder,  and  opportunities 
were  given  for  fishing,  and  from  that  time  there  was  an  abun 
dance  of  food,  and  there  were  beasts  on  the  land,  eggs  in  the 
island,  and  fish  in  the  sea." 

It  is  somewhat  amusing  to  find  these  newly-converted  and 
evidently  sincere   Christians,  still  believing  in  the  efficacy  of 


82  LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

prayer  to  their  ancient  gods ;  with  them  it  seems  to  have  been  a 
matter  of  supremacy  of  one  god  over  the  other.  Thorhall  was 
evidently  a  most  disagreeable  personage,  not  altogether  unde 
serving  of  his  fate.  We  read  next :  "  They  say  that  Thorhall 
desired  to  go  northward  around  <  Wonder-strand,'  to  explore 
Yinland,  but  Karlsefne  wished  to  go  along  the  south  shore. 

"  Then  Thorhall  prepared  himself  at  the  island,  but  did  not 
have  more  than  nine  men  in  his  whole  company,  and  all  the 
others  went  in  the  company  of  Karlsefne.  When  Thorhall  was 
carrying  water  to  his  ship,  he  sang  this  verse  : 

1  People  said  when  hither  I 
Came,  that  I  the  best 
Drink  would  have,  but  the  land 
It  justly  becomes  me  to  blame — 
I,  a  warrior,  am  now  obliged 
To  bear  the  pail ; 
Wine  touches  not  my  lips, 
But  I  bow  down  to  the  spring.' 

"  And  when  they  had  made  ready  and  were  about  to  sail, 
Thorhall  sang : 

'  Let  us  return 

Thither  where  our  countrymen  rejoice, 
Let  the  ship  try 
The  smooth  ways  of  the  sea ; 
While  the  strong  heroes 
Live  on  Wonder-strand, 
And  there  boil  whales, 
Which  is  an  honor  to  the  land.' 

"Afterward  he  sailed  north,  to  go  round  Wonder-strand 
and  Kialarness,  but,  when  he  wished  to  sail  westward,  they  were 
met  by  a  storm  from  the  west  and  driven  to  Ireland,  where  they 
were  beaten,  and  made  slaves. 

"  And,  as  merchants  reported,  there  Thorhall  died." 

We  see,  by  this  incidental  allusion  to  merchants  and  their 
bringing  news  from  Ireland,  that  the  trade  between  the  latter 
and  Iceland  was  then  nourishing. 

Karlsefne,  with  Biarne,  Snorre,  and  the  rest,  sailed  south  till 
they  reached  the  same  river,  flowing  from  a  lake  into  the  sea, 
which  Leif  had  entered,  and  erected  his  booths. 

They  evidently  passed  to  the  west  of  these,  toward  Mount 
Hope.  They  named  the  place  Hop  (to  form  a  bay,  to  recede). 


MOUNT  HOPE. 


83 


It  is  curious  that  the  present  name  of  the  bay  and  hill  is  Mount 
Hope,  derived  from  the  Indian  word  Haup.  May  not  the  latter 
have  been  a  vestige,  remaining  with  the  natives,  of  the  language 
of  the  Northmen  3  There  is  certainly  no  doubt  that  the  descrip 
tions  in  the  narratives,  both  of  Leif  and  Karlsefne,  of  the  lake 
and  approaches  to  it  accurately  correspond  to  Mount-Hope  Bay ; 
indeed,  this  is  a  point  no  longer  disputed. 

In  this  region  they  found  corn  growing  on  the  low  land, 
vines  on  the  higher ;  the  rivers  were  full  of  fish.  They  put  their 
cattle  out  to  pasture,  and  rested. 

"  When  spring  came  (1009)  they  saw,  one  morning  early,  that 


FIRST  EUROPEANS  TRADING  WITH  INDIANS. 

a  number  of  canoes  rowed  from  the  south  round  the  ness  ;  so 
many  as  if  the  sea  were  sown  with  coal ;  poles  were  also  swung 
on  each  boat.  Karlsefne  and  his  people  then  raised  up  the  shield, 
and  when  they  came  together  they  began  to  trade,  and  those  peo 
ple  would  rather  have  red  cloth  ;  for  this  they  offered  skins  and 
real  furs.  They  would  also  buy  swords  and  spears,  but  this 
Karlsefne  and  Snorre  forbade.  For  a  whole  fur-skin,  the  Skrsel- 
lings  took  a  piece  of  red  cloth  a  span  long,  and  bound  it  round 
their  heads.  Thus  their  traffic  went  on  for  a  time ;  then  the 
cloth  began  to  be  scarce  with  Karlsefne  and  his  people,  and  they 


84  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

cut  it  into  small  pieces  which  were  not  wider  than  a  finger's 
breadth,  and  yet  the  Sknellings  gave  as  much  as  before,  and  more." 

A  bull,  belonging  to  Karlsefne,  happening  to  roar,  disturbed 
this  peaceful  trading  with  the  Indians,  who,  frightened  at  the 
sound,  fled  in  dismay ;  they  soon  returned  making  hostile  demon 
strations;  hard  pressed  by  superior  numbers,  the  Northmen  fled 
to  the  rocks,  where  they  could  make  a  stand.  Freydis,  a  daugh 
ter  of  Eric,  who  with  her  husband  accompanied  the  expedition, 
indignant  at  the  flight  of  her  countrymen,  defied  the  Indians,  so 
that,  awe-struck  at  her  conduct,  and  moreover  routed  by  the 
Northmen  in  the  rocks,  they  fled  to  the  woods.  "  Karlsefne  and 
his  people  now  thought  that  they  saw,  although  the  land  had 
many  good  qualities,  that  they  still  would  always  be  exposed 
there  to  the  fear  of  attacks  from  the  original  dwellers.  They 
decided,  therefore,  to  go  away,  and  return  to  their  own  land." 

They  therefore  sailed  to  the  Straumey,  whence  Karlsefne, 
with  one  of  the  ships,  sailed  in  quest  of  the  malcontent  Thor- 
hall,  the  other  ship  and  crew  remaining  behind.  Rounding 
Kialarness,  Karlsefne  proceeded  northwest ;  the  land  lay  to  his 
left ;  this  was  covered  with  thick  forests,  and  mountains  which 
were  supposed  by  them  to  form  one  range  with  those  of  Hop. 

Karlsefne  returned  to  Straumfiord  after  a  fruitless  search,  and 
there  spent  the  winter  of  1010.  In  the  spring  of  that  year  they 
all  sailed  for  Greenland.  At  Markland  they  saw  five  natives. 
They  captured  two  boys  whom  they  instructed  in  the  Norse 
tongue,  and  the  Christian  religion.  Karlsefne  reached  Green 
land  safely  with  a  rich  cargo  of  timber,  grapes,  and  furs. 

Biarne  Grimolfson,  however,  was  driven  out  into  the  ocean, 
and  his  ship  was  attacked  by  worms,  which  riddled  it  complete 
ly.  The  heroic  magnanimity  of  Biarne  in  this  emergency,  as 
well  as  the  fortitude  displayed  (with  one  exception)  by  the  un 
fortunates  doomed  to  inevitable  death,  are  best  related  in  the 
simple  language  of  the  Saga  : 

u  Biarne  Grimolfson  was  driven  with  his  ship  into  the  Irish 
Ocean,  and  they  came  into  a  worm  sea,  and  soon  the  ship  began 
to  sink  under  them.  They  had  a  boat  which  was  smeared  with 
sea-oil — for  the  worms  do  not  attack  that.  They  went  into  the 
boat,  and  then  saw  that  it  could  not  hold  them  all ;  then  said  Bi 
arne  :  c  As  the  boat  will  not  hold  more  than  half  of  our  men,  it  is 
my  counsel  that  lots  should  be  drawn  for  those  to  go  in  the  boat, 


BIARNE  GIVES  HIS  LIFE. 


85 


for  it  shall  not  be  according  to  rank.'  This  they  all  thought  so 
generous  an  offer  that  no  one  would  oppose  it.  They  then  did 
so,  that  lots  were  drawn  ;  and  it  fell  to  Biarne  to  go  in  the  boat, 
and  half  of  the  men  with  him,  for  the  boat  had  not  room  for 
more.  But  when  they  had  gotten  into  the  boat,  an  Icelandic 
man  that  was  in  the  ship,  and  had  come  with  Biarne  from  Ice 
land,  said,  '  Dost  thou  mean,  Biarne,  to  leave  me  here  ? '  Biarne 
said,  '  So  it  seems.'  Then  said  the  other,  <  Very  different  was  the 
promise  to  my  father,  when  I  went  with  thee  from  Iceland,  than 
thus  to  leave  me,  for  thou  saidst  that  we  should  both  share  the 
same  fate.'  Biarne  said  :  '  It  shall  not  be  thus ;  go  down  into  the 
boat,  and  I  will  go  up  into  the  ship,  since  I  see  that  thou  art  so 


anxious  to  live.'  Then  Biarne  went  up  into  the  ship,  and  this 
man  down  into  the  boat,  and  after  that  they  went  on  their  voy 
age  until  they  came  to  Dublin,  in  Ireland,  and  there  told  these 
things ;  but  it  is  most  people's  belief  that  Biarne  and  his  com-' 
panions  were  lost  in  the  worm  sea,  for  nothing  was  heard  of  them 
after  that  time." 

Other  voyages  were  made,  and  it  is  evident  that  communica 
tion  was  kept  up  with  Yinland  till  intercourse  between  Green 
land  and  Europe  ceased,  and  the  rigor  of  the  climate  or  other 


86  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

causes  had  destroyed  the  vigorous  Norse  colony  in  the  former. 
As  late  as  the  year  1347  it  is  recorded  in  the  "  Annals  of  Iceland," 
a  sort  of  contemporaneous  chronicle,  that  among  the  wrecks  of 
the  year  was  "  a  Greenland  ship  which  had  been  on  a  voyage  to 
Markland."  We  might  also  enlarge  upon  the  tradition,  which 
very  possibly  has  truth  for  its  foundation,  that  the  Irish,  as  early 
as7  the  Northmen,  visited  and  colonized  the  southern  portion  of 
North  America,  and  had  there  formed  an  extensive  settlement. 
The  land  south  of  Yinland  was  called  by  the  Northmen,  Huit- 
ramannaland  (White-man's  Land),  or  Great  Ireland.  The  Irish, 
to  whose  maritime  and  commercial  activity  we  have  already  al 
luded,  may  very  possibly  have  extended  their  voyages  so  far ; 
but  this  cannot  yet  be  stated  as  a  fact,  and  still  remains  a  mere 
tradition.  Not  so  the  voyages  of  the  Northmen  to  our  conti 
nent  ;  these  have  become  a  certainty.  They  also  made  extensive 
explorations  in  the  arctic  regions,  but  of  these  we  shall  not  here 
speak,  contenting  ourselves  with  having  recorded  their  more 
important  explorations  along  the  coast  of  North  America. 

And,  having  read  the  narratives  of  these  Norse  voyagers, 
how  can  we  sufficiently  admire  their  conduct  and  motives,  es 
pecially  when  contrasted  with  those  of  the  much-lauded  Colum 
bus  ?  Thorwald  asks  "  whether  any  one  is  hurt,"  before  even  al 
luding  to  his  own  mortal  wound ;  and  when  he  does  so  it  is  with 
manly  fortitude  and  resignation.  Biarne  Grimolfson  gives  his 
life  for  a  cowardly  follower,  and  accepts  certain  death,  that  he 
may  be  true  to  a  promise  given.  Can  one  such  act  be  found  in 
the  far  more  recent  life  of  Columbus,  whose  continual  /becomes 
monotonous,  who  ignores  all  save  himself,  whines  and  whimpers 
at  the  slightest  danger,  real  or  apparent  ?  Leif  Ericson  himself 
starts  in  search  of  a  missing  follower,  and,  finding  him,  greets 
him  kindly.  When  two  of  Columbus' s  luckless  crew  lose  them 
selves,  they  are  by  his  orders  cast  in  irons  and  put  on  short  ra 
tions,  to  expiate  their  heinous  offense.  Attacked  by  hostile  In 
dians,  Thorwald  says,  "  We  shall  defend  ourselves  as  well  as  we 
.can,  but  not  use  our  weapons  much  against  them."  Greeted  by 
peaceable  Indians,  Columbus  orders  the  ship's  gun  fired  in  their 
midst,  in  order  "  to  abate  their  pride  and  make  them  not  con 
temn  the  Christians."  88 

All  the  Norse  leaders,  Biarne  Heriulfson,  Leif  and  Thorwald 

88  Fernando,  "  Historia  del  Amirante/'chapter  xcili. 


HEROIC  CHARACTER  OF  THE  NORTHMEN.       87 

Ericson,  Karlsefne,  Biarne  Grimolfson,  worked  for  the  common 
good,  and  were  as  much  loved  and  respected  by  their  followers 
as  Columbus  was  hated  and  despised  by  his. 

"We  have  here  given  but  a  short  sketch  of  the  Northmen  and 
their  achievements  in  America,  because  the  field  has  already 
been  thoroughly  explored.  The  evidence,  climatic,  geographical, 
and  astronomical,  that  the  Sagas  describe  the  Eastern  coast  of 
North  America,  has  been  unanswerably  set  forth  by  Rafn,  and 
the  matter  placed  beyond  cavil.  Historians  of  Columbus,  how 
ever,  either  utterly  ignore,  or  slightingly  allude  to,  the  achieve 
ments  of  these  predecessors  of  their  hero,  on  whom  they  have 
determined  to  heap  all  the  honors  belonging  to  various  men  and 
various  ages.  To  this  the  candid  and  impartial  will  scarcely 
consent.  If  the  discovery  by  Columbus  in  1492  of  the  islands 
of  San  Salvador  and  San  Domingo  was  the  discovery  of  the  Con 
tinent  of  America,  then  the  discovery  and  permanent  coloniza 
tion  of  Iceland  and  Greenland,  six  hundred  years  before  by  the 
Scandinavians,  was  also  the  discovery  of  that  continent ;  the  por 
tion  of  main-land  coasted  by  Columbus  was  avowedly  but  small, 
and  he  professed  to  be  in  Asia.  The  Northmen,  on  the  con 
trary,  visited  all  the  eastern  coast  of  America,  from  the  extreme 
North  to  Florida,  formed  settlements,  and  for  centuries  carried 
on  commerce  with  the  products  of  what  are  now  the  most  civil 
ized,  populous,  and  enlightened  portions  of  America ;  and  the 
American  might  well  feel  relief  and  pride  at  the  knowledge 
that  the  first  of  his  race  to  touch  upon  his  native  shores  were 
the  heroic  Norsemen : 

"Kings  of  the  main,  their  leaders  brave, 
Their  barks  the  dragons  of  the  wave." 


CHAPTEE  IY. 

PRINCE  MADOC   AND   THE   ZENI  BKOTHEKS. 

IN  treating  of  pre-Columbian  visits  to  America,  it  would  be 
unjust  wholly  to  omit  mentioning  the  voyages  said  to  have  been 
made  to  that  continent  by  Prince  Madoc,  in  the  twelfth  and  the 
Zeni  brothers  in  the  fourteenth  century.  Insufficiency  of  eviden  ce 
prevents  these  expeditions  from  taking  a  prominent  place  in  the 
domain  of  history,  yet  the  traditionary  accounts  of  them,  ignored 
by  too  partial  historians  of  Columbus,  go  far  to  prove  that  the 
voyage  of  the  latter  was  no  such  startling  undertaking  as  has 
been  represented ;  that  the  realms  which  lay  beyond  the  Atlantic 
were  not  shrouded  in  all  the  mystery  of  the  unknown ;  nor  the 
ocean  itself  regarded  with  that  superstitious  terror  recorded  by 
his  eulogists,  in  order  to  enhance  his  courage  and  superiority 
over  his  contemporaries. 

Cambrian  chroniclers  speak  confidently  of  a  voyage  made  by 
Prince  Madoc  in  the  year  1170,  to  a  Western  continent.  This 
land  is  said  to  have  been  fertile,  and  peopled  by  a  race  differing 
in  features  and  complexion  from  those  of  Europe.  Subsequent 
writers  contend  that  this  new  land  was  no  other  than  the  Conti 
nent  of  America.38 

What  may  be  the  amount  of  credit  justly  due  to  these  state 
ments  is  not  now  easy  to  determine ;  yet  it  is  evident  that  the 
earlier  of  these  accounts  were  not  written  for  the  purpose  of  de 
frauding  Columbus.  Hakluyt,  Humboldt,  and  others,  have 
given  this  subject  more  or  less  consideration.  While  it  is  still 
shrouded  in  mystery,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  Madoc  made 
a  voyage  to  distant  lands.  His  name  and  family  were  not  so  ob 
scure  as  to  admit  of  his  disappearing  from  the  scenes  of  turmoil 

89  The  similarity  between  the  name  of  Madoc  and  that  of  the  Modoc  tribe  of  In- 
dians  has  been  commented  upon  by  some,  who  ascribe  a  Welsh  descent  to  the  latter. 


PRINCE  MADOC.  89 

and  blood  with  which  Wales  was  afflicted  after  the  death  of  his 
father,  without  attracting  the  notice  of  historians  of  his  time, 
nor  is  it  probable  that  he  remained  concealed  in  his  native  land, 
or  that  he  fixed  his  abode  in  any  portion  of  the  earth  with  which 
the  isle  of  Britain  had  (intercourse. 

Prince  Madoc  is  the  hero  of  one  of  Southey's  ablest  poems. 
He  prefaces  it  with  the  following  history,  which  contains  all  that 
is  known  at  the  present  day  of  the  Welsh  navigator  : 

"  The  historical  facts  on  which  this  poem  is  founded  may  be 
related  in  a  few  words.  On  the  death  of  Owen  Gwyneth,  King 
of  North  Wales,  A.  D.  1169,  his  children  disputed  the  succession. 
Yorworth,  the  elder,  was  set  aside  without  a  struggle,  as  being 
incapacitated  by  a  blemish  in  his  face.  Hoel,  though  illegiti 
mate,  and  born  of  an  Irish  mother,  obtained  possession  of  the 
throne  for  a  while,  till  he  was  defeated  and  slain  by  David,  the 
eldest  son  of  the  late  king  by  a  second  wife.  The  conqueror, 
who  then  succeeded  without  opposition,  slew  Yorworth,  im 
prisoned  Rodri,  and  hunted  others  of  his  brethren  into  exile. 
But  Madoc,  meantime,  abandoned  his  barbarous  country,  and 
sailed  away  to  the  west,  in  search  of  some  better  resting-place. 
The  land  which  he  discovered  pleased  him ;  he  left  there  part  of 
his  people,  and  went  back  to  Wales  for  a  fresh  supply  of  adven 
turers,  with  whom  he  again  set  sail,  and  was  heard  of  no  more. 
Strong  evidence  has  been  adduced  that  he  reached  America." 

The  poem  of  Madoc,  Mr.  Southey  informs  us,  drew  upon  him 
the  indignation  of  an  American  pamphleteer,  who  denounced 
him,  as  having  "  meditated  a  most  serious  injury  against  the 
reputation  of  the  New  World,  by  attributing  its  discovery  and 
colonization  to  a  little  vagabond  Welsh  prince — this  being  a 
most  insidious  attempt  against  the  honor  of  America  and  the 
reputation  of  Columbus." 

To  such  lengths  of  blind  partiality  will  men  be  carried,  who 
care  less  for  the  truth  of  history  than  for  the  fame  of  its  crea 
tures.  Early  historians  were  not  thus  scornful  of  Madoc  and  his 
voyages ;  witness  Purchas,  who  writes  :  "  I  will  not  say  but  that 
in  these  times  of  old,  some  ships  might  come  some  time  by  casu 
alty  into  these  parts,  but  rather  forced  by  weather  than  directed 
by  skill ;  and  thus  it  is  likely  that  some  parts  of  America  have 
been  peopled  ....  The  most  probable  history  (account)  in  this 
kind  is  (in  my  mind),  that  of  Madoc  ap  Owen  Gwyneth,  who,  by 


90  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

reason  of  civil  contentions,  left  his  country  of  Wales,  seeking 
adventures  by  sea ;  and,  leaving  the  coast  of  Ireland  north,  came 
to  a  land  unknown,  where  he  saw  many  strange  things." ' 

NICOLO  and  ANTONIO  ZENO  flourished  in  Yenice,  during  the 
latter  part  of  the  fourteenth  century  (1380).  They  were  active 
members  of  a  family  of  warriors,  navigators,  statesmen,  diplo 
mats,  and  historians ;  few  families  have  a  prouder  record  than 
the  Zeni ;  Nicolo  and  Antonio  added  to  its  fame  by  the  adven 
turous  character  of  their  voyages,  especially  by  that  in  which  it 
is  averred  that  the  latter  visited  the  Continent  of  America. 

Purchas,  in  speaking  of  discoveries  made  in  the  northern 
parts  of  the  New  "World,  Greenland,  New  France,  etc.,  says: 
"  The  first  knowledge  that  hath  come  to  us  of  those  parts  was  by 
Nicholas  and  Antonio  Zeno.  .  .  .  Master  Nicholo  Zeno,  being 
wealthy,  and  of  a  haughty  spirit,  desiring  to  see  the  fashions  of 
the  world,  built  and  furnished  a  ship  at  his  own  charge,  passing 
the  Straits  of  Gibraltar,  held  on  his  course  northward,  with  in 
tent  to  see  England  and  Flanders,  but,  a  violent  tempest  assail 
ing  him,  he  was  carried  he  knew  not  whither." 41  He  finally 
reached  Friesland,  according  to  the  same  old  author,  and  was 
there  with  his  companions  saved  from  death  at  the  hands  of  the 
natives,  by  Zichmui,  who  was  a  chief  or  ruler  in  that  province. 
This  chief,  appreciating  the  nautical  skill  of  Nicolo,  placed  him 
in  command  of  his  navy,  and  subjugated  sundry  islands.  "  After 
divers  notable  exploits,"  Nicolo  armed  three  vessels  in  which 
he  visited  Engroneland  (probably  Iceland).  Here  he  found  a 
monastery,  and  a  church  dedicated  to  St.  Thomas ;  this  was 
"  hard  by  a  hill,  that  cast  out  fire,  like  Vesuvius  and  Etna  ;  there 
is  a  fountain  of  hot  water  with  which  they  heat  the  church  of  the 
monastery,  and  the  friars'  chambers ;  it  cometh  also  into  the 
kitchen  so  boiling  hot  that  they  use  no  other  fire  to  dress  their 
meat." 

Nicolo  returned  to  Friesland  in  1395,  and  died  there ;  his 
brother  Antonio  succeeded  to  his  fortune  and  honors,  and  was 
employed  by  Zichmui  in  an  expedition  to  Estotiland.  This  coun 
try  we  are  told  lay  "  to  the  west  of  Friesland  ;  the  people  there 
possess  some  gold,  sow  corn,  and  make  beer ; "  farther  south, 

40  «  pilgrimage,"  pp.  725,  726.     The  story  of  Madoc  has  been  carefully  examined 
by  John  Williams,  LL.  D.  (London,  1791),  to  which  the  curious  are  referred. 

41  «  Pilgrimage,"  p.  735. 


THE  ZENI  BEOTHERS.  91 

they  go  naked.  In  one  region  they  visited,  the  ground  was 
covered  with  the  eggs  of  wild-fowl.  The  country  was  very  ex 
tensive,  and  was  regarded  as  a  new  world.  After  this  voyage 
Antonio  returned  to  Venice,  where  he  died  soon  after,  in  1405. 
Such  are  the  meagre  data  which  have  come  down  to  us. 
Scanty  as  are  the  details,  they  go  far  to  corroborate  the  assertion 
that  Zeno  touched  upon  the  American  Continent.  Purchas  says 
of  the  regions  above  named  (New  France,  etc.),  "  The  best  geog 
raphers  are  beholden  to  these  brothers  for  that  little  knowl 
edge  they  have  of  these  parts." 


CHAPTEE  Y. 

INTRODUCTION   TO   THE    HISTORY   OF   COLUMBUS. 

THERE  is  an  ancient  Indian  fable  which  reads  :  "  This  beau 
tiful  world  we  inhabit  rests  on  the  back  of  a  mighty  elephant ; 
the  elephant  stands  on  the  back  of  a  monster  turtle  ;  the  turtle 
rests  upon  a  serpent ;  the  serpent  on  nothing."  It  well  typifies 
the  many  splendid  histories  of  Columbus,  eloquent  in  the  praise 
of  their  hero,  proceeding  often  from  the  most  eminent  authors, 
and  resting  upon  a  stupendous  "weight  of  authority"  which  is 
in  itself  nothing,  or,  worse  than  nothing,  falsehood ;  yet,  so  deep 
ly  rooted  are  these  falsehoods  in  the  minds  of  the  multitude,  and 
so  difficult  are  first  impressions  to  erase,  that  many  years  will 
elapse  before  the  question,  "  Who  discovered  America  ? "  will  not 
be  answered  unhesitatingly  with  the  name  of  Christopher  Co 
lumbus.  Where  one  author,  regarding  truth  as  of  more  impor 
tance  than  the  reputation  of  any  real  or  pretended  hero,  labors 
to  show  matters  pertaining  to  this  discovery  in  their  true  light, 
ten,  nay,  a  hundred,  will  unreflectingly  repeat  the  universally 
accepted  theory,  and  stamp  it  indelibly  on  the  minds  of  another 
generation.  Great  writers  have  immortalized,  poets  idealized, 
and  priests  would  canonize  Columbus.  In  the  vindication  of 
truth,  the  work  is  truly  great,  the  laborers  few,  and  the  attempt 
to  prove  that  this  saintly  demi-god  was  neither  great,  noble, 
heroic,  nor  even  honest,  appears  but  a  thankless  task. 

"  There  is  a  certain  meddlesome  spirit,"  writes  Washington 
Irving,  in  his  "  Life  of  Columbus,"  "  which,  in  the  garb  of 
learned  research,  goes  prying  about  the  traces  of  history,  casting 
down  its  monuments,  and  marring  and  mutilating  its  fairest 
trophies.  Care  should  be  taken  to  vindicate  great  names  from 


TRUTH,   THE  AIM  OF  THE  HISTORIAN.  93 

such  pernicious  erudition.  It  defeats  one  of  the  most  salutary 
purposes  of  history,  that  of  furnishing  examples  of  what  human 
genius  and  laudable  enterprise  may  accomplish."  4a 

We,  too,  believe  that  one  of  the  most  laudable  purposes  of 
history  is  to  furnish  examples  of  what  human  genius  and  enter 
prise  can  accomplish,  and  far  be  it  from  us  to  pry  with  meddle 
some  spirit ;  but,  we  would  ask,  Were  genius  and  enterprise  con 
centrated  in  Columbus  only  ?  If  others  were  the  authors  of  a 
scheme  which  he  imperfectly  carried  out,  should  not  their  names 
be  vindicated,  their  genius  extolled?  If  the  monuments  ex 
isting  are  false,  should  they  not  be  overthrown,  and  the  real  ones 
raised  triumphantly  to  the  pedestals  from  which  they  have  been 
so  long  and  unjustly  dethroned  ?  Above  all,  is  not  truth  the 
greatest  and  most  worthy  object  of  history  ? 

These  questions,  we  believe,  answer  themselves.  Before  at 
tempting  to  mar  one  of  the  fairest  trophies  of  history,  let  us  dis 
cover  by  whom  this  trophy  was  raised ;  in  a  word,  let  us  exam 
ine  what  constituted  history,  and  especially  Spanish- American 
history,  at  the  time  of  Columbus.  Let  us  not  be  deterred  from 
rejecting  a  statement  which  is  evidently  untrue,  because  of  the 
"  weight  of  authority  "  upon  which  it  rests  ;  nor  let  us  blindly 
accept  a  false  assertion  because  sanctioned  by  an  Inquisitor; 
neither  will  we  denounce  in  general  terms  the  authorities  so 
often  quoted,  but  endeavor  to  show  their  defects  and  errors,  that 
the  reader  may  himself  judge  how  much  is  to  be  accepted  as 
truth,  and  how  much  as  the  result  of  priestly  tyranny,  personal 
vanity,  and  interested  deceit. 

"  The  writing  of  history,  so  far  as  regards  the  New  World," 
Lord  Kingsborough  remarks,  "  was  by  the  law  of  Spain  restrict 
ed  to  men  in  priestly  orders." 

To  a  small  work  on  Mexico,  by  Boturini,  are  appended — 

1.  The  declaration  of  his  faith. 

2.  The  license  of  an  Inquisitor. 

3.  The  license  of  the  judge  of  the  Supreme  Council  of  the 
Indies. 

4.  The  license  of  the  Jesuit  father. 

5.  The  license  of  the  Royal  Council  of  the  Indies. 

6.  The  approbation  of  the  qualificator  of  the  Inquisition. 

7.  The  license  of  the  Royal  Council  of  Castile. 

49  Irving,  "Life  of  Columbus,"  book  i.,  chapter  v. 


94:  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

Beyond  all  this,  the  person  must  be  of  sufficient  influence  to 
obtain  the  favorable  notice  of  the  bodies  thus  represented. 

Nor  was  this  the  end  of  the  difficulty :  the  license  of  any  one 
of  these  officials  could  be  revoked  at  pleasure ;  and,  when  repub- 
lished,  the  work  had  to  be  reexamined. 

The  penalty  attached  to  the  possession  of  a  book  not  thus 
licensed  was  death.48 

In  1524  Venetian  merchants  were  arrested,  by  the  Holy 
Office,  for  selling  Bibles  with  commentaries,  by  a  writer  of  the 
twelfth  century,  Eabbi  Solomon  Easchi ;  and  their  release  could 
not  be  obtained  by  the  Venetian  ambassador,  because  it  was  al 
leged  that  they  were  arrested  for  selling  books  against  the  Faith. 

Such  was  the  tyranny  which  weighed  upon  historical  writers ; 
and  it  is  not  difficult  to  perceive  how  all  these  censors  would 
deal  partially  with  Columbus.  By  representing  himself  as  the 
chosen  of  God,  the  champion  of  the  Christian  religion,  carry 
ing  the  light  of  the  Gospel  to  heathen  nations,  by  performing  the 
smallest  acts  with  affectation  of  religious  ceremony,  by  inserting 
scriptural  and  religious  sentences  in  his  most  trivial  letters,  by 
recounting  miracles  and  interviews  with  God,  by  giving,  in  fact, 
a  religious  coloring  to  all  his  acts,  he  became  the  protege  of  the 
Church,  which  has  continued  through  all  after-centuries  to  re 
gard  him  as  one  of  her  most  zealous  votaries,  and  is  now  stren 
uously  urged  to  place  him  among  her  saints. 

Pope  Alexander  YI.  (Koderigo  Borgia)  deeded  the  Conti 
nent  of  America  to  Spain,  solely  on  the  statement  of  Columbus.44 
To  attack  the  latter  was,  therefore,  to  attack  the  justice  of  the 
pope's  bull,  and  an  indirect  imputation  on  papal  infallibility. 
"  The  learned  and  excellent  divine  Guistiniani,"  who  published, 
we  believe,  the  first  polyglot  edition  of  the  Psalms,  was  bitterly 
assailed,  and  his  book  condemned  to  be  burned,46  because,  in  a 
note  appended  to  the  nineteenth  Psalm,  containing  a  sketch  of 

48  Wilson,  "  New  History  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico,"  chapter,  ii.,  p.  81 ;  Lord 
Kingsborough,"  vol.  vii.,  p.  269. 

44  Count  Roselly  de  Lorgues,  in  his  "  Life  of  Columbus  "  (vol.  i.,  chapter  xi.,  p.  400), 
speaking  of  this  matter,  says :  "  The  pope  has  faith  in  Columbus.  He  yields  full  cre 
dence  to  him  and  justifies  his  calculations.  It  is  solely  on  Columbus  that  he  depends  ; 
it  is  relying  on  Columbus  that  he  engages  in  the  vast  partition  of  the  unexplored  world, 
between  the  crowns  of  Spain  and  Portugal.  Every  thing  the  messenger  of  the  cross  pro 
poses  is  granted  in  full,  as  a  thing  that  is  indicated  by  Providence." 

46  Fernando,  "  Historia  del  Amirante,"  chapter  ii. 


SPANISH  HISTORY.  95 

the  life  of  Columbus  (suggested  by  the  words  "  In  omnem  ter~ 
ram  exivit  sonus  eorum,  et  in  finis  mundi  verba  eorum  "),  there 
are  some  statements  which  are  not  considered  sufficiently  flatter 
ing  to  that  individual.  An  examination  of  this  note  will  prove 
to  the  reader  how  trivial  an  offense  was  sufficient  to  cause  the 
destruction  of  a  valuable  work.  One  of  the  chief  enormities  it 
contains  is  the  allegation  that  in  his  early  life  Columbus  was  a 
mechanic;  this,  his  son  and  historian  regards  as  an  unspeakable 
insult. 

Laical  censors,  owing  their  authority  to  the  same  royal  favor 
which  protected  Columbus,  would  naturally  regard  any  history, 
detrimental  to  fhe  latter,  as  militating  against  the  Queen  of  Cas 
tile.  Thus  it  was  that  in  Spain  it  became  necessary  for  all  who 
would  write  a  history  of  the  ISTew  World,  to  extol  Columbus 
and  the  Church. 

To  ecclesiastical  tyranny  and  popular  prejudice  may  be 
added  the  exaggerations  and  falsehoods  of  the  chief  actor  of  the 
scene,  whose  statements  are  accepted  as  gospel  truth,  even  when 
at  war  with  reason,  common-sense,  or  known  facts,  and  we  shall 
perceive  how  difficult  it  will  be  to  wade  through  errors,  partiality, 
and  injustice,  and  arrive  at  the  truth  regarding  the  character 
and  deeds  of  this  Columbus  and  his  contemporaries.  We  have 
seen  how  history  was  compiled  in  his  time.  Subsequent  Spanish 
historians,  finding,  even  in  the  facts  recorded,  much  which  would 
militate  against  the  honor  of  their  country,  as  well  as  of  the 
individuals  concerned,  have  endeavored  to  soften  the  cruelties 
and  enormities  perpetrated  ;  while  the  modern  American  writer 
identifies  the  glory  of  his  country  with  that  of  Columbus,  and 
considers  that  to  record  any  thing  which  is  not  highly  in  praise 
of  the  latter,  is  to  insult  America.  How  far  this  spirit  is 
carried  we  may  judge  from  the  following  passage  in  Washington 
Irving : 

"Herrera  has  been  accused  also  of  flattering  his  nation,  ex 
alting  the  deeds  of  his  countrymen,  and  softening  and  concealing 
their  excesses. 

"There  is  nothing  very  serious  in  this  accusation.  To  illus 
trate  the  glory  of  his  nation  is  one  of  the  noblest  offices  of  the 
historian ;  and  it  is  difficult  to  speak  too  highly  of  the  extraordi 
nary  enterprises  and  splendid  actions  of  the  Spaniards  in  those 
days.  In  softening  their  excesses  he  fell  into  an  amiable  and 


96 


LIFE   OF   COLUMBUS. 


pardonable  error,  if  indeed  it  be  an  error  for  a  Spaniard  to  en 
deavor  to  sink  them  in  oblivion." 

When  we  read  such  sentiments  from  the  pen  of  one  of  Amer 
ica's  ablest  writers,  we  confess  that  we  lose  some  confidence  in 
his  statements.  If  history  were  to  become  the  medium  through 
which  writers  exaggerate  the  good  and  conceal  the  bad  in  their 
respective  countries  and  favorite  heroes,  how  vainly  should  we 
search  for  truth  in  the  history  of  the  same  events,  written  in 
nations  variously  interested! 

The  historian  has  a  nobler  mission.  The  good  and  great  he 
should  indeed  extol,  that  after-generations  may  be  impelled 
to  like  actions ;  but  that  which  is  disgraceful,  cruel,  or  dishon 
orable,  he  should  fearlessly  condemn ;  he  thus  becomes  the  faith 
ful  mirror  in  which  good  and  bad  are  alike  reflected,  exerting 
a  salutary  influence  in  his  own  country,  believed  and  respected 
in  others. 


Illustration  of  tortures  inflicted  upon  obnoxious  or  heretical  authors  of  the  time  of  Columbus.  The 
instruments  below  the  burning  psalter  represent  the  "  Morning  Star,"  or  "  Holy -water  Sprin 
kler"  (so  called  derisively),  with  which  the  blood  of  heretics  was  drawn.  (See Meyrick'a  "De 
scription  of  Ancient  Arms  and  Armor  at  Goodrich  Court,"  vol.  ii.,  plates  92,  93.) 


CHAPTER  VI. 

CONTEMPORARIES     OF    COLUMBUS. FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA". 

IF  it  is  necessary  to  demonstrate  the  spirit  in  which  his  his 
tory  has  hitherto  been  written,  before  attempting  a  truthful  biog 
raphy  of  Columbus,  it  is  not  less  necessary,  in  order  to  form  a 
just  estimate  of  his  character,  to  become  acquainted  with  those 
of  his  contemporaries  with  whom  he  had  more  or  less  relation, 
and  who  have  been  favored  or  injured,  according  as  they  were 
favorable  to  him  ;  or  as  their  character  and  achievements,  supe 
rior  to  his,  would,  unless  willfully  belittled,  diminish  greatly  the 
meed  of  praise  which  has  been  accorded  to  him. 

The  most  prominent  of  these  were  Ferdinand  of  Aragon 
and  Isabella  of  Castile,  who  are  so  intricately  connected  with 
the  history  of  Columbus  that  it  becomes  necessary  to  elucidate 
their  character,  that  the  reader  may  judge  of  their  conduct  with 
regard  to  the  latter.  It  has  been  too  customary  to  lay  the  blame 
of  all  the  calamities  which  Columbus  entailed  upon  himself,  by 
his  deception  and  inhumanity,  upon  the  "  cold  and  calculating 
Ferdinand,"  "  who  is  represented  as  having  persistently  endeav 
ored  to  frustrate  his  lofty  designs.  These  charges  become  void 
when  we  consider  the  marriage  articles  between  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella,  signed  and  sworn  to  January  7,  1469,  in  which  Ferdi 
nand  promised  faithfully  to  respect  the  laws  of  Castile ;  to  fix  his 
residence  in  that  kingdom,  and  not  to  quit  it  without  the  con 
sent  of  Isabella  ;  to  alienate  no  property  belonging^  to  the  crown  ; 
to  prefer  no  foreigners  to  municipal  offices  (his  subjects  were 
foreigners  in  Castile) ;  to  make  no  appointments,  civil  or  military, 
without  her  consent  or  approbation  ;  to  resign  to  her,  exclusive 
ly,  the  right  of  nomination  to  ecclesiastical  benefices,  etc.,  etc.47 

They  lived  together,  not  like  man  and  wife,  whose  estates 

46  Irving,  "  Life  of  Columbus,"  book  xviii.,  chapter  iii. 

47  Prescott,  "  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,"  chapter  iii. 


98 


LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 


were  blended,  and  subject  to  the  direction  of  the  husband,  but 
like  allied  monarchs,  with  separate  and  independent  claims  to 
sovereignty,  each  having  their  envoys,  ministers,  counselors, 
secretaries,  and  treasurers,  and  were  often  removed  from  each 
other  while  superintending  their  respective  interests.48  The  sub 
jects  of  Ferdinand  were  not  allowed  even  to  visit  the  western 


FERDINAND 'OF  ABAGON.— (From  an  Old  Engraving  in  the  Burgundian  Library.) 

48  Irving,  "  Life  of  Columbus,"  book  ii.,  chapter  ii.  Voltaire,  "  Essai  sur  les  Moeurs." 
Ferdinand  complains  thus  of  his  consort :  "  The  reason  why  you  do  not  write,  is  not 
because  there  is  no  paper  to  be  had,  or  that  you  do  not  know  how  to  write,  but  be 
cause  you  do  not  love  me,  and  because  you  are  proud.  You  are  living  at  Toledo,  I 
am  living  in  small  villages.  .  .  .  The  affairs  of  the  princess  "  (their  daughter)  "must 
not  be  forgotten.  For  God's  sake,  remember  her,  as  also  her  father,  who  kisses  your 
hands,  and  is  your  servant."  We  shall  see  how  the  unhappy  daughter  he  alludes  to 
was  remembered. 


DECEIT  AND   CRUELTY  OF  ISABELLA.  99 

islands  when  discovered.  He  was  subject  to  the  Queen  of  Castile, 
and  perfectly  unanswerable  for  any  of  her  proceedings.  Astute 
and  suspicious  as  he  no  doubt  was,  he  may  have  mistrusted  the 
adventurer  Christopher  Columbus,  but  he  was  too  jealously  pre 
vented  from  having  any  voice  in  the  affairs  of  state  for  his  sus 
picions  to  have  any  effect. 

Isabella,  the  patroness  of  Columbus,  has  been  handed  down 
to  posterity  as  of  "glorious  memory"  the  "sweet  queen"  Pres- 
cott  tells  us  "  her  honest  soul  abhorred  any  thing  like  artifice." 
She  is  represented  as  the  type  of  womanly  gentleness,  virtue, 
and  truth,  coupled  with  masculine  courage  and  intelligence  ;  but, 
alas !  as  we  peruse  her  history,  and  see  her  character  reflected  in 
the  numerous  dispatches  she  wrote,  we  perceive  that  the  priest 
hood,  which  raised  her  to  the  throne  of  Castile,  has  done  much 
toward  embellishing  her  character,  and  endowing  her  with  ficti 
tious  qualities.  Transferred,  at  the  early  age  of  sixteen,  to  a 
court  which  Prescott  terms  "a  brothel,  private  morals  too  loose 
to  seek  even  the  veil  of  hypocrisy ; "  frequently  betrothed  to  men 
who,  if  not  yielding  to  the  wishes  of  those  who  treated  for  their 
marriage  with  the  future  Queen  of  Castile,  died  in  a  manner  as 
mysterious  as  sudden;  owing  her  throne  itself  to  a  scandalous 
imputation  against  her  brother's  wife,  and  the  brand  of  illegiti 
macy  affixed  to  her  niece,  her  early  life  too  soon  made  her  famil 
iar  with  the  immorality  and  unscrupulous  intrigue  of  the  court 
of  Spain  at  that  period. 

The  fearful  fires  of  the  Inquisition  filled  Spain  with  a  ghastly 
glare,  and  it  was  Isabella  who  applied  the  torch.  She  peti 
tioned  for  the  establishment  of  Torquemada  as  grand-inquisitor. 
Whole  towns  and  villages  were  depopulated,  and  their  wealth 
poured  into  the  royal  coffers.  Living  and  dead  were  alike  per 
secuted  ;  bodies  were  exhumed  and  burned,  while  the  crown 
confiscated  the  wealth  of  the  heirs.  Isabella  herself  says :  "  I 
have  caused  great  calamities,  and  depopulated  towns,  lands, 
provinces,  and  kingdoms  ;"  but  this  was  all  done,  she  protested, 
from  love  of  Christ  and  his  Holy  Mother !  Those  were  liars 
and  calumniators  who  said  she  had  done  so  from  love  of  money, 
for  she  had  never  touched  a  maravedi  proceeding  from  the  confis 
cated  goods,  but  had  employed  the  money  in  educating  and 
giving  marriage-portions  to  the  children  of  the  condemned.  It 
would  seem  discourteous,  if  not  unjust,  to  doubt  so  solemn  a 


100  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

declaration ;  but,  as  we  peruse  the  state  papers,  we  find  orders 
emanating  from  the  queen  which  differ  widely  from  the  spirit 
of  the  above  profession.  For  instance,  one  Pecho  of  Xerez  was 
condemned  for  heresy  ;  his  property,  amounting  to  two  hundred 
thousand  maravedis,  was  confiscated.  The  widow,  whose  portion 
was  twenty  thousand  maravedis,  was  reduced  with  her  children  to 
the  utmost  destitution.  As  a  special  favor,  Isabella  granted  them 
thirty  thousand  maravedis,  while  the  remaining  hundred  and  sev 
enty  thousand  she  appropriated  to  herself.  Such  cases  abound ; 
and  while  so-called  bounties,  such  as  the  above,  are  always  record 
ed,  silence  is  preserved  touching  the  many  instances  in  which  she 
appropriated  the  whole  of  the  confiscated  property.  So  terrible 
did  her  persecutions  become,  that  the  pope  resolved  to  send  a 
legate  to  Spain  to  investigate  the  proceedings  of  the  Inquisition. 
Isabella  strove  to  prevent  this. 

"  She  used  corruption  on  a  large  scale,  larger  even,  as  she  de 
clared,  than  was  agreeable  to  herself.  The  final  result  was,  that 
the  courts  of  Spain  and  Rome  came  to  an  understanding  respect 
ing  the  person  who  was  to  be  sent  as  legate.  He  received 
rich  donations  in  Spain,  and  his  inquiry  was  reduced  to  a 
mere  form.  It  is  characteristic  of  the  queen,  that  the  only  condi 
tion  she  made  was  that  his  Holiness  should  absolve  her  from 
simony." 4fl 

The  Inquisition  was  thus  firmly  established.  Yictims  mul 
tiplied  ;  two  thousand  men  and  women  were  burned,  a  greater 
number  condemned  to  living  death  in  the  dungeons  of  that  ter 
rible  institution,  homesteads  were  abandoned,  and  thousands  fled 
to  neighboring  countries.  "  The  queen  was  implored  to  relent, 
but  she  answered  that  it  was  better  for  the  service  of  God  and 
herself  to  have  the  country  depopulated,  than  to  have  it  polluted 
by  heresy." 

The  archivero  of  Barcelona  of  that  time  has  recorded  a  long 
list  of  autos-da-fe,  the  victims  were  of  all  classes — clergymen, 
officers  in  the  army,  tailors,  and  cobblers,  but  there  is  a  dispro 
portionately  large  number  of  widows  of  merchants.  Mr.  Bergen- 
roth,  recording  this  fact,  shrewdly  inquires,  "Were  they  really 
more  inclined  to  heresy,  or  were  they  only  rich,  and  compara 
tively  defenseless  2 " 60 

49  G.  A.  Bergenroth,  "Introduction  to  Spanish  State  Papers,"  vol.  i.,  1485-1509. 
"Idem 


ISABELLA  AN  UNNATURAL  MOTHER.  1Q1 

Such  was  the  beneficent  rule  of  this  virtuous  queen  over  her 
own  subjects.  Her  relations  with  foreign  powers  are  equally  to 
her  discredit.  Her  correspondence  teems  with  the  grossest  insin 
cerity  and  heartlessness.  Her  cruel  neglect  of  her  daughter  shows 
her  to  have  been  sadly  deficient  in  that  domestic  virtue  and 
affection  for  which  she  has  been  so  much  praised ;  a  notable  ex 
ample  of  her  deceptive  policy  and  grasping  avarice  is  found  in 
the  negotiations  which  took  place  for  the  marriage  of  her  daugh 
ter.  She  established  a  marriage  brokerage  in  England,  where 
she  carried  on  the  disgraceful  business  for  many  years,  driving 
bargains,  or  seeking  to  do  so,  upon  the  persons  of  her  daughters, 
conducting  these  negotiations  more  with  an  eye  to  filling  her 
coffers,  than  to  her  own  honor  or  her  daughters'  integrity.  Her 
confidential  agent  at  the  court  of  England  was  Doctor  de 
Puebla,  selected,  it  is  said,  "  because  he  was  so  uncommonly 
honest,"  but  who,  indeed,  was  a  consummate  knave,  as  is 
abundantly  proved,  not  only  by  his  making  himself  the  me 
dium  of  the  abominable  falsehoods  he  was  instructed  to  utter 
by  the  queen,  but  by  the  following  chapter  of  his  history,  con 
tained  in  the  Spanish  archives  under  date  of  the  18th  of  July, 
1488: 

"  The  Spanish  Merchants  residing  in  London  to  Sanchez  de  Lmi- 
dono  and  the  Sub-prior  of  Santa  Cruz. 

"  De  Puebla  had  asked  Henry  to  give  a  bishopric  to  him 
and  other  good  livings  to  his  sons  and  relatives.  On  account  of 
the  king  having  refused  to  do  so,  he  had  delayed  the  conclusion 
of  the  treaty  of  marriage.  When  Henry  was  in  his  greatest 
difficulties  with  Scotland  and  Perkin"  (Warbeck),  "  De  Puebla 
had  repeated  his  demands.  Henry  had  answered  that  he  was  unfit 
to  become  a  bishop,  because  he  was  a  cripple.  De  Puebla  then 
proposed  that  the  bishopric  should  be  given  to  a  certain  procurator 
of  Henry  in  Home,  from  whom  he  had  got  one  thousand  gold 
crowns,  for  his  promise  to  procure  letters  for  him  from  the  King 
and  Queen  of  Spain  to  the  pope,  recommending  him  for  a  cardi 
nal's  hat.  Henry  was  in  such  great  difficulties  then,  that  he  had 
acceded  to  the  proposals  of  De  Puebla,  and  promised  fifteen  thou 
sand  crowns  a  year,  besides,  to  one  of  his  sons.  As  soon  as  De 
Puebla  had  obtained  what  he  wanted,  he  concluded  the  mar- 


102  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

riage,  which  was  so  advantageous  to  Henry,  that,  in  consequence 
of  it,  peace  with  Scotland  was  concluded,  Perkin  turned  out  of 
Scotland,  and  the  rebels  punished.  Some  merchants  from  Genoa 
had  subjected  themselves  to  a  penalty  in  England  ;  they  gave  five 
hundred  crowns,  and  cloth,  and  silk,  for  the  marriage,  to  De 
Puebla,  who  settled  their  affair  with  Henry. 

"  De  Puebla  had  sold  two  licenses  of  the  king  for  importing 
wine  and  woad,  in  Spanish  vessels,  to  Spanish  merchants,  for  two 
hundred  crowns. 

"  Francisco  de  Arvieto,  of  Orduna,  had  paid  De  Puebla  one 
hundred  gold  crowns  for  a  pardon  for  perjury. 

"  Similar  things  are  done  almost  daily  by  De  Puebla.  When 
he  took  part  in  the  negotiations  with  Flanders,  he  persuaded  the 
archduke  to  impose  a  duty  of  one  gold  florin  on  every  piece  of 
English  cloth,  the  consequences  of  which  have  been  to  cause  pro 
longed  debates  and  great  disasters. 

"  There  is  not  a  Spanish  captain,  or  even  a  single  sailor,  who 
is  not  obliged  to  pay  more  or  less  to  De  Puebla  if  he  has  any 
thing  to  do  in  England.  De  Puebla  often  takes  money  from 
both  parties  if  he  has  to  decide  a  lawsuit.  He  is  a  spy  and 
secret  informer  in  all  kinds  of  contraventions  committed  by  sub 
jects  of  any  nation,  only  for  the  purpose  of  making  money  by 
his  information.  He  and  his  servants  sell  testimonials  of  all 
kinds. 

"  De  Puebla  constantly  complains  that  he  is  badly  paid,  and 
he  begs  money  from  the  king  and  the  gentlemen  of  the  court. 
He  lives  meanly.  He  has  been  three  years  in  a  house  of  a 
mason,  who  keeps  dishonest  women.  He  eats  with  them  and 
with  all  the  apprentices  at  the  same  table,  for  twopence  a  day. 
His  landlord  robs  men  who  come  to  his  house,  and  the  ambas 
sador  protects  him,  in  his  dishonest  trade,  against  the  police. 

"  The  consequence  of  all  this  is  that  the  Spaniards  are  less 
esteemed  and  worse  treated  in  England  than  any  other  foreign 
ers." 

Elsewhere  we  read,  "  In  a  word,  De  Puebla  was  a  liar,  flat 
terer,  calumniator,  beggar,  spy,  secret  informer,  enemy  of  truth, 
full  of  lies." 

The  above  are  a  few  of  the  leading  traits  of  character  which 
seem  to  have  so  endeared  De  Puebla  to  Isabella  that  she  retained 


ISABELLA  AND  DE  PUEBLA.  103 

him  in  office  after  those  who  had  been  sent  to  England  to  inves 
tigate  his  character  and  conduct  had  reported  that  "all  the  pa 
per  in  England  would  not  suffice  to  describe  the  character  of  that 
man." 

Her  letters  of  instruction  to  him  contain  statements  not  only 
false  but  disgusting,  and,  though  avarice  and  .deceit  are  palpable 
throughout  her  multifarious  and  protracted  negotiations  to  mar 
ry  her  daughter,  now  to  this  prince,  now  to  that,  and  now  to 
some  other,  she  affects  to  be  making  great  sacrifices  "  for  the  love 
of  Christ  and  his  Holy  Mother."  In  1490  she  writes  to  De  Pu- 
ebla,  calling  him  her  "  virtuous  and  intimate  friend,"  urging  him 
to  persuade  the  King  of  England  to  declare  war  on  France ;  simi 
lar  efforts  were  made  to  induce  the  King  of  Scots  to  join  the  co 
alition  against  France,  and  Isabella  offered  him  her  daughter. 
Princess  Katherine,  as  an  inducement — the  said  princess  was  then 
betrothed  to  Arthur,  Prince  of  Wales ;  but  Isabella  kept  that 
betrothal  secret,  that  she  might  impose  upon  other  parties. 

Henry  of  England  obtaining  an  inkling  of  the  above  trans 
action,  and  not  being  quite  satisfied,  he  was  reassured  by  Isabella, 
who  informed  him  that  the  King  of  Scots  was  to  be  the  only 
dupe,  and  that  it  was  to  prevent  the  latter  from  aiding  Warbeck, 
the  so-called  Duke  of  York.  The  huckstering  with  regard  to 
the  marriage  of  Isabella's  children  fills  the  reader  of  her  dis 
patches  with  disgust  —  the  manner  in  which  the  matter  was 
discussed  being  worse,  if  possible,  than  the  object  intended.51 

51  Honest  De  Puebla  writes  his  affectionate  mistress  that  he  has  examined  the  per 
son  of  her  intended  son-in-law,  first  clothed,  then  naked,  and  lastly  when  sleeping, 
and  declares  him  possessed  of  admirable  parts. 

Isabella  was  not  to  be  outdone,  even  by  the  despicable  De  Puebla,  for  we  find  her 
subsequently  seeking  to  drive  a  bargain  upon  the  real  or  pretended  virginity  of  her 
widowed  daughter,  and  for  proof  referring  to  Dona  Elvira,  "the  first  lady  of  the  bed- 
chamber."  Fearing  that  the  latter  may  not  be  believed,  she  would  establish  the  fact 
by  a  cloud  of  witnesses. 

On  the  16th  of  June,  1502,  she  writes  the  Duke  of  Estrada:  "Be  careful  also  to 
get  at  the  truth  as  regards  the  fact  whether  the  Prince  and  Princess  of  Wales  consum 
mated  the  marriage,  since  nobody  has  told  us  about  it.  You  must,  moreover,  use  all 
the  flattering  persuasion  you  can  to  prevent  them  from  concealing  it  from  you."  On 
the  12th  of  July  of  the  same  year,  she  continues  to  instruct  the  duke  in  this  delicate 
mission  as  follows : 

"  But  now  you  must  see  of  how  great  importance  it  is  that  there  should  be  no  delay 

in  making  the  agreement  for  the  contract  of  marriage  of  the  Princess  of  Wales,  our 

daughter,  with  the  Prince  of  Wales  who  now  is  ....  Therefore,  since  it  is  *  already 

known  for  a  certainty  that  the  said  Princess  of  Wales?  our  daughter, '  remains  as  she  was 

8 


104:  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

DePuebla  writes  to  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  July  18, 1488,  as 
follows : 

"  When  speaking  of  the  marriage,  the  king  "  (Henry  YIL) 
" broke  out  into  a  Te  Deum  laudamus" 

"  The  English  declared,  with  regard  to  the  alliance,  there  was 
not  much  to  confer  about,  and  began  directly  to  speak  of  the 
marriage.  They  were  exceedingly  civil,  and  said  a  great  many 
things  in  praise  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella ;  that  being  done,  they 
asked  the  Spaniards  to  name  the  sum  for  the  marriage-portion. 

"  The  Spanish  ambassador  replied  that  it  would  be  more  be 
coming  for  the  English  to  name  the  marriage-portion,  because 
they  had  first  solicited  the  marriage,  and  their  party  is  a  son. 
The  English  commissioners  asked  five  times  as  much  as  they  had 
asked  in  Spain. 

"  The  Spanish  ambassador  proposed  to  refer  this  amount  to 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  who  would  act  liberally  in  proportion 
to  the  confidence  shown  them. 

"  The  English  commissioners  said  that  such  a  proceeding 
would  be  inconvenient  for  both  parties,  and  that  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella  would  not  agree  to  it.  • 

"  The  Spanish  ambassador  complained  that  the  English  were 
unreasonable  in  their  demands.  Bearing  in  mind  what  happens 
every  day  to  the  Kings  of  England,  it  is  surprising  that  Ferdi 
nand  and  Isabella  should  dare  to  give  their  daughter  at  all.  This 
was  said  with  great  courtesy,  in  order  that  they  might  not  feel 
displeasure  or  be  enraged. 

"  The  English  commissioners  abated  one-third. 

"  The  Spaniards  proposed  that,  as  there  was  sufficient  time 
for  it,  two  or  four  persons  should  be  selected  as  umpires. 

here '  (for  so  Dona  Elvira  has  written  to  ws),  endeavor  to  have  the  said  contract  agreed 
to  immediately,  without  consulting  us ;  for  any  delay  that  might  take  place  would  be 
dangerous.  See  also  that  the  articles  be  made  and  signed,  and  sworn  to  at  once,  and, 
if  nothing  more  advantageous  can  be  procured,  let  it  be  settled  as  was  proposed.  In 
that  case  let  it  be  declared  that  the  King  of  England  has  already  received  from  us  one 
hundred  thousand  scudos  in  gold,  in  part  payment  of  the  dowry,  and  let  that  be  made 
an  obligatory  article  of  the  contract,  with  a  view  to  restitution,  in  accordance  with  the 
former  directions  given  you.  Let  it  be  likewise  stipulated  that  we  shall  pay  the  rest  of 
the  dowry  when  the  marriage  is  consummated,  so  please  God ;  that  is,  if  you  should  not 
be  able  to  obtain  more  time.  But,  take  heed,  on  no  account  to  agree  for  us  to  pay  what 
still  remains  of  the  dowry  until  the  marriage  shall  have  been  consummated  .  ...  Be 
very  vigilant  about  this,  and  endeavor  to  have  the  contract  made,  without  delay,  and 
without  consulting  us.  Do  not,  however,  let  them  see  you  have  any  suspicion  of  hin- 
derance,  or  show  so  much  eagerness  that  it  may  cause  them  to  cool." 


MARRIAGE  HUCKSTERAGE.  105 

The  English  commissioners  declined  it,  and  gave  their  rea 
sons. 

"  The  Spaniards  desired  the  English  to  name  their  lowest 
price. 

"  The  English  abated  one-half. 

"  The  Spaniards  said  that  this  marriage  would  be  so  advanta 
geous  to  the  King  of  England  that  he  ought  to  content  himself 
with  what  is  generally  given  with  princesses  of  Spain. 

*  "  The  English  desired  to  have  every  thing  defined,  in  order 
to  avoid  disputes  after  the  conclusion  of  the  marriage.  They 
asked  twice  as  much  as  they  had  asked  in  Spain. 

"  The  Spanish  ambassador  offered  one-fourth. 

"  The  English  asked  why,  as  the  money  was  not  to  come  out 
of  the  strong  boxes  of  the  king  and  queen,  but  out  of  the  pock 
ets  of  their  subjects,  they  should  not  be  more  liberal.  They 
referred  to  old  treaties  with  France,  Burgundy,  and  Scotland, 
proving  by  them  that  even  higher  marriage  -  portions  were 
given." 

When  the  marriage  is  at  length  ^concluded,  there  is  a  large 
amount  of  negotiation  as  to  who  shall  pay  the  passage  of  the 
Princess  Katherine  to  England,  and  who  shall  clothe  her.  "We 
read  in  one  dispatch  : 

"  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  are  to  send  the  princess  in  a  decent 
manner,  and  at  their  own  expense,  to  London. 

"  They  are  to  dress  their  daughter  suitably  to  her  rank " 
(Fionorifice\  "  and  to  give  her  as  many  jewels,  etc.,  for  her  personal 
use  as  becomes  her  position." 

In  answer  to  which,  Isabella  writes  De  Puebla : 

"  King  Henry  asks  them  to  bind  themselves  to  give  their 
daughter  ornaments  and  apparel,  without  deducting  the  amount 
from  the  marriage-portion.  Such  a  proceeding  is  against  cus 
tom.  Husbands  provide  the  dresses  of  their  wives.  They  are 
willing  to  buy  as  many  dresses  and  ornaments  for  the  Princess 
Katherine  as  the  English  wish,  provided  the  cost  be  deducted 
from  the  marriage-portion,  and,  if  not,  they  will  give  what  they 
think  proper.  .  .  .  He  is  to  inform  himself  what  the  dowry  of 
the  queen  would  be  in  such  a  case,  and  to  secure  to  the  Princess 
Katherine  a  somewhat  larger  dowry  than  other  Queens  of  Eng 
land  have  enjoyed." 

Again  Isabella  insists  that  "  one-half,  or  one-third,  or  at  any 


106  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

rate  the  fourth  part "  (of  the  marriage-portion), "  must  be  accepted 
in  ornaments  and  apparel  for  the  person  and  household  of  the 
infanta." 

This  daughter  became  a  widow  on  the  2d  of  April,  1502. 
The  news  does  not  seem  to  have  reached  Isabella  until  more 
than  a  month  after  the  death  of  the  English  prince.  She  loses 
no  time,  but  on  the  10th  of  May,  1502,  commissions  the  Duke 
of  Estrada  to  endeavor  to  conclude  a  marriage  between  her  wid 
owed  daughter  and  the  Prince  of  Wales,  surviving  brother, of 
her  late  husband,  with  instructions  as  to  dower,  etc.,  etc. 

This  done,  it  is  not  till  two  days  later  that  she  writes,  for 
the  eye  of  King  Henry,  the  following  letter  of  condolence  to  her 
minister  at  London :  "  Have  read  with  profound  sorrow  the 
news  of  the  death  of  Prince  Arthur.  The  affliction  caused  by 
all  their  former  losses  has  been  revived  by  it.  But  the  will  of 
God  must  be  obeyed." 

Richard  III.  excited  disgust  by  courting  a  widow  beside  the 
bier  of  her  late  husband.  Had  Isabella  chanced  to  be  in  Eng 
land  at  the  death  of  this  son-in-law,  it  seems  probable  that  nego 
tiations  for  a  second  husband  for  her  bereaved  daughter  would 
have  preceded  the  funeral  of  the  first. 

Again,  her  deceit  is  manifested  by  the  following  instruction 
to  Estrada,  who  is  negotiating  for  this  second  marriage :  "In 
case  that  you  hear  any  thing  of  the  King  of  France,  appear  as  if 
you  did  not  know  it,  until  after  the  treaty  of  marriage  is  con 
cluded."  (The  King  of  France  had  just  declared  war  on  Spain.) 
"  Afterward  you  must  show  to  the  King  of  England  the  relation 
which  we  send  you  of  the  matters  between  us  and  the  King  of 
France." 

All  this  bargaining  for  a  daughter's  marriage,  and  the  duplic 
ity  with  which  it  is  carried  on,  certainly  evince  that  avarice, 
meanness,  and  deceit,  were  attributes  of  Isabella's  character. 
But,  should  further  proof  seem  necessary,  it  may  be  found  in  the 
following  extracts  from  a  document  in  which  Isabella  commis 
sions  Estrada  to  raise  an  army  in  England  : 

"  Queen  Isabella  of  Spain  to  Ferdinand,  Duke  of  Estrada, 

October  3,  1503. 

"  If  the  King  of  England  should  not  be  inclined  to  afford  us 
further  assistance,  he  must,  at  any  rate,  be  pleased  to  give  us  the 


FALSEHOODS  OF  ISABELLA.  107 

assistance  which  is  obligatory  upon  him  ;  and,  upon  our  forward 
ing  the  money,  send  us  troops.  Tell  him  that  you  have  the  money, 
and  that  we  pray  and  require  him  to  be  willing,  immediately,  to 
send  two  thousand  English  infantry,  picked  men  and  well  armed 
....  this  being  done,  you  shall  endeavor  to  make  them  embark 
instantly  ....  try  your  utmost  to  have  the  troops  you  shall  thus 
send,  the  best  chosen,  and  the  best  armed,  that  it  is  possible  to 
obtain  ;  and  get  them  to  come  as  soon  as  ever  they  can.  ...  As 
regards  the  pay  that  will  have  to  be  made  to  the  said  troops,  en 
deavor  to  let  it  be  as  little  as  possible  ....  (three  ducats  per 
month  are  suggested).  .  .  .  Borrow  the  money  that  will  be  re 
quired  for  the  aforesaid  pay r,  agreeing  for  us  to  repay  it  in  Eng 
land,  on  the  terms  stipulated  by  you  ....  But,  should  you  not 
have  ships  at  present,  in  which  the  said  infantry  can  come  as 
above  said,  you  must  not  give  them  any  pay.  Endeavor,  how 
ever,  to  find  out  how  many  troops  are  to  come  ....  spread 
abroad  a  report  in  England  that  there  are  many  more  troops  go 
ing  to  Spain ;  because,  as  you  will  see,  such  tidings  and  rumors 
will  inspire  France  with  fear,  and  will  produce  a  favorable  impres 
sion  in  Italy. 

"  If  you  should  see  that  it  will  not  annoy  the  King  of  England 
our  brother,  and  the  chief  men  of  his  kingdom,  and  that  it  can 
do  no  harm,  make  use  of  the  Princess  of  Wales,  our  daughter  ; 
that  is  to  say,  should  you  not  be  able  to  obtain  the  money  neces 
sary  for  the  dispatch  of  the  said  troops ; ....  in  that  case,  you 
shall  say  to  her,  by  virtue  of  my  letter  of  credence  which  I  will 
send,  that  you  pray  her  to  raise,  upon  her  jewels  and  plate,  the 
money  which  may  be  necessary  for  the  dispatch  of  the  two  thou 
sand  infantry." 

This  dispatch  concerning  the  army  might  naturally  be  sup 
posed  to  pertain  to  Ferdinand,  but  the  reader  will  perceive  that 
it  bears  the  name  of  Isabella  alone ;  it  contains  as  much  falsehood 
and  duplicity  as  could  well  be  inclosed  in  so  small  a  space.  First, 
her  agent  is  instructed  to  tell  the  king  he  has  the  money ;  second 
ly,  to  borrow  the  money  on  the  credit  of  Isabella  ;  thirdly,  to  ob 
tain  it  by  pawning  the  jewels  and  plate  of  Princess  Katherine. 
Nor  can  the  meanness  be  overlooked  with  which  she  stipulates 
for  the  best  troops,  best  equipped,  poorest  paid,  and  most  hastily 
concentrated  ;  and  then,  if  she  should  not  be  ready  to  transport 


108  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUL. 

them,  they  are  to  receive  no  pay.  Furthermore,  her  agent  is 
charged  to  circulate  a  false  report  with  regard  to  the  number  of 
troops'.  Finally,  let  us  consider  the  financial  condition  of  the 
Princess  Katherine  (who  is  to  raise  the  necessary  funds),  from 
her  own  account.  She  had  always  been  kept  in  straitened  cir 
cumstances  till,  in  1502,  she  writes  to  her  father  thus  : 

"  No  woman,  of  whatever  station  in  life,  can  have  suffered 
more  than  she  has.  None  of  the  promises  made  to  her  on  the 
occasion  of  her  marriage,  have  been  kept.  Repeats  once  more 
that  which  has  formed  the  principal  part  of  all  her  letters,  name 
ly,  the  necessity  of  sending  a  suitable  ambassador  with  sufficient 
means  of  subsistence.  The  circumstance  that  the  former  ambas 
sadors  were  not  properly  provided  for,  has  been  the  cause  of  all 
her  sufferings  ....  Has  never  told  him  the  whole  extent  of  her 
misery.  Has  been  treated  worse  in  England  than  any  other 
woman.  .  .  .  Has  not  more  than  five  women  in  her  service. 
They  have  not  received  the  smallest  sum  of  money  since  they 
were  in  England,  and  have  spent  all  that  they  possessed.  Can 
not  think  of  them  without  pangs  of  conscience.  No  money 
could  pay  their  services  and  sacrifices,  which  have  continued  dur 
ing  six  years.  Has  been  unable  to  pay  a  single  penny  to  the 
courier  who  takes  this  letter." 

Alonzo  de  Escobal,  of  the  household  of  Princess  Katherine, 
writes  to  Almazan  (September  6, 1507) :  "  He  would  not  mention 
his  great  necessity  if  there  were  any  other  means  to  remedy  it ; 
begs  him  to  remind  the  king  in  what  poverty  the  servants  of  the 
Princess  of  Wales  live.  Thinks  he  has  a  right  to  ask  at  least  his 
salary,  is  obliged  to  sell  his  clothes.  Has  seen  the  Princess  of 
Wales  only  three  times  since  Dona  Elvira  has  left  her.  Dona 
went  away  in  a  horrible  hour ;  but  such  things  are  better  suited 
for  conversation  than  for  letters." 

Again  the  Princess  of  Wales  writes  : 

"  That  her  necessities  have  risen  to  such  a  height,  that  she 
knows  not  how  she  shall  be  able  to  sustain  herself,  now  that 
even  her  household  goods  have  been  sold." 

Few  will  deny,  after  perusing  the  extracts  we  have  given, 
that  Isabella  is  proved,  by  her  own  words  and  acts,  to  have  been 
an  unloving  wife,  an  unnatural  mother,  a  cruel  and  despotic 
sovereign,  a  deceitful  and  treacherous  ally,  an  avaricious  and  un 
scrupulous  woman.  It  is  easy  to  perceive  how  in  spite  of  all  this 


FERDINAND  AND  ISABELLA.  109 

so  much  partiality  has  been  shown  her,  often  to  the  detriment 
of  her  husband.  Besides  the  favor  of  the  Churcn,  for  which  she 
professed  so  much  zeal,  the  chivalry  of  the  Spaniards  has  always 
made  them  remember  she  was  a  lady,  and  they  have  dealt  cour 
teously  with  her.  Moreover,  her  marriage  did  not  smother  the 
old  rivalry  and  strife  between  the  Corona  and  Coronilla.  Isabella 
represented  the  corona,  or  great  crown  of  Castile,  while  Ferdi 
nand  merely  represented  the  coronilla,  or  small  crown  of  Ara- 
gon.  Castile  never  regarded  him  with  favor,  considering  him  an 
intruder,  who  had  much  to  gain  and  little  to  lose  by  his  alliance, 
and  the  opinion  of  Castile,  as  the  leading  and  larger  portion  of 
the  kingdom,  has  been  received  as  that  of  all  Spain.  It  is  diffi 
cult  for  the  most  impartial  historian  not  to  be  influenced  by 
such  a  judgment,  unless  he  refer  to  the  original  papers  and  let 
ters  of  the  time,  and  with  their  assistance  form  an  opinion  of 
his  own. 

That  we  may  not  appear  wantonly  to  have  inveighed  against 
a  sovereign  who  has  so  long  been  considered  a  shining  light,  we 
will  not  rest  solely  upon  the  views  we  may  have  derived  from 
our  own  investigation,  but  will  quote  the  conclusions  at  which 
Mr.  Bergenroth,  who  spent  many  years  in  arduous  study  amid 
the  archives  of  Simancas,  has  at  length  arrived.  His  familiarity 
with  the  state  papers  renders  him  abundantly  competent  to  give 
an  opinion : 

"  Neither  Ferdinand  nor  Isabella  scrupled  to  tell  direct  un 
truths,  and  make  false  promises,  whenever  they  thought  it  expe 
dient  to  their  policy.  But  if  any  distinction  is  to  be  made, 
certainly  Queen  Isabella  excelled  her  husband  in  disregard  to 
veracity.  It  even  seems  to  have  been  a  matter  of  understanding 
between  them  that,  whenever  any  very  flagrant  falsehood  was  to 
be  uttered,  she  should  be  the  one  to  do  it.  ...  Ferdinand  had 
not  the  reputation,  among  princes  of  his  time,  of  being  a  very 
untruthful  man.  .  .  .  The  queen  often  spoke  of  her  dress. 
She  dwelt  much  upon  her  simplicity,  and  laid  great  stress  on  the 
circumstance  that  she  had  been  obliged  to  receive  the  French 
ambassadors  twice  in  the  same  costume,  while  she  spent  large 
sums  to  the  glory  of  God,  and  the  good  of  the  world.  This 
kind  of  letters  have  often  been  published,  and  have  not  a  little 
contributed  to  exalt  her  as  a  pious  character.  But  such  persons 
as  had  opportunities  of  seeing  her,  and  of  judging  by  their  own 


110 


LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 


observations,  could  not  find  words  expressive  enough  to  describe 
the  splendor  of  her  attire.  .  .  .  Machada  assured  the  King  of 
England  that  a  single  toilet  of  Queen  Isabella  amounted  in  value 
to  two  hundred  thousand  scudi,  and  that  he  never  saw  her 
twice,  even  on  the  same  day,  whether  it  were  at  an  audience,  a 
bull-fight,  or  a  ball,  in  the  same  costume ;  we  may,  therefore,  con- 


ISABELLA  OP  CASTILE.— (From  an  Authentic  Engraving  in  the  Burgundian  Library.) 

jecture  that  she  carried  on  her  person  the  greater  portion  of  the 
contents  of  the  royal  exchequer.  .  .  .  Neither  Ferdinand  nor 
Isabella  were  scholars.  They  spoke  and  wrote  Spanish  well,  but 
seemed  to  have  been  unable  to  understand  any  other  language. 
With  regard  to  their  moral  character,  the  queen  has  been  ex 
tolled  as  simple-hearted  and  pious,  while  a  large  amount  of  op 
probrium  has  been  cast  upon  the  king.  But  it  is  very  difficult, 


ISABELLA  AND  SAEMIENTO.  HI 

where  two  persons  are  so  intimately  united  as  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella,  to  decide  what  measure  of  praise  or  blame  attaches  to 
the  one  or  the  other.  They  quarreled  sometimes  about  their 
private  concerns.  It  could  scarcely  be  otherwise,  when  we  re 
member  that  Ferdinand  had  four  illegitimate  children  by  differ 
ent  mothers.  But  in  their  aggressive  foreign  policy,  and  in  their 
measures  of  oppression  at  home,  they  were  always  agreed.  .  .  . 
She  (Isabella)  appears  to  have  been  very  liable  to  mistake  her 
own  interests  for  those  of  God,  whose  name  she  constantly  had 
on  her  lips,  or  to  substitute  self-gratification  for  real  love  of  the 
people.  For  instance,  in  her  letter  to  Henry  VIL,  dated  Sep 
tember  15,  1496,  she  enlarged  in  the  most  touching  terms  on  the 
blessings  of  peace,  and  concluded  by  saying  that,  if  it -were  pos 
sible  to  avoid  thereby  the  calamities  of  war,  she  would  not  only 
send  one  and  more  than  one  embassy  to  the  King  of  France, 
but  that  she  would  go  to  him  in  her  own  person,  and  ask  him  to 
make  peace,  not  sparing  herself  any  trouble  or  pains  whatever. 
No  words  can  be  more  becoming  a  great  and  pious  queen.  It  is 
to  be  regretted  that,  in  the  same  letter,  she  urged  the  King  of 
England  to  declare  war  on  France,  and  thereby  to  render  the 
bloodshed  and  slaughter  more  general  even  than  it. was.  .  .  . 
Queen  Isabella  left  behind  her,  or,  more  accurately  speaking, 
acquired  after  her  death,  the  reputation  of  having  been  almost  a 
saint.  But,  unhappily,  the  sanctity  of  Isabella  was  only  of  a 
spurious  kind.  Her  subjects,  who  had  suffered  from  her  iron 
rule,  had  formed  a  widely  different  idea  of  her.  When,  on  Tues 
day,  the  17th  of  November,  1504,  she  died  at  Medina  del  Campo, 
crowds  assembled  under  the  windows  of  her  palace,  but  not  to 
bless  her  memory.  From  curious  criminal  proceedings  instituted 
some  years  later  against  Sarmiento,  corregidor  or  mayor  of  Me 
dina,  we  learn  that  he  did  not  hesitate  to  declare  that  her  soul 
had  gone  direct  to  hell,  for  her  cruel  oppression  of  her  subjects, 
and  that  King  Ferdinand  was  a  thief  and  a  robber.  ISTor  was 
Sarmiento  the  only  person  who  thought  thus,  as  the  witnesses 
deposed  that  all  the  people  around  Medina  and  Yalladolid,  that 
is  to  say,  where  the  queen  was  best  known,  had  formed  the  same 
judgment  of  her." 

We  will  conclude  with  the  following  opinion,  at  which  Mr. 
Bergenroth  arrives,  and  which  appears  pertinent  and  correct  • 

"  We  are  not  reduced  to  depend  upon  public  opinion,  know- 


112  LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

ing  enough  of  her  to  judge  for  ourselves;  and,  to  any  one  ac 
quainted  with  the  lawless  times  of  her  youthful  years,  it  must  be 
obvious  that,  had  she  really  been  so  pious,  so  meek,  and  self-sac 
rificing  a  princess  as  her  admirers  would  fain  have  us  believe, 
she  would  have  been  trodden  under  foot,  instead  of  usurping,  as 
she  did,  the  crown  of  her  niece." 

This  brief  investigation  of  the  character  of  Isabella  has  ap 
peared  to  us  necessary.  She  has  hitherto  been  regarded  as  of 
an  almost  saintly  nature ;  the  mere  fact  of  such  a  woman  having 
tendered  her  gracious  protection  and  friendship  to  Columbus, 
would  of  itself  speak  highly  in  his  favor.  But,  when  we  become 
acquainted  with  the  true  character  of  Isabella,  it  is  easy  to  under 
stand  how  she  cajoled  him  as  long  as  his  splendid  falsehoods 
promised  to  gratify  her  cupidity,  and  abandoned  him  when  his 
untruthfulness  was  discovered. 

Ferdinand,  who  has  been  made  the  scape-goat,  was,  as  we 
have  already  shown,  wholly  unanswerable  for  the  proceeding  of 
Isabella  in  this  as  in  all  matters  pertaining  to  Castile.  In  spite 
of  this  unanswerable  evidence,  Mr.  Irving  does  not  hesitate  to 
say:  "Let  the  ingratitude  of  Ferdinand  stand  recorded  in  its 
full  extent,  and  endure  throughout  all  time.  The  dark  shadow 
which  it  casts  upon  his  brilliant  renown  will  be  a  lesson  to  all 
rulers,  teaching  them  what  is  important  to  their  own  fame  in. 
their  treatment  of  illustrious  men." 


CHAPTEE  YIL 

CONTEMPORARIES   OF   COLTJMBTJS (CONTINUED) 


AMERIGO    VESPUCCI. 


\ 


THE  leading  incidents  in  the  life  of  Vespucci  are  better 
known  than  his  character  is  rightly  judged ;  we  will  therefore 
give  but  a  rapid  sketch  of  the  former,  and,  in  speaking  of  the  lat 


ter,  dwell  somewhat  upon  certain  facts  which,  it  appears  to  us, 
go  far  toward  rehabilitating  the  memory  of  this  great  man,  who 
has  been  so  unjustly  censured  and  condemned. 


114:  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

AMERIGO  was  the  son  of  Nastagio  Vespucci  and  Lisbetta 
Mini  his  wife.  The  family  was  an  old  and  honored  one  in  the 
fifteenth  century  ;  before  the  time  of  Amerigo  they  had  left  the 
little  village  of  Peretola,  whence  they  originated,  and  came  to 
Florence,  where  they  resided  in  the  stately  mansion  which  was 
afterward  a  hospital  for  the  sick  under  the  care  of  the  Brothers 
of  St.  John  of  God.  In  this  house  Amerigo  was  born,  on  the  9th 
of  March,  1451.  Over  the  entrance  is  an  inscription  commemo 
rating  the  faqt,  also  the  achievements  of  the  great  man  ;  it  reads 
thus: 


OB   REPERTAM   AMERICAM 

BUI   ET   PATRIAE  NOMINIS   ILLUSTRATORI 

AMPLIFICATOKI.       ORBIS.      TERRARUM. 

IN   HAG  OLIM  VESPUCCIA  DOMO 

A  TANTO   VIRO   HABITATA 

PATRES   SANCTI  IOANNI8  DE  DEO   CULTORES 
GRATAE  MEMORIAE   CAUSSA."  " 

Amerigo  passed  his  youth  in  study,  under  Giorgi  Antonio 
Yespucci,  his  uncle  (a  Dominican  friar  who  instructed  many  of 
the  youth  of  Florence),  and  on  reaching  manhood  he  entered  the 
commercial  career  in  the  famous  house  of  the  Medici.  As  confi 
dential  agent  of  this  house,  he  was  in  1492  sent  to  Spain  to  su 
perintend  business  transactions  in  that  country.  The  trust 
reposed  in  him  by  such  eminent  men  as  the  Medici  and  Berardi 
is  a  sufficient  encomium  upon  the  capacity  and  honesty  of  Yes 
pucci  ;  and  not  the  least  proof  of  his  integrity  is  the  fact  that  the 
suspicious  King  Ferdinand  of  Aragon  (who  regarded  Columbus 
as  an  impostor,  or  at  best  an  unworthy  adventurer)  reposed  such 
confidence  in  him  that  he  appointed  him  to  assist  in  the  discov 
eries  he  desired  to  be  made  in  the  West.  The  antecedents  of  Yes 
pucci  seem  far  better  to  have  qualified  him  for  a  serious  under- 

62  "  To  Amerieus  Vespucius,  a  noble  Florentine, 

Who,  by  the  discovery  of  America, 
Rendered  his  own  and  his  country's  name  illustrious, 

The  amplifier  of  the  world, 
Upon  this  ancient  mansion  of  the  Yespucci, 

Inhabited  by  so  great  a  man, 
The  Holy  Fathers  of  St.  John  of  God 

Have  erected  this  tablet,  sacred  to  his  memory. 


AMEEIGO  YESPdCCI.  115 

taking  than  those  of  Columbus.  During  his  well-spent  youth  he 
had  made  geography,  cosmography,  and  astronomy,  objects  of 
special  study,  while  the  nautical  experience  of  the  latter  had 
been  gained  during  a  long  career  of  piracy. 

The  first  voyage  of  Yespucci  was  at  the  instance  of  King 
Ferdinand,  in  1497,  as  is  stated  in  his  letter  relating  the  events 
which  took  place  therein.53  His  detractors  seek  to  cast  odium 
upon  him,  by  declaring  this  letter  an  invention,  and  the  voyage 
a  fiction.  This  charge  may  be  refuted  by  reference  to  the  letter 
itself.  From  the  description  contained  in  it  of  the  bay  of  Vene 
zuela,  that  province  received  its  name.  He  writes  : 

"  We  landed  in  a  port  where  we  found  a  village  built  over 
the  water,  like  Yenice.  There  were  about  forty-four  houses, 
shaped  like  bells,  built  upon  very  large  piles,  having  entrances 
by  means  of  drawbridges,  so  that,  by  laying  the  bridges  from 
house  to  house,  the  inhabitants  could  pass  through  the  whole. 
When  the  people  saw  us  they  appeared  to  be  afraid  of  us,  and,  to 
protect  themselves,  suddenly  raised  all  their  bridges,  and  shut 
themselves  up  in  their  houses.  While  we  stood  looking  at  them 
and  wondering  at  this  proceeding,  we  saw  coming  toward  us  by 
sea  about  two-and-twenty  canoes,  which  are  the  boats  they  make 
use  of,  and  are  carved  out  of  a  single  tree.  They  came  directly 
toward  our  boats,  appearing  to  be  astonished  at  our  figures  and 
dress,  and  keeping  at  a  little  distance  from  us.  This  being  the 
case,  we  made  signals  of  friendship,  to  induce  them  to  come 
nearer  us,  endeavoring  to  reassure  them  by  every  token  of  kind 
ness  ;  but,  seeing  that  they  did  not  come,  we  went  toward  them. 
They  would  not  wait  for  us,  however,  but  fled  to  the  land,  mak 
ing  signs  for  us  to  wait,  and  giving  us  to  understand  that  they 
would  soon  return.  They  fled  directly  to  a  mountain,  but  did 
not  tarry  there  long,  and,  when  they  returned,  brought  with  them 
sixteen  of  their  young  girls,  and,  entering  their  canoes,  came  to 
our  boats  and  put  four  of  them  into  each  boat,  at  which  we  were 
very  much  astonished,  as  your  excellency  may  well  imagine. 
Then  they  mingled  with  their  canoes  among  our  boats,  and  we 
considered  their  coming  to  speak  to  us  in  this  manner  to  be  a 
token  of  friendship.  Taking  this  for  granted,  we  saw  a  great 
crowd  of  people  swimming  toward  us  from  the  houses,  without 
any  suspicion.  At  this  juncture,  some  old  women  showed  them- 

63  F.  A.  de  Yanhagen,  "  Analyse  Critique  de  la  Yie  de  Yespuce." 


116 


LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 


selves  at  the  doors  of  their  houses,  wailing  and  tearing  their 
hair,  as  if  in  great  distress.  From  this  we  began  to  be  suspicious, 
and  had  immediate  recourse  to  our  weapons,  when  suddenly  the 
girls,  who  were  in  our  boats,  threw  themselves  into  the  sea,  and 
the  canoes  moved  away,  the  people  in  them  assailing  us  with 
their  bows  and  arrows. 


VESPITCCI  IN  VENEZUELA.— (Reduced  from  Hen-era's  "  History  of  the  West  Indies.") 

At  the  time  Vespucci's  letter  was  published,  no  description 
of  the  countries  in  question  existed  ;  yet  his  minute  accounts  of 
the  appearance,  religion,  and  customs  of  the  inhabitants,  as  well 
as  of  the  vegetation,  formation  of  the  coast,  etc.,  were  corrobo 
rated  by  subsequent  visitors  to  that  part  of  America  between 
Honduras  and  Chesapeake,  which  we  are  led  to  infer  was  the 


VESPUCCI  AND   OJEDA.  117 

scene  of  his  first  voyage.  He  must,  therefore,  have  either  visited 
the  country,  or  possessed  the  gift  of  divination.54 

Other  writers,  equally  virulent  against  the  Florentine  discov 
erer,  declare  that  he  sailed  in  a  subordinate  capacity  under  Yin- 
cent  Yanez  Pinzon,  and  Juan  Solis.  This  is  an  ungenerous  at 
tempt  to  belittle  a  great  man.  Isabella  had,  at  the  urgent  insti 
gation  of  Columbus,  passed  a  decree  forbidding  any  voyages  to 
the  islands  recently  discovered,  except  under  the  command  of 
the  latter.  This  decree  was  revoked  in  1494,  in  favor  of  all  sub 
jects  of  Castile,  who  were  thenceforward  authorized  to  prepare 
expeditions  at  their  own  expense,  or  at  that  of  the  crown,  for  the 
purpose  of  discovering  Western  lands  for  Castile.  They  were 
obliged  to  depart  from  Cadiz,  having  presented  themselves  be 
fore  the  officers  of  the  crown  to  obtain  a  license.  Amerigo  be 
ing  an  alien,  employed  by  the  King  of  Aragon,  could  not,  there 
fore,  openly  command  an  expedition,  and  it  was  probably  nomi 
nally  conducted  by  Yincent  Yanez  and  Juan  Solis.  These  men 
were  skillful  pilots.  Yespucci  was,  however,  their  equal  if  not 
superior  in  cosmographical  knowledge ;  and,  although  his  letters, 
contrasting  in  this  point  strongly  with  those  of  Columbus,  are 
singularly  devoid  of  all  personal  allusion  to  himself  of  a  lauda 
tory  character,  they  evidently  emanate  from  a  man  of  intellect 
and  science,  carefully  noting  the  appearance  and  habits  of  a  new 
country  and  people,  for  the  purpose  of  reporting  the  particulars. 
It  is  believed,  therefore,  that  the  expedition,  by  whomsoever 
nominally  conducted  for  the  purpose  of  evading  the  national 
edict,  was  really  directed  by  Amerigo. 

The  second  voyage  of  Yespucci  was  in  1499,  and  we  have 
reason  to  believe  he  was  accompanied  by  Alonzo  de  Ojeda,  from 
whom,  however,  he  became  separated  during  the  voyage,  Ojeda's 
return  to  Spain  being  previous  to  that  of  Yespucci.  In  this 
voyage  he  touched  upon  the  most  easterly  point  of  Brazil,  and 
coasted  northwestward  as  far  as  the  island  of  Curacao  and  the 
gulf  of  Paria,  where  he  writes  he  bought  pearls  of  the  natives 
for  a  mere  nothing.  He  then  sailed  for  Hispaniola,  where  he 
was  to  take  on  provisions  and  repair  his  ships.  His  crew  were 
maltreated  by  those  who  were  in  the  island  with  Columbus, 
"from  envy  I  believe,"  he  writes,  but  refrains  from  entering 
into  particulars.  He  returned  to  Spain  on  the  8th  of  September, 

54  Varhagen,  u  Analyse  critique,"  p.  94. 


118  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

1500.  He  was  received,  we  are  told,  with  great  joy  by  all,  par 
ticularly  by  the  king  and  queen.  He  brought  fine  pearls  and 
precious  stones  of  great  value,  which  were  placed  in  the  royal 
gallery.  His  fame  spread  far  and  wide,  and  in  his  native  city, 
Florence,  there  was  great  exultation  over  his  success — so  great 
that  public  places  were,  by  order  of  the  signiory,  illuminated 
three  nights,  which  was  considered  a  great  honor,  accorded  by 
vote,  with  much  solemnity,  to  the  worthiest  and  greatest  citizens 
only." 

While  he  was  in  Seville,  reposing  from  the  fatigues  of  these 
two  voyages,  the  King  of  Portugal  sent  thither  agents  who  were 
to  persuade  him  to  prosecute  for  that  monarch  the  discovery  of 
Brazil,  which  Cabral  had  accidentally  made  in  1500.  Yespucci 
consented,  and  it  was  in  the  service  of  Portugal  that  he  under 
took  his  third  voyage.  He  explored  the  coast  of  Brazil  south 
ward,  and  some  authors  state  that,  in  adopting  a  southeastern 
course,  he  discovered  an  island  which  was  no  other  than  Giorgio ; 
this,  however,  is  merely  hypothetical.  The  details  of  this,  as  of 
the  other  voyages,  are  to  be  found  in  the  authentic  letters  of 
Amerigo,  which  were  published  during  his  lifetime.  On  his  re 
turn  to  Lisbon,  in  September,  1502,  so  great  was  the  satisfaction 
of  the  King  of  Portugal  at  the  manner  in  which  he  had  con 
ducted  the  enterprise,  that  in  May,  1503,  six  caravels  were  placed 
at  his  disposal,  wherewith  to  search  for  a  southwestern  passage 
to  the  Indies.  In  this  he  was  not  successful,  and,  after  being  sepa 
rated  from  the  other  ships  (one  of  which  he  afterward  rejoined), 
he  again  touched  on  Brazil,  followed  its  coast  southward  till  he 
reached  Cape  Frio,  where  he  took  on  a  large  quantity  of  Brazil 
wood  ;  he  also  built  a  fortress  and  founded  a  small  factory,  and 
returned  to  Lisbon  on  the  18th  of  June,  1504.  Ferdinand  of 
Spain  was  now  eager  to  regain  his  services.  His  rare  knowledge 
and  experience  rendered  him  equally  valuable  to  each  of  the 
rival  monarchs.  Ferdinand  prevailed,  and  in  1505  Yespucci 
returned  to  Spain.  About  this  time  he  married  a  lady  of  Seville, 
Maria  Cerezo,  by  whom,  however,  he  left  no  children.  Amerigo 
now  occupied  himself  in  fitting  out  ships  for  aii  expedition 
which  was  to  go  in  search  of  the  spice-lands  of  Asia.  These 
preparations,  though  commenced  in  1505,  were  not  completed 

65  Bandini,  "  Vita  di  Amerigo  Vespucci,"  cap.  Hi.,  p.  45. 


APPOINTED  PILOT  MAJOR.  119 

till  150T,  from  the  fact,  perhaps,  of  its  having  been  stipulated 
that  the  ships  were  to  be  new  ones. 

There  is  a  possibility  of  Vespucci  having  made  a  fifth  voyage 
during  this  interval,  which  some  writers  believe  was  the  cause  of 
the  peculiar  favors  accorded  him  by  the  Spanish  crown ;  it  is 
as  probable,  however,  if  not  more  so,  that  the  king,  recognizing 
his  merit  and  learning,  desired  to  profit  by  them.  However  this 
may  be,  the  office  of  Pilot-Major  of  Spain  was  created  for  him  in 
1508,  and  he  was  charged  to  examine  and  instruct  all  pilots  in 
the  use  of  the  astrolabe,  to  ascertain  whether  their  practical  knowl 
edge  equaled  their  theoretical ;  also  to  revise  maps,  and  to  com 
pose  one  of  the  new  lands,  to  be  regarded  as  standard.68 

56  The  royal  order,  appointing  Vespucci  to  this  office,  which  was  read  and  pub 
lished  in  all  the  cities,  villages,  and  hamlets  of  the  kingdom,  reads  thus:  .  .  .  "We 
command  that  all  pilots  of  our  kingdom  and  lordships,  who  now  are,  shall  hencefor 
ward  be,  or  desire  to  be,  pilots  on  the  said  route  to  the  said  islands  and  terra  firma 
which  we  hold  in  the  Indies,  and  other  parts  of  the  ocean  seas,  shall  be  instructed 
and  possess  all  necessary  knowledge  of  the  use  of  the  quadrant  and  astrolabe ;  and 
in  order  that  they  may  unite  practice  with  theory,  and  profit  thereby  in  the  said  voy 
ages  which  they  may  make  to  the  said  lands,  they  shall  not  be  able  to  embark  as  pilots 
in  the  said  vessels,  nor  receive  wages  for  pilotage,  nor  shall  merchants  be  able  to 
negotiate  with  them  as  such,  nor  captains  receive  them  on  board  their  ships,  without 
their  having  been  first  examined  by  you,  Amerigo  Despuchi,  our  pilot-major,  and  receiv 
ing  from  you  a  certificate  of  examination  and  approbation,  certifying  that  they  are  pos 
sessed  each  one  of  the  knowledge  aforesaid ;  holding  which  certificate,  we  command 
that  they  be  held  and  received  as  expert  pilots,  wherever  they  shall  show  themselves- 
for  it  is  our  will  and  pleasure  that  you  should  be  examiner  of  the  said  pilots.  And, 
that  those  who  do  not  possess  the  required  knowledge,  shall  the  more  easily  acquire 
it,  we  command  that  you  shall  instruct,  at  your  residence  in  Seville,  all  such  as  shall 
be  desirous  of  learning  and  remunerating  you  for  your  trouble. 

"  And  as  it  might  well  happen  that  at  first  there  should  be  a  scarcity  of  examined 
pilots,  and  that  thereby  vessels  might  be  detained,  and  damage  and  loss  ensue  to  the 
people  of  the  said  islands  and  the  merchants  and  others  who  trade  therewith,  we  com 
mand  you,  the  said  Amerigo,  and  give  you  license  to  choose  from  among  the  pilots 
and  mariners  who  have  voyaged  thither,  the  most  able,  that  for  one  voyage  or  two,  or 
for  a  certain  space  of  time  they  may  supply  the  demand,  while  others  are  acquiring 
the  necessary  knowledge,  and  on  their  return  you  shall  assign  to  them  a  period  in 
which  they  may  learn  whatever  they  may  be  deficient  in.  And  as  it  has  been  told  us 
that  there  are  many  different  charts,  by  different  captains,  of  the  lands  and  islands  of 
the  Indies  belonging  to  us,  and  by  our  orders  recently  discovered,  the  which  charts 
differ  greatly  from  each  other,  both  in  the  route  indicated  and  in  the  position  of  the 
lands,  which  causes  much  inconvenience— therefore,  that  there  may  be  order  in  all 
things,  it  is  our  will  and  pleasure  that  a  standard  chart  shall  be  made ;  and,  that  it 
may  be  the  more  correc^,  we  command  the  officer  of  our  Board  of  Trade  in  Seville  to 
call  an  assembly  of  our  most  able  pilots,  that  shall  at  that  time  be  in  the  country,  and, 
in  presence  of  you,  the  said  Amerigo  Despuchi,  our  pilot-major,  there  shall  be  planned 
9 


120  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

He  led  this  comparatively  tranquil  life  for  four  years,  and 
died  the  22d  of  February,  1512.  He  left  no  wealth,  having 
seemingly  lost  sight  of  pecuniary  interest  in  his  desire  to  prose 
cute  voyages  of  discovery  ;  his  papers  he  left  to  his  nephew,  Juan 
Vespucci.  A  pension  was  granted  his  widow,  which  after  her 
death  was  made  reversible  to  her  sister. 

In  none  of  his  writings  does  Vespucci  claim  for  himself  ad 
vancement,  honor,  or  emolument,  nor  does  he  seek  to  delude  his 
patrons  with  visions  of  untold  wealth.  His  letters  are  the  easy 
effusions  of  a  great  mind  filled  with  admiration  at  the  fertile  re 
gions,  balmy  climate,  and  primitive  races  of  the  New  World. 
Ever  modest,  he  merges  himself  in  the  greatness  of  his  undertak 
ing;  and,  if  the  civilized  world  with  one  accord  gave  his  name  to 
the  regions  he  was  the  first  in  modern  times  to  visit,  it  was  a 
tribute  which  it  deemed  just,  and  paid  unasked.  Why,  then, 
should  we  be  taught  to  consider  this  judgment  unjust  ?  When 
the  Church,  with  its  Inquisition,  before  whose  severe  censorship 
all  works  of  history  (and  more  especially  those  relating  to  the  new 
lands)  had  to  pass,  was  laboring  with  unremitting  zeal  for  the  ag 
grandizement  of  Columbus,  and  the  ignoring  of  all  his  contempo 
raries,  no  opposition  was  raised  in  Spain  to  the  naming  of  the  con- 

and  drawn  a  chart  of  all  the  lands  and  islands  of  the  Indies,  which  have  hitherto  been 
discovered  belonging  to  our  kingdom ;  and  upon  this  consultation,  subject  to  the  ap 
proval  of  you,  our  pilot-major,  a  standard  chart  shall  be  drawn,  which  shall  be  called 
the  Royal  Chart,  by  the  which  all  pilots  must  direct  and  govern  themselves.  This  shall 
remain  in  the  possession  of  our  said  officers,  and  of  you,  our  said  pilot-major ;  and  no 
pilot  shall  use  any  other  cliart,  without  incurring  a  penalty  of  fifty  doubloons,  to  be  paid 
to  the  Board  of  Trade  of  the  Indies  in  the  city  of  Seville.  We  also  command  all  pilots 
of  our  kingdoms  and  lordships  that  henceforward  shall  go  to  the  said  lands  of  the 
Indies,  discovered  or  to  be  discovered,  that  should  they  find  new  lands,  islands,  bays, 
or  ports,  or  any  other  thing  worthy  of  note,  they  shall  mark  it  upon  the  said  Royal 
Chart,  and,  returning  to  Castile,  shall  go  and  give  an  account  thereof  to  you,  our  said 
pilot-major,  and  to  the  officers  of  the  Board  of  Trade  in  Seville,  that  all  may  be  put 
down  in  its  place  in  the  said  Royal  Chart,  to  the  end  that  navigators  may  be  the  more 
apt  and  learned  in  navigation.  Moreover,  we  command  that  none  of  our  pilots,  who 
shall  henceforward  navigate  the  ocean  seas,  shall  be  without  their  quadrant  and  astro 
labe,  and  the  appurtenances  thereof,  under  penalty  of  being  disqualified  for  service 
for  as  long  a  time  as  it  shall  be  our  pleasure,  and  shall  not  be  able  to  resume  their 
position  without  our  special  license,  and  without  paying  a  fine  of  ten  thousand  mara- 
vedis  to  the  said  Board  of  Trade  of  Seville.  And  it  is  our  will  and  pleasure  that  in 
virtue  of  the  above,  you,  the  said  Amerigo  Despuchi,  shall  use  and  exercise  the  said 
functions  of  our  pilot-major,  and  shall  be  able  to  do,  and  shall  do,  all  things  pertain 
ing  to  that  office,  contained  in  this  our  letter,1'  etc. — NAVARETTE,  "  Coleccion  de  los 
viajes  y  Descubrimientos,"  etc.,  etc.,  vol.  iii.,  p.  299. 


KEASONS  FOE  THE   NAME  AMEKIOA.  121 

tinent  after  its  first  explorer.  Moreover,  we  read  that  the  name 
was  given  by  a  royal  mandate  emanating  from  the  crown  of  Cas 
tile.  Apiano,"  who  wrote  almost  contemporaneous  with  Colum 
bus  and  Yespucci,  makes  no  mention  of  the  former  in  his  chapter 
on  America,  but  merely  states  that  this  "  fourth  part  of  the  world 
received  its  name  from  Amerigo  Yespucci,  discoverer  of  the  same, 
...  in  1497,  by  order  of  the  King  of  Spain."  Yiscount  San- 
tarern,  in  a  life  of  Yespucci,  which  evinces  extreme  hostility  to< 
the  latter,  and  unbounded  partiality  to  the  cause  of  Columbus, 
seeks  to  account  for  the  naming  of  the  continent  from  the  fact 
that  a  "host  of  eminent  geographers  and  historians  who  wrote 
during  the  lifetime  or  immediately  after  the  death  of  Columbus ', 
ascribe  the  discovery  of  the  New  World  to  Amerigo,  and  name  it 
after  him  in  their  histories,  geographies,  and  maps."  He  adds, 
""Which  name  Apian,  Yadiamus,  and  Camers,  have  since  widely 
spread  through  Strasbourg,  Friburg,  and  Yienna,  while  the  pro 
digious  celebrity  of  the  little  book  of  Apian  has  propagated  the 
evil  by  innumerable  editions  published  in  Holland  and  else 
where."  He  might  have  said  in  Spain,68  in  the  language  of 
which  country  the  work  was  published,  having  passed  the  severe 
censorship  of  the  Church,  Crown,  and  Inquisition,  to  which,  as 
we  have  already  stated,  all  works  relating  to  the  new  lands  were 
subjected.  If,  therefore,  we  find  in  a  book,  bearing  the  impress 
of  the  Inquisition,  a  statement  militating  against  the  claims  of 
Columbus,  which  we  know  the  Inquisition  sought  to  further  to 
the  utmost,  we  may  very  reasonably  infer  that  statement  to  have 
been  regarded  as  incontestable.  We  know  that  Columbus  lived 
upon  friendly  terms  with  Yespucci  for  more  than  seven  years 
after  the  latter  had  publicly  laid  claim  to  the  discovery  of  the 
continent.59  Las  Casas,  moreover,  writes  :  "  I  cannot  but  wonder 
that  Hernando  Colon,  a  clear-sighted  man,  who,  as  I  certainly 
know,  had  in  his  hand  Amerigo's  account  of  his  travels,  should 
not  have  remarked  in  them  any  deceit  or  injustice  toward  the 
admiral."  "We  presume  that  Fernando,  as  well  as  his  father, 
was  more  competent  to  judge  of  the  causes  of  their  silence  upon 

57  An  eminent  geographer  and  astronomer. 

68  The  Spanish  copy  of  Apiano,  from  which  our  extract  is  taken,  was  published 
only  fifteen  years  after  the  death  of  Columbus. 

69  Herrera,  relating  events  which  happened  in  1501,  tells  us,  as  of  an  old  story,  that 
"  Americus  Vespuccius  was,  with  Ojeda,  still  persisting  in  arrogating  to  himself  the 
honor  of  having  discovered  the  continent."     Columbus  died  in  1506. 


122  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

this  subject  than  Las  Casas,  or  any  other  of  their  extravagant 
admirers ;  and  had  there  been  the  least  pretext  for  refuting  the 
statements  of  Vespucci,  or  denying  his  achievements,  it  is  not 
likely  they  would  have  failed  to  do  so  ;  yet  in  after-years  the 
votaries  of  Columbus  raised  the  hue-and-cry  of  imposition  against 
Yespucci ;  they  tampered  with  his  letters,  changing  dates,60  sup 
pressing  or  perverting  facts,  that  there  might  be  apparent  incon 
sistency  in  his  narrative.  The  man  thus  assailed  is  proved  to 
have  led  a  noble  and  useful  life,  earning  and  retaining  the  re 
spect  of  all  with  whom  he  had  relations,  not  excepting  Columbus, 
whom  he  is  accused  of  having  wronged,  and  who  seems  to  have 
quarreled  with  every  man  connected  with  him  or  the  Western 
lands,  saving  Amerigo  Yespucci  only.  The  following  letter  is 
sufficient  proof  of  the  light  in  which  Columbus  regarded 
Amerigo  : 

"  To  MY  VERY  DEAR  SON  DIEGO  COLUMBUS  : 

"  My  dear  son,  Diego  Mendez  departed  from  this  place  on 
Monday,  the  3d  of  this  month.  After  his  departure  I  conversed 
with  Amerigo  Yespucci,  the  bearer  of  this,  who  has  been  sum 
moned  to  court  upon  matters  of  navigation.  He  has  always 
been  desirous  of  pleasing  me,  and  is  a  very  worthy  man.  For 
tune  has  been  unpropitious  to  him,  as  to  many  others,  and  his 
labors  have  not  profited  him  as  much  as  reason  would  seem  to 
require.  He  goes  for  me,  and  with  a  great  desire  to  do  some 
thing  which  may  redound  to  my  advantage,  if  it  is  in  his  power. 
I  know  not  here  what  instructions  to  give  him  that  will  benefit 
me,  because  I  know  not  what  is  desired  of  him  there.  He  goes 
determined  to  do  for  me  all  that  is  possible.  See  what  can  be 
done  to  advantage  there,  and  labor  for  it,  that  he  may  know  and 

60  Vanhagen,  who  has  done  more  than  any  one  man  toward  demonstrating  the 
injustice  which  has  been  done  Yespucci,  and  who  has  laboriously  collected  a  vast 
amount  of  evidence  and  facts,  writes :  "  Herrera,  the  chronicler  of  the  West  Indies, 
while  borrowing  nearly  literally  the  Latin  text  of  the  '  Cosmographies  Introductio ' 
(Vespucci),  with  all  the  details,  on  this  first  voyage  of  Vespucci,  and  knowing  that  the 
Florentine  navigator  had  accompanied  Ojeda  in  1499,  thought  this  must  have  been 
the  first  voyage  made  by  the  "former.  In  this  belief  he  changed  the  date  (1497)  to 
1499,  and  when  he  saw  that  the  Florentine  navigator's  account  began  to  disagree 
with  the  facts  of  which  he  had  knowledge  by  other  documents  relating  to  Ojeda's  first 
voyage  in  1499,  he  raised  the  cry  of  imposture,  and  accused  Vespucci  of  having  con 
fused  every  thing  on  purpose,  while  it  was  he  (Herrera)  who  was  mistaken,  and  who  by 
this  mistake  was  later  to  lead  into  error  Charlevoix,  Robertson,  Tiraboschi,  and  even 
Navarette  and  Humboldt." — "Analyse  Critique  de  la  Vie  de  Vespuce,"  p.  94. 


VESPUCCI  VINDICATED  BY  COLUMBUS.  123 

speak  of  every  thing  and  set  things  in  motion.  Let  every  thing 
be  done  secretly,  that  no  suspicion  may  arise.  I  have  said  to 
him  all  that  I  can  say  touching  this  business,  and  I  have  in 
formed  him  of  the  payments  which  have  been  made  to  me  and 
which  are  yet  to  make.  This  letter  is  for  the  adelantado" 
(brother  of  Columbus) ;  "  also,  that  he  may  see  wherein  he  can 
profit  and  advise  him  "  (Yespucci)  "  of  it,  let  his  majesty  believe 
that  his  ships  were  in  the  best  and  richest  part  of  the  Indies, 
and,  if  any  thing  further  is  required  than  what  has  been  said,  I 
will  satisfy  him  by  word  of  mouth,  for  it  is  impossible  for  me  to 
tell  by  writing.  May  the  Lord  have  you  in  his  holy  keeping ! 
"  Done  at  Seville,  February  5, 1505. 

"  Thy  father,  who  loves  thee  better  than  himself, 

"  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS." 

If  the  noble  character  of  Yespucci  needed  vindication  from 
the  vile  aspersions  cast  upon  him  by  prejudiced  or  partial  histo 
rians,  the  above  letter  of  Columbus  should  silence  further  cen 
sure  and  complaint ;  it  bears  full  testimony  to  the  honorable  con 
duct  of  the  man,  while  the  writer  seems  most  desirous  of  profit 
ing  by  his  influence.  "With  slight  inconsistency,  which  will  not 
surprise  those  who  have  perused  the  writings  of  Columbus,  in 
the  second  sentence  of  his  letter  he  says,  "who  is  called  to  court 
on  matters  of  navigation ; "  a  little  farther  on  we  read,  "  He  goes 
for  me,"  which  would  lead  us  to  suppose  that  Amerigo  was  called 
to  court  expressly  to  further  the  interests  of  Columbus.  The 
first  statement  we  know  to  have  been  the  truth.  Yespucci  left 
Portugal  at  the  instance  of  the  crown  of  Spain,  to  take  charge 
of  an  office  which  was  subsequently  erected  into  a  department 
of  the  administration,  pertaining  to  pilotage,  navigation,  and 
charts.  He  was  to  correct  the  errors  carried  into  the  latter  by 
the  teachings  and  maps  of  Columbus  and  others.  Columbus 
had  fallen  into  disgrace  on  account  of  his  cruelty,  the  gross  mis- 
statements  contained  in  his  letters  pertaining  to  his  discoveries 
in  the  West,  and  the  inaccuracy  of  his  charts ;  the  use  of  these, 
we  have  seen,  was  subsequently  prohibited,  and  a  penalty  im 
posed  upon  the  pilot  who  should  sail  by  them.61  We  do  not 

61  Irving  writes  (book  i.,  chapter  iv.) :  "  When  the  passion  for  maritime  discovery 
was  seeking  aid  to  facilitate  its  enterprises,  the  knowledge  and  skill  of  an  able  cos- 
mographer,  like  Columbus,  would  be  properly  appreciated,  and  the  superior  correct- 


LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

here  propose  to  raise  the  veil  of  secrecy  which  Columbus  in  his 
letter  seeks  to  cast  upon  a  matter  public  in  its  character,  of 
which  it  was  his  duty  to  speak  and  write  frankly  to  the  sovereign 
who  had  employed  him ;  honesty  does  not  thus  shun  the  light. 
All  this  deceit  is  very  different  from  the  conduct  of  Amerigo, 
who  in  one  of  his  letters  thus  excuses  himself  for  not  writing 
more  in  detail :  "  Much  more  have  I  diligently  noted  down  in  a 
pamphlet  in  which  I  have  described  this  voyage,  and  which  is 
now  in  the  hands  of  his  majesty,  who  I  hope  will  return  it  to 
me  shortly." 

It  is  worthy  of  note  that  Yespucci  was  not  summoned  as  a 
witness  by  the  heirs  of.  Columbus  in  their  memorable  lawsuit 
against  the  crown.  Friend  as  he  was,  we  have  reason  to  believe 
he  knew  too  much  of  the  demerits  of  the  claims  set  up,  and 
of  matters  pertaining  thereto,  which  Columbus  desired  to  have 
kept  secret.  Those  who  write  in  the  interest  of  Columbus,  and 
against  Yespucci,  have  represented  the  latter  as  soliciting  the 
above  letter  for  the  purpose  of  introducing  himself  favorably  at 
court,  and  thence  affect  to  believe  that  Yespucci  was  a  very  ob 
scure  and  unimportant  individual.  If  we  could  for  a  moment 
believe  that  Amerigo  either  needed  or  desired  the  letter  for 
such  a  purpose,  we  are  frank  to  admit  that  his  condition  was 
low  indeed ;  it  was  written  at  a  period  when  Columbus  had  sunk 
to  the  greatest  depth  of  degradation ;  five  years  before  (and  his 
condition  had  in  all  respects  continued  to  grow  more  desperate 
to  the  day  of  his  death),  he  writes :  "  I  have  now  reached  that 
point  that  there  is  no  man  so  vile  but  thinks  it  his  right  to 
insult  me.  ...  If  I  were  to  build  churches  or  hospitals,  they 
would  call  them  caves  for  robbers." 

The  time  and  place  of  Columbus's  nativity  remain  undeter 
mined,  there  is  no  genuine  portrait  of  him  ;  but  about  the  coun 
try,  family,  and  person  of  Amerigo,  there  is  no  dispute ;  his  por 
trait  and  statues  are  placed  among  the  household  gods,  even  in 
the  abodes  of  the  humble  in  the  Old  World.  As  the  children 
of  the  United  States  recognize  the  portrait  of  Washington,  so  do 
those  of  Italy  that  of  the  discoverer  of  America. 

ness  of  his  maps  and  charts  would  give  him  notoriety  among  men  of  science."  From 
the  facts  which  we  have  recorded  above,  it  is  evident  that  the  government  of  Castile 
did  not  concur  in  the  estimate  of  Mr.  Irving  touching  the  value  of  Columbus  and  his 
charts. 


VESPUCCI  WISE  AND  GOOD. 


125 


Yespucci  injured  none.  He  did  not  imagine  or  pretend  to 
imagine  himself  in  Asia  when  in  America,  as  did  Columbus ; 
though  many  have  sought  to  make  him  participate  in  the  error 
of  the  latter,  we  have  his  own  words  to  prove  how  just  were  his 
ideas  upon  the  subject.  In  one  of  his  letters  he  says :  "  These 
regions  .  .  .  which  it  is  legitimate  to  call  the  New  World;  "  and 
again,  elsewhere :  "  Most  of  the  ancients  say  that  beyond  the 


PORTEAIT  OF  VESPUCCI.— (From  an  Original  Painting  from  Life.) 

equinoctial  line  toward  the  south  there  is  no  continent,  but  only 
sea,  which  they  called  Atlantic,  and  those  who  say  that  there  is 
land  say  that  it  cannot  be  inhabited  ;  this  opinion  is  erroneous, 
as  my  last  navigation  has  shown,  for  I  have  found  in  this  conti 
nent  people  and  animals  as  in  our  Europe  or  Asia  or  Africa" 
He  thus  makes  distinct  mention  of  the  four  quarters  of  the 
globe,  as  they  are  now  recognized.  Here,  then,  is  another  plea 


126  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

in  favor  of  the  name  America."  Columbus,  to  the  last,  whether 
through  ignorance  or  willful  deceit,  persisted  in  declaring  his  dis 
coveries  to  be  India,  Asia,  the  territories  of  the  Grand-Khan. 
How  could  his  name  be  given  to  countries  already  well  known  ? 
or  how  could  he  be  said  to  discover  Asia,  India,  which  had  occu 
pied  so  large  a  space  in  the  world's 'history  for  unnumbered  ages  ? 

Amerigo's  knowledge  of  astronomy  and  cosmography  was 
much  more  profound  than  that  of  Columbus,  who,  indeed,  at 
times  appears  ridiculously  ignorant,  and  who,  notwithstanding 
his  novel  theory  that  the  world  is  pear-shaped,  is  represented  in 
all  works  written  upon  the  subject,  from  the  child's  picture- 
book  to  the  graver  history,  as  revealing  to  a  hitherto  ignorant 
civilization  the  "  startling  theory  of  the  sphericity  of  the  earth." 

Yespucci  does  not  seem  to  consider  this  doctrine  of  sphericity 
in  the  light  of  a  strange  or  novel  teaching ;  he  draws  the  globe  to 
illustrate  his  travels  over  a  quarter  of  its  circumference,  and  to 
show  the  relative  position  of  the  new  lands  with  the  old,  but 
makes  no  such  explanation  as  one  naturally  would  when  speak 
ing  of  a  new  and  "  startling  "  theory. 

History  says  that  Columbus  was  the  favorite  of  Isabella, 
though  disliked  by  Ferdinand,  while  Amerigo  was  the  latter's 
favorite  mariner.  This  being  an  almost  universal  opinion,  the 
same  reasons  which  we  have  already  cited  as  causing  the  com 
parative  unpopularity  of  Ferdinand  and  popularity  of  Isabella 
may  also  be  made  to  account  for  the  ideas  generally  conceived 
of  their  supposed  respective  favorites.  The  Spanish  authors, 
who  so  virulently  attack  Yespucci,  wrote  for  the  Church  to  which 
Isabella  was  professedly  devoted.  Pope  Alexander  YL,  a  Span 
iard,  deeded  the  Continent  of  America  to  Castile ;  the  clergy 
ever  sought  to  glorify  Columbus ;  Isabella  favored  him  until  his 
faithlessness  and  cruelty  made  it  impolitic  if  not  impossible  lon 
ger  to  protect  him.  Ferdinand,  whose  power  as  King  of  Aragon 
was  not.  so  great  as  that  of  Isabella  of  Castile,  unwilling  to  trust 
the  adventurer  Columbus,  but  judging  nevertheless  that  an  ex 
pedition  in  search  of  these  lands  might  be  profitable,  sought 

62  Mr.  Irving  appends  a  note,  relating  to  this  matter,  to  his  notice  on  Vespucci,  in 
which  he  says  :  "  The  first  suggestion  of  the  name  appears  to  have  been  in  the  Latin 
work  already  cited,  published  in  St.-Diez,  in  Lorraine,  in  1507,  in  which  was  inserted 
the  letter  of  Vespucci  to  King  Ren6.  The  author,  after  speaking  of  the  other  three 
parts  of  the  world,  Asia,  Africa,  and  Europe,  recommends  that  the  fourth  shall  be 
called  Amerige  or  America,  after  Vespucci,  whom  he  imagined  its  discoverer." 


VESPUCCI  AND   FERDINAND. 


127 


Amerigo,  whose  integrity  inspired  even  the  suspicious  monarch 
with  confidence.  But  it  was  necessary  that  the  expeditions  should 
be  so  quietly  conducted  as  not  to  assume  the  aspect  of  rivaling 
those  of  Castile.  It  is  probable,  moreover,  that  the  sagacity  of 
Ferdinand,  as  well-  as  the  wisdom  of  Yespucci,  prompted  them 
to  prosecute  their  discoveries  in  an  unostentatious  manner ;  they 
may  have  been  strengthened  in  this  wise  resolve  by  having  wit 
nessed  the  sorry  exhibition  made  up  of  a  few  naked  savages 
bearing  parrots  on  their  shoulders,  with  which  Columbus  sought 
to  challenge  the  admiration  of  the  Spaniards,  but  which  merely 


ZENIT  NOSTRO 


VESPUCCI'S  ILLUSTRATION  OF  THE  SPHERICITY  OF  THE  EARTH. 

succeeded  in -exciting  derision,  for  at  the  time  too  many  adven 
turers,  who  had  listened  to  his  golden  falsehoods,  had  returned 
to  their  native  land  broken  in  health,  ruined  in  fortune,  sadder 
and  wiser  men,  to  tell  a  tale  of  deluded  hopes,  want,  disaster,  and 
despair. 

We  are  constantly  told  that  the  weight  of  authority  is  on  the 
side  of  Columbus ;  but  how  can  the  ardent  seeker  of  truth,  and 
truth  only,  fail  to  be  discouraged  when  he  finds  how  partial  is 
the  testimony  in  the  case  ?  Las  Casas  informs  us  that  in  all  that 
relates  to  the  discoveries  in  the  New  World  the  most  worthy  of 


128 


LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 


credit  is  Peter  Martyr  of  Anghieri;  that  whatever  lie  relates 
respecting  these  discoveries  was  recorded  in  accordance  with  the 
accounts  given  by  the  admiral  himself.  Columbus  thus  becomes 
his  own  historian  and  eulogist,  laying  down  the  law  by  which 
the  claims  of  all  others  are  to  be  judged.  He  would  naturally 
present  his  own  side  of  the  case,  and,  from  what  his  writings 
lead  us  to  suppose,  would  not  scruple  to  slander  those  whose 
opinions  or  statements  differed  from  his,  or  who  had  opposed 
any  of  his  measures. 


TBTUMPH  OF  AMERIGO. 


Here,  then,  is  an  impartial  testimony  !  To  the  glory  of  Co 
lumbus,  a  nation's  history  is  prostituted,  her  great  men  ignored, 
her  true  benefactors  assailed.  Like  the  brazen  image  of  Xebu- 
chadnezzar,  he  is  raised  on  high  to  be  worshiped,  and  all  who 
will  not  bow  the  knee  must  perish.  Yet  all  the  efforts  of  his 
enemies  will  not  wrest  the  laurel  from  the  brow  of  Amerigo. 
America  is  the  name  given  by  the  solemn  verdict  of  a  world  to  a 
continent.  It  is  a  goodly  name  ;  like  the  laws  of  the  Medes  and 
Persians,  it  alters  not ;  it  shall  not  pass  away  until  the  heavens 
shall  be  wrapped  together  as  a  scroll,  and  the  earth  shall  melt 
with  fervent  heat,  and  the  angel  who  stood  upon  the  sea  and  upon 
the  earth  shall  proclaim  that  time  shall  be  no  longer ! 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

CONTEMPORARIES   OF   COLUMBUS — (^CONTINUED). 
PINZON—  CAB  0  T—  CABRAL. 

IT  would  be  impossible  fairly  to  judge  Columbus  and  his 
contemporaries  without  briefly  noticing  some  of  the  most  meri 
torious  and  notable  of  the  latter,  who,  though  less  renowned  than 
Yespucci,  are  well  worthy  a  place  beside  him,  and  above  Co 
lumbus. 

MARTIN  ALONZO  and  VINCENT  YANEZ  PINZON  were  among 
the  most  deserving  and  worse  maligned  of  these.  It  appears  to 
have  been  the  spirit  of  history  to  lessen  the  fame  of  the  eminent 
navigators  contemporaneous  with  Columbus,  that  he  may  appear 
preeminent.  It  seems  sad  to  us  that  those  who  first  visited  the 
shores  of  our  continent  should  occupy  so  small  a  space  in  history ; 
that  while  many  ignore  even  the  names  of  Cabot  and  Cabral,  and 
regard  Yespucci  as  an  impostor,  Columbus  should  be  styled  by 
every  school-boy  the  discoverer  of  America ;  it  seems  sad,  we  say, 
yet  these  wrongs  appear  as  just  when  compared  with  the  ingrati 
tude  of  which  the  Pinzons  have  been  the  victims — the  Pinzoiis, 
the  life-blood  of  the  first  expedition  of  this  very  Columbus,  who 
climbed  to  notoriety  by  means  of  their  purse  and  good-will,  and 
of  one  of  whom  he  afterward  speaks  with  the  little-mindedness 
which  characterized  the  man,  as  "one  Pinzon,"  of  whom  he 
seems  to  preserve  but  a  vague  recollection. 

When  Columbus  entered  Spain,  friendless,  penniless,  leaving 
behind  him  a  history  of  piracy  and  crime  which  would  cause  all 
who  knew,  to  distrust  him,  he  first  arrived  at  Palos,  a  little  town, 
scarce  more  than  a  village,  situated  near  the  sea ;  he  begged  at 
the  gates  of  the  Convent  de  la  Rabida  for  bread  and  lodging  for 
himself  and  child.  The  prior  ministered  to  his  wants,  and  to 
this  friar,  Juan  Perez  by  name,  Columbus  imparted  the  informa- 


130  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

tion  he  had  received  of  there  being  certain  lands  to  the  west  of 
the  Canaries.  Juan  Perez  introduced  the  wayfarer  to  the  Pin- 
zons,  the  first  family  of  the  place,  men  noted  for  their  courage 
and  nautical  skill.  Martin  Alonzo,  head  of  the  family,  listened 
with  interest  to  the  tale  of  Columbus,  the  more  so  as  he  also, 
during  a  visit  to  Rome,  had  heard  rumors  of  the  existence  of 
these  lands  ;63  indeed,  many  seem  to  have  suspected  it,  for  among 
the  Spanish  state  papers  is  a  letter  from  Don  Pedro  de  Ayala, 
dated  1498,  in  which  he  states  that  the  merchants  of  Bristol  had 
for  seven  years  been  sending  out  ships  for  the  discovery  of  the 
island  of  Brazil,  thus  running  back  to  a  period  more  than  a  year 
anterior  to  the  first  voyage  of  Columbus. 

During  his  conversation  with  Martin  Alonzo,  Columbus 
stated  his  desire  to  visit  the  court  of  Spain  and  solicit  ships  and 
the  funds  necessary  for  an  expedition  to  reach  and  conquer  these 
lands,  but  he  was  lacking  wardrobe,  money,  and  influence.  Mar 
tin  Alonzo  provided  him  with  the  first  two  necessaries,  and  Juan 
Perez  with  the  third,  in  the  shape  of  a  letter  to  Fernando  de  Ta- 
lavera,  confessor  to  the  queen.  After  a  lapse  of  several  years, 
through  these  influences,  Columbus  returned  to  Palos  with  an  or 
der  from  Queen  Isabella  on  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  for  two 
caravels  equipped  and  manned,  providing  Columbus  were  to 
defray  the  expense  of  a  third  ;  this,  of  course,  he  would  have  been 
unable  to  do,  had  not  the  Pinzons  come  to  his  aid,  Vincent  Ya- 
nez  laying  down  one  million  maravedis,  which  was  the  eighth 
part  of  the  expense  Columbus  had  boasted  he  would  defray.64  The 
ships  were  made  ready,  but  so  great  was  the  repugnance  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Palos  to  follow  an  unknown  adventurer  across  the 
seas  in  search  of  distant  lands,  that  the  first  caravels  were  scuttled 
and  sunk.  After  they  were  replaced,  Columbus  found  it  impossi 
ble  to  persuade  the  mariners  to  accompany  him.  Martin  Alonzo, 
who  had  been  absent,  now  returned  ;  he  and  his  brother  each  took 
command  of  a  vessel — Martin  Alonzo  of  the  Pinta,  Vincent 
Yanez  of  the  Nina.  When  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  saw 
these  brave  and  honest  men,  whom  they  loved  and  respected, 
putting  their  fortunes  and  their  lives  into  the  enterprise,  they 
took  courage  and  came  forward  with  alacrity.  Thus  Columbus 
owed  every  thing,  in  this  first  expedition,  to  "  the  brave  broth- 

63  See  Navarette,  "  Colecc.  Dip.,"  vol.  iii.,  p.  659. 

64  See  previous  reference ;  also  Irving,  "  Life  of  Columbus,"  book  ii.,  chap.  ix. 


THE  PINZONS.  131 

ers  Pinzon"  as  they  have  been  most  justly  termed.  When  we 
contrast  the  conduct  of  these  men  with  that  of  Columbus,  we  are 
filled  with  admiration.  While  the  latter  for  years  refused  to  un 
dertake  the  expedition  unless  receiving  the  greatest  honors  or 
emoluments,  while  sharing  none  of  the  expense,  and  while  he 
succeeded  in  excluding  all  competitors  by  obtaining  subsequently 
a  revocation  of  the  order  allowing  Spanish  subjects  to  search  for 
lands  at  their  own  expense  for  the  benefit  of  the  crown,  thus 
narrowing  the  field  of  discovery,  the  Pinzons  expend  money  and 
influence,  leave  their  home  and  the  town  where  their  fathers  had 
lived  respected  for  generations,  apparently  without  making  any 
conditions  for  reward.65  With  such  conduct  before  us,  how  can 
we  for  a  moment  entertain  the  idea  that  Columbus  was  actuated 
by  a  desire  to  promote  science,  to  benefit  mankind,  or  by  any 
other  motive  than  cupidity  ? 

On  the  3d  of  August,  1492,  the  three  ships  sailed,  the  one 
commanded  by  Columbus,  the  St.  Mary,  being  the  largest  and 
finest ;  nevertheless,  during  the  whole  of  the  voyage,  she  was  in 
the  rear,  the  Pinta  leading,  as  testified  by  Columbus' s  own  jour 
nal.  Here,  also,  explodes  another  popular  error  founded  on  the 
untruthfulness  of  Columbus,  and  those  who  have  sung  his  praises. 
It  is  said  that  the  men  mutinied,  that  the  rest  of  the  expedition  de 
sired  to  return  to  Spain,  but  were  led  on  and  encouraged  by  the 
constancy  of  Columbus.  Now,  as  we  have  stated  above,  the  St. 
Mary  was  always  in  the  rear,  the  others  having  frequently  to  lay 
by  for  her.  It  is  scarcely  probable  that  the  Pinta  and  Nina  would 
have  continued  thus  in  advance,  had  their  commanders  wished 
to  turn  back  ;  besides,  according  to  the  testimony  of  several  wit 
nesses  in  the  celebrated  lawsuit  of  Don  Diego  Columbus  against 
the  crown,  Columbus  himself,  after  sailing  some  hundred  leagues 
without  finding  land,  wished  to  return,  but  was  persuaded  by  the 
Pinzons  to  continue  the  voyage !  Although  we  do  not  vouch  for 
the  truth  of  this  testimony,  it  appears  more  probable  than  that 
the  Pinzons,  who  were  so  greatly  interested  in  the  success  of  the 
expedition,  should  wish  to  abandon  their  projects. 

65  In  the  testimony  in  the  lawsuit,  already  alluded  to,  it  is  stated  that  Martin 
Alonzo  stipulated  with  Columbus  for  half  the  profits  which  should  accrue  to  the  lat 
ter.  This  may  be  true,  but  Columbus's  habitual  unfaithfulness  caused  him  to  ignore 
any  such  condition ;  and,  the  expedition  not  being  a  lucrative*  one,  no  claims  were 
preferred  at  the  time  by  the  Pinzons,  so  that  the  matter  remains  uncertain. 


132  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

Columbus,  ignoring  the  ocean-current  which  drifted  him 
northward,  was  sailing  out  of  the  track  which  had  been  laid 
down  for  him,  when  the  Pinzons  called  his  attention  to  this 
northward  tendency,  and  urged  him  to  adopt  a  more  southerly 
course.  He  obstinately  refused,  alleging  as  a  reason  that  it  would 
shake  the  confidence  of  his  men,  and  tend  to  lessen  his  impor 
tance,  for  him  to  appear  uncertain  as  to  where  the  land  lay ; 
nevertheless,  as  they  did  not  find  it,  he  finally  consented  to  adopt 
a  more  southerly  course,  and  thus  arrived  at  the  island  of  His- 
paniola,  which  but  for  this  change  of  route  he  would  never  have 
done.  To  whom,  then,  was  the  credit  due,  to  Columbus  or  to 
Pinzon  ? 

During  the  consultations  with  the  Pinzons,  as  to  a  change  of 
route,  we  read  that  from  time  to  time  maps  and  charts  were  con 
sulted,  by  which  Columbus  was  sailing.  One  of  these  was  no 
doubt  that  of  Alonzo  Sanchez,  the  dead  pilot,  of  whom  we  shall 
speak  elsewhere,  and  from  whom  it  is  more  than  probable  Co 
lumbus  received  nearly  all  his  information  regarding  lands  in  the 
West. 

After  reaching  the  Caribi  islands,  by  the  route  indicated  by 
the  Pinzons,  Columbus  declared  he  would  have  followed  that 
course  from  the  beginning  had  he  not  been  told  that  the  land  lay 
from  north  to  south  across  his  track  ;  he  thus  demonstrated  him 
self  that  the  voyage  was  based  upon  information  received,  and 
in  no  wise  upon  his  own  studies,  conjectures,  or  knowledge.  A 
reward  of  ten  thousand  maravedis  annuity  had  been  offered  by 
the  king  and  queen  to  the  man  who  should  first  discover  land. 
On  board  the  Pinta,  which,  as  we  have  said,  was  generally  ahead 
of  the  two  other  vessels,  there  was  an  old  mariner,  Roderigo  de 
Triana  by  name,  who  had  long  served  under  Martin  Alonzo. 
The  latter  was  evidently  much  attached  to  him,  so  much  so  that 
he  wished  him  to  obtain  the  above  reward,  and  arranged  in  such 
sort  that  he  should  have  every  opportunity  for  doing  so.  In  due 
time  Roderigo  declared  land  to  be  in  sight,  and  the  Pinta  fired 
her  gun  as  a  signal.  Columbus,  when  it  was  ascertained  that 
the  alarm  was  not  a  false  one,  stated  that  he  had  seen  a  light  on 
the  previous  evening,  and  had  privately  spoken  of  it  to  Peter 
Gutierrez,  groom  of  the  chamber  to  the  king.  None  of  his  crew 
were  aware  of  the  fact  or  had  seen  the  light,  and  Columbus  had 
made  no  demonstration ;  moreover,  his  ship  being  at  that  time 


TKIANA  DEFRAUDED  BY   COLUMBUS.  133 

far  in  the  rear,  it  is  less  than  probable  that  such  was  the  case. 
Columbus,  however,  did  not  scruple  to  despoil  the  old  mariner 
of  his  well-earned  reward,  and  we  read  in  Herrera  :  "  But  their 
majesties  declared  that  the  reward  of  ten  thousand  maravedis 
annuity  belonged  to  the  admiral,  and  it  was  always  paid  him  at 
the  shambles  of  Seville,  because  he  saw  a  light  amid  darkness, 
meaning  the  spiritual  light  that  was  then  coming  into  those  bar 
barous  people." 

Roderigo  de  Triana,  after  this  warning  that  he  should  put  no 
^.onfidence  in  princes,  disgusted  at  the  injustice  of  the  "  admi 
ral  "  and  his  sovereigns,  left  his  country  and  turned  Turk.67 

While  at  Hispaniola,  Columbus  lost  his  ship,  and  was  taken 
on  board  the  Nina,  commanded  by  Yincent  Yanez.  Martin 
Alonzo  sailed  round  the  island,  desiring  to  obtain  a  knowledge 
of  the  country.  Columbus,  when  excusing  himself  to  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella  for  not  bringing  back  as  much  gold  as  he  had  prom 
ised,  ascribed  his  failure  to  this  so-called  desertion  on  the  part 
of  Pinzon,  whom  he  declared  to  have  been  insubordinate. 
Martin  Alonzo,  who  had  so  nobly  befriended  Columbus  in  ad 
versity,  was  thus  maligned  by  him,  and  through  his  unjust  accu 
sation  forbidden  to  appear  at  court ;  his  pride  must  have  been 
deeply  wounded,  but  it  is  probable  that  the  ingratitude  of 
Columbus  touched  him  still  more  keenly.  He  died,  it  is  said, 
broken-hearted  at  Palos,  shortly  after  his  return.  He  deserved 
a  better  fate. 

Yincent  Yanez  soon  after  fitted  out  an  expedition  of  four 
fine  ships  at  his  own  expense,68  took  with  him  two  sons  of 
Martin  Alonzo,  and  sailed  west  till  he  discovered  Brazil,  three 
months  before  Cabral  in  May,  1500,  accidentally  reached  its 
shores. 

Charles  Y.  raised  the  family  of  the  Pinzons  to  nobility  or 
Mdalguia,  and  gave  them  an  escutcheon,  on  which  are  seen  four 
caravels  and  the  motto  arrogated  to  Columbus : 

"  A  Castilla  y  a  Leon, 
JsTuevo  Mundo  dio  Pinzon." 

66  Herrera,  "  West  Indies,"  vol.  L,  chapter  xii.,  Stevens's  translation. 

67  Navarette,  "  Colecc.  Dip,"  vol.  iii. 

68  When'a  private  individual  could  do  this,  the  absurdity  of  the  statement  con 
tained  in  most  works  on  the  subject,  that  Isabella  pawned  her  jewels  to  raise  the 
necessary  funds  for  equipping  the  three  little  caravels  forming  the  first  expedition, 


134  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

This  is  substantially  all  that  is  recorded  of  the  Pinzons :  His 
tory  passes  lightly  over  their  names,  but  Fate  seems  to  have 
made  all  the  reparation  in  her  power ;  for,  while  the  family  of 
Columbus,  which,  so  far  as  regards  name  or  fame,  began  with 
him,  has  long  since  become  extinct,  the  worthy  Pinzons  still 
flourish  in  their  numerous  descendants,  who  have  perpetuated  the 
virtues  as  well  as  the  name  of  their  illustrious  ancestors,  and  on 
many  of  whose  houses  in  the  little  towns  of  Palos  and  Moguer, 
to  which  they  have  remained  faithful,  the  escutcheon  (the  only 
reward  received  by  these  noble  and  enterprising  men  from  their 
sovereign)  is  still  emblazoned. 

JOHN  CABOT  was  possibly  the  first  modern  discoverer  of 
America ;  of  his  birthplace  we  have  no  certain  information,  but 
we  know  that  he  was  by  adoption,  if  not  by  birth,  a  citizen  of 
Yenice,  for  we  find  in  the  archives  of  that  city  an  act  dated 
March  29, 1496,  by  which  the  senate  unanimously  grants  deniza- 
tion  to  Zuan  Caboto,  which  act  states  that  citizenship  is  granted 
him  "  as  usual  within  and  without  for  fifteen  years ; "  we  may, 
therefore,  infer  that  he  was  of  Venetian  birth,  as  it  was  not  usual 
to  grant  citizenship  to  foreigners  residing  in  foreign  countries, 
while  it  had  been  customary  to  grant  it  to  citizens  proposing  to 
make  a  long  sojourn  abroad.  Moreover,  in  the  second  license 
granted  him  by  Henry  VII.,  he  is  styled  "  Kabotto  Venician." 
He  had  evidently,  however,  resided  some  time  at  Bristol  in  Eng 
land,  when  the  above  act  of  citizenship  was  passed,  and  in  1497 
Henry  VII.  granted  him  a  license  authorizing  him  and  his  heirs 
and  assigns  to  make  search  for  islands,  provinces,  or  regions  in 
the  Eastern,  Western,  or  Northern  seas,  and  to  occupy  such  ter 
ritories  as  vassals  of  the  English  king,  paying  him  one-fifth  of 
the  profits  on  merchandise.  With  this  charter  John  Cabot,  in 
1497,  embarked  with  one  vessel,  and  sailed  west  seven  hundred 
leagues.  The  particulars  of  this  voyage  and  the  impressions  it 
created  at  the  time  are  interestingly  preserved  to  us  in  a  letter 
by  one  Lorenzo  Pasqualigo,  Venetian  merchant  in  London,  to  his 
brother  in  Venice,  which  is  found  in  the  archives  of  that  city. 

Lorenzo  writes :  "  The  Venetian,  our  countryman,  who  went 
with  a  ship  from  Bristol,  in  quest  of  new  islands,  is  returned,  and 
says  that  seven  hundred  leagues  hence  he  discovered  land,  the 

and  which,  as  we  have  seen,  were  provided  solely  at  the  expense  of  the  Pinzons  and 
people  of  Palos,  becomes  apparent. 


JOHN  CABOT.  135 

territory  of  the  Grand-Khan"  (Gram  Cam).  "He  coasted  for 
three  hundred  leagues,  and  landed ;  saw  no  human  beings,  but 
he  has  brought  hither  to  the  king  certain  snares  which  had  been 
set  to  catch  game,  and  a  needle  for  making  nets  ;  he  also  found 
some  felled  trees,  wherefore  he  supposed  there  were  inhabitants, 
and  returned  to  his  ship  in  alarm. 

"  He  was  three  months  on  the  voyage,  and  on  his  return  he 
saw  two  islands  to  starboard,  but  would  not  land,  time  being 
precious,  as  he  was  short  of  provisions.  He  says  that  the  tides 
are  slack,  and  do  not  flow  as  they  do  here.  The  King  of  Eng 
land  is  much  pleased  with  this  intelligence. 

"  The  king  has  promised  that  in  spring  our  countryman  shall 
have  ten  ships  armed  to  his  order,  and  at  his  request  has  conceded 
to  him  all  prisoners,  except  such  as  are  confined  for  high-treason, 
to  man  his  fleet.  The  king  has  also  given  him  money  where 
with  to  amuse  himself  till  then,  and  he  is  now  at  Bristol  with  his 
wife,  who  is  also  a  Yenetian,  and  with  his  sons.  His  name  is 
Zuan  Cabot,  and  he  is  styled  the  great  admiral.  Yast  honor  is 
paid  him ;  he  dresses  in  silk,  and  these  English  run  after  him 
like  mad  people,  so  that  he  can  enlist  as  many  of  them  as  he 
pleases,  and  a  number  of  our  own  rogues  besides.  The  discov 
erer  of  these  places  planted  on  his  new-found  land  a  large  cross, 
with  one  flag  of  England  and  another  of  St.  Mark,  by  reason  of 
his  being  a  Yenetian,  so  that  our  banner  has  floated  very  far 
afield. 

"  LONDON,.  August  23,  1497." 

The  promise  of  ten  ships  above  alluded  to  is  restricted  in  the 
second  license  granted  by  the  king  on  February  3,  1498,  to  six 
English  vessels,  which  Cabot  has  authority  to  impress,  as  also  to 
enlist  companies  of  volunteers.  According  to  Lorenzo,  he  would 
not  have  much  difficulty  in  doing  this.  Nevertheless  it  does  not 
appear  that  John  Cabot  made  any  voyage  under  this  license, 
nothing  further  of  him  being  recorded ;  neither  the  date  nor  place 
of  his  death  is  known,  and  we  are  in  equal  ignorance  as  to  his 
age.  It  is  generally  supposed  that  Newfoundland  was  that  upon 
which  he  first  touched  in  1497,  yet  the  description  he  gives  of 
the  country  and  of  the  animals  therein  leads  us  to  suppose  that 
Labrador  must  have  been  the  main-land  of  which  he  speaks.  We 
know,  however,  that  he  coasted  three  hundred  leagues  south 
ward,  and  most  probably  visited  Newfoundland  also.  Columbus, 
10 


136  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

on  his  own  showing,  only  visited  the  continent  four   months 
later. 

Purchas  says  with  some  justice  that  these  lands  should  rather 
have  been  called  Cabotta.  However  that  may  be,  the  merit  of 
priority  seems  to  rest  between  Cabot  and  Amerigo  Yespucci,  as 
they  both  touched  the  continent  in  the  same  year ;  but,  as  the  lat 
ter  prosecuted  his  discoveries  in  a  more  scientific  spirit  and  to  a 
greater  extent,  the  name  which  the  land  now  bears  may  be  re 
garded  as  a  just  tribute.  Mr.  Irving,  who,  like  many  extrava 
gant  admirers  of  Columbus,  would  at  all  cost  annihilate  the 
claims  of  Yespucci,  admits,  in  his  endeavors  to  do  so,  the  justice 
of  those  of  Cabot,  and  confounding  the  son  Sebastian,  who  took 
part  in  the  expedition  with  the  father,  John  Cabot,  writes :  "  In 
fact,  the  European  who  first  reached  the  main-land  of  the  New 
"World  was  most  probably  Sebastian  Cabot,  a  native  of  Yenice, 
sailing  in  the  employ  of  England.  In  1497  he  coasted  its  shores 
from  Labrador  to  Florida." 

SEBASTIAN  CABOT  was  probably  twenty  years  of  age  when  he 
accompanied  his  father  on  the  voyage  of  1497.  Much  might  be 
written  of  the  character  and  achievements  of  this  navigator. 
The  wisdom  and  moderation  which  governed  most  of  his  un 
dertakings  stand  out  in  relief  against  the  barbarous  deeds  of 
many  who  attempted  the  discovery,  conquest,  and  settlement  of 
America. 

The  English  authorities  claim  that  Sebastian  was  born  at 
Bristol,  while  the  Yenetians  are  equally  anxious  to  prove  him 
their  compatriot  by  birth  as  well  as  parentage.  The  question, 
however,  still  remains  undetermined.  In  1498  he  sailed  with 
two  ships,  under  the  patent  granted  him  jointly  with  his  father, 
for  the  purpose  of  discovering  the  northwest  passage.  He  sailed 
so  far  north  that  in  the  middle  of  July  the  daylight  was  almost 
continuous,  and  the  numerous  icebergs  compelled  him  to  change 
his  course ;  in  so  doing,  he  touched  upon  the  Continent  of  Amer 
ica,  and  perhaps  upon  Newfoundland.  He  sailed  along  the  coast 
of  the  continent  until  he  reached  the  latitude  of  Gibraltar,  when 
he  returned  to  England — disappointed  that  the  object  of  his 
voyage  had  not  been  effected,  and  regarding  his  important  dis 
coveries  as  of  so  little  moment  that  he  allowed  his  patent  to  be 
come  void.  Upon  the  death  of  Henry  YIL,  he  was  summoned 
to  Spain,  to  assist  at  the  council  for  the  New  Indies ;  and  in  1518 


SEBASTIAN"  CABOT.  137 

he  was  appointed  Pilot-Major  of  Spain  by  Charles  Y.,  a  circum 
stance  which  manifests*  in  how  great  repute  was  his  skill  in  navi 
gation. 

Having  failed  in  his  attempt  to  discover  a  northwest  passage, 
he  turned  his  thoughts  upon  the  possibility  of  there  existing  a 
southwestern  one,  and  went  in  search  of  the  same  in  1526. 
During  this  voyage  he  arrived  at  Brazil,  sailed  up  the  river  La 
Plata,  and  discovered  Paraguay.  He  remained  about  three 
years  in  this  country,  and  then  returned  to  Spain,  where  he  con 
tinued  to  exercise  his  functions  of  pilot-major  until  1548,  when 
he  was  recalled  to  England ;  and  a  pension  granted  to  him  of 
two  hundred  and  fifty  marks  (£166  13s.  4:d).  He  was  afterward 
requested  to  return  to  Spain,  but  declined. 

He  seems  to  have  been  much  looked  up  to  in  England,  and 
to  have  been  consulted  on  the  most  important  questions.  Hak- 
luyt  writes :  "  Our  merchants  perceived  the  commodities  and 
wares  of  England  to  be  in  small  request  about  us  and  near  unto 
us ;  and  that  those  merchandises  which  strangers,  in  the  time 
and  memory  of  our  ancestors,  did  earnestly  seek  and  desire,  were 
now  neglected,  and  the  price  thereof  abated,  although  they  be 
carried  to  their  own  parts ;  and  all  foreign  merchandises  in  great 
account,  and  their  prices  wonderfully  raised.  .  .  .  And,  whereas 
at  the  same  time,  Sebastian  Cabota,  a  man  in  those  days  very 
renowned,  happened  to  be  in  London,  they  began  first  of  all  to 
deal  and  consult  diligently  with  him ;  and,  after  much  search  and 
conference  together,  it  was  at  last  concluded  that  three  ships 
should  be  prepared  and  furnished  out  for  search  and  discovery 
of  the  Northern  part  of  the  world,  to  open  a  way  and  passage  for 
our  men,  and  for  travel  to  new  and  unknown  lands."  ' 

It  was  thus  that  through  his  influence  was  organized  an  expe 
dition  which,  rounding  the  cape  of  Norway,  was  to  discover  a 
northeast  passage  to  China.  This  expedition,  though  of  course 
unsuccessful  in  its  object,  reached  Archangel,  and  established 
trading  operations  with  the  Russians,  which  resulted  afterward 
in  the  formation  of  the  Russian  Trading  Company,  one  of  Eng 
land's  greatest  sources  of  wealth. 

Charles  Y.  wrote  urgently  in  1553,  requesting  that  Cabot 
might  return  to  Spain,  where  his  services  had  been  very  valu 
able  ;  but  this  he  declined,  and  still  continued  in  England.  He 

69  Hakluyt,  "  Yoyages,"  p.  280. 


138  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

had  made  the  deviations  of  the  compass  a  study,  and  had  sought 
to  discover  the  point  where  they  should  cease.  "We  find  him 
demonstrating  his  opinions,  and  instructing  the  youthful  King 
Edward  on  this  point.  He  has,  therefore,  been  styled  by  some 
the  discoverer  of  the  variations  of  the  compass.  It  is  more  than 
probable,  however,  that  neither  he  nor  Columbus  is  entitled  to 
this  credit,  but  that  the  said  variations  have  been  noted  and  com 
mented  upon  centuries  before  the  birth  of  either. 

In  1556  Sebastian  organized  another  expedition  of  discovery, 
of  which  Stephen  Burrough  was  the  commander.  In  the  latter' s 
journal  we  find  the  following :  "  The  27th  of  April,  being  Mon 
day,  the  Right  Worshipful  Sebastian  Caboto  came  aboard  our 
Pinnesse  at  Gravesende,  accompanied  with  divers  gentlemen 
and  gentlewomen,  who,  after  that  they  had  viewed  our  pinnesse, 
and  tasted  of  such  cheere  as  we  could  make  them  aboard,  they 
went  on  shore,  giving  to  our  mariners  right  liberal  rewards ;  and 
the  Goode  olde  Gentleman,  Master  Caboto,  gave  the  poor  most 
liberale  almes ;  wishing  them  to  pray  for  the  good  fortune  and  pros 
perous  success  of  the  Serchthrift,  our  pinnesse.  And  then,  at  the 
sign  of  the  Christopher,  he  and  his  friends  banketted,  and  made  me 
and  them  that  were  in  the  company  great  cheere.  And,  for  very 
joy  that  he  had  to  see  the  towardness  of  bur  intended  discovery, 
he  entered  into  the  dance  himself  among  the  rest  of  the  young 
and  lusty  company  ;  which,  being  ended,  he  and  his  friends  de 
parted  most  gently,  commending  us  to  the  Governance  of 
Almighty  God." 

On  the  death  of  Edward  YL,  he  resigned  his  pension ;  and 
we  find  little  more  of  this  great  man  recorded  in  the  history  of 
the  country  which  he  had  so  greatly  served.  All  that  we  learn 
of  his  character  inspires  us  with  respect.  In  Ramusio,  he  is  de 
scribed  thus  by  one  who  had  seen  him  :  "  I  found  him  a  most 
gentle  and  courteous  person,  who  treated  me  with  great  kind 
ness,  and  showed  me  a  great  many  things ;  among  the  rest,  a 
great  map  of  the  world,  on  which  the  several  voyages  of  the  Por 
tuguese  and  Spaniards  were  laid  down." 

Much  has  been  said  in  extenuation  of  the  cruelty  of  Colum 
bus,  about  the  spirit  of  the  times  being  one  of  bigotry  and  intol 
erance.  We  find  no  proof  of  any  such  spirit  in  the  following 
items  of  the  regulations  written  by  Sebastian  for  the  governance 
of  Sir  Hugh  Willoughby's  expedition  in  1553.  The  good  sense 


WISE  INSTRUCTIONS  BY  CABOT.  139 

therein  displayed  materially  increases  our  admiration  for  the 
man: 

"  22d  item :  Not  to  disclose  to  any  nation  the  state  of  our 
religion,  but  to  pass  it  over  in  silence,  without  any  declaration 
of  it ;  seeming  to  bear  with  such  laws  and  rights  as  the  place 
hath  where  you  shall  arrive. 

"  23d  item :  Forasmuch  as  our  people  and  shippe  may  appear 
unto  them  strange  and  wondrous,  and  theirs,  also,  to  ours — it  is 
to  be  considered  how  they  may  be  used — learning  much  of  their 
natures  and  dispositions  by  some  one  such  person  as  you  may 
first  either  allure,  or  take  to  be  brought  aboard  your  ships ;  and 
there  to  learn,  as  you  may  without  violence  or  force ;  and  no 
woman  to  be  tempted  or  intreated  to  incontinence  or  dishon- 
estie. 

"  26th  item :  Every  nation  and  region  is  to  be  considered 
advisedly ;  and  not  to  provoke  them  by  any  disdaine,  laughing 
contempt,  or  such  like ;  but  to  use  them  with  prudent  circum 
spection,  with  all  gentlenesse  and  curtesie.  And  not  to  tarry 
long  in  one  place,  until  you  shall  have  attained  the  most  worthy 
place  that  may  be  found ;  in  such  sort  as  you  may  return  with 
victuals  sufficient  prosperously."  70 

During  the  last  part  of  his  life,  and  after  his  death,  Sebastian 
Cabot  was  the  victim  of  great  ingratitude  on  the  part  of  the  Eng 
lish  ;  on  which  Mr.  Biddle,  his  most  able  and  exhaustive  biog 
rapher,  thus  touchingly  comments : 

"  The  English  language  would  probably  be  spoken  in  no  part 
of  America  but  for  Sebastian  Cabot.  The  commerce  of  England, 
and  her  navy,  are  admitted  to  have  been  deeply,  incalculably, 
his  debtors.  Yet  there  is  reason  to  fear  that  in  his  extreme  age 
the  allowance,  which  had  been  solemnly  granted  to  him  for  life, 
was  fraudulently  broken  in  upon.  His  birthplace  we  have  seen 
denied.  His  fame  has  been  obscured  by  English  writers,  and 
every  wild  calumny  against  him  adopted  and  circulated.  All 
his  own  maps  and  discoveries,  { drawn  and  written  by  himself,' 
which  it  was  hoped  might  come  out  in  print,  '  because  so  worthy 
monuments  should  not  be  buried  in  perpetual  oblivion,'  have 
been  buried  in  perpetual  oblivion.  He  gave  a  continent  to 
England,  yet  no  man  can  point  to  the  few  feet  of  earth  she  has 
allowed  him  in  return." 

10  Hakluyt,  "  Voyages,"  p.  259. 


140  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

This  ingratitude  is  in  great  measure  traceable  to  the  partiality 
of  which  Columbus  has  ever  been  the  object.  Sebastian  returned 
to  England  from  his  discoveries  at  the  time  when  the  famous  ne 
gotiations  were  taking  place  for  the  marriage  of  Isabella's  daugh 
ter  to  the  Prince  of  Wales.  Henry  YIL,  crippled  by  internal 
dissensions,  and  desirous  of  obtaining  an  alliance  with  Spain, 
abandoned  his  plans  of  discovery  at  the  suggestion  of  its  sover 
eign,  as  the  regions  in  which  they  were  to  be  prosecuted  were 
alleged  to  be  within  the  limits  of  the  grant  of  Pope  Alexander  to 
Spain.71  And  it  was  evidently  the  intention  of  that  country  to 
allow  no  rivals  in  the  field  ;  policy,  therefore,  suggested  to  Henry 
that  his  wisest  course  was  to  desist,  and  the  achievements  of 
Sebastian  were  ignored. 

History  seems  to  have  also  resolved,  with  little  reason  and 
less  justice,  to  allow  no  rival  to  Columbus.  And  it  is  evident 
that  Sebastian  Cabot  is  one  of  the  many  victims  whose  fame  has 
been  sacrificed  to  increase  that  of  the  former. 

PEDEO  ALVAEEZ  DE  CABEAL,  though  little  mentioned  in  most 
histories  of  the  discovery  of  America,  was  probably  one  of  the 
most  intelligent  and  meritorious  of  the  many  adventurers  who 
early  reached  that  continent. 

He  was  born  in  Portugal,  toward  the  close  of  the  fifteenth 
century.  At  that  time  the  commerce  of  the  East  belonged,  so  far 
as  regarded  Europe,  entirely  to  Yenice.  Portugal  was  thus  ex 
cluded,  and,  desirous  of  securing  to  herself  this  great  source  of 
wealth,  she  sent  out  expeditions  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining 
whether,  by  coasting  along  the  shores  of  Africa,  a  route  from 
Portugal  to  India  might  not  be  discovered,  by  which  to  divert 
for  the  benefit  of  Portugal  a  part  at  least  of  the  commerce  of 
India.  The  feasibility  of  this  plan  had  been  demonstrated  first 
by  Bartholemew  Diaz  and  afterward  by  Yasco  de  Gama,  who  in 
1497  rounded  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.  The  King  of  Portugal, 
animated  by  this  success,  manned  a  fleet  of  thirteen  ships  with 
fit  and  experienced  men,  and  placed  them  under  the  command 

71  On  the  28th  of  March,  1496,  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  wrote  to  De  Puebla,  their 
ambassador  in  London,  thus  :  "You  write  that  a  person  like  Columbus  has  come  to. 
England  for  the  purpose  of  persuading  the  king  to  enter  into  an  undertaking  similar 
to  that  of  the  Indies.  .  .  .  Take  care  that  the  King  of  England  be  not  deceived  in  this 
or  in  any  other  matter.  .  .  .  Besides,  they  "(voyages  of  discovery)  "cannot  be  executed 
without  prejudice  to  us,  and  to  the  King  of  Portugal." — Spanish  State  Papers. 


CABRAL  VISITS  BRAZIL.  141 

of  Cabral.  This  fleet  was,  perhaps,  one  of  the  finest  sent  out  at 
that  period.  There  were  on  board  twelve  hundred  seamen  and 
soldiers,  besides  numerous  Franciscan  friars,  who  were  to  act  as 
missionaries  in  the  new  settlements  to  be  founded.  Cabral  with 
justice  regarded  the  coasting  voyage  eifected  by  Yasco  de  Gama 
as  a  tedious  and  dangerous  one,  and  conceived  the  idea  of  the 
present  route  by  taking  a  southwesterly  course  till  reaching  the 
latitude  of  the  cape,  thus  crossing  the  ocean  twice.  It  was  dur 
ing  this  westerly  digression  that,  sailing  from  the  Cape  Yerde 
Islands,  he  came  in  sight  of  Brazil,  latitude  10°  south,  on  the  3d 
of  May,  1500. 

Coasting  southward  about  seven  degrees,  he  took  possession 
of  the  continent  in  the  name  of  King  Emmanuel,  of  Portugal. 
Brazil  remained  thereafter  a  Portuguese  possession,  notwith 
standing  the  Spaniard  Yincent  Yanez  Pinzon  had  visited  its 
shores  in  the  month  of  January  previous.  Cabral  had  with  him 
twenty  men  banished  from  Portugal,  whom  he  had  orders  to 
leave  in  the  different  regions  he  discovered,  as  he  thought  fit. 
Two  of  these  he  left  in  Brazil ;  one  of  them  we  read  of  as  having 
become  expert  in  the  language  of  the  natives,  and  acting  as  in 
terpreter. 

Cabral  now  sent  one  of  his  ships  back  to  Portugal  with  the 
news  of  this  discovery,  and  with  the  remaining  twelve  sailed  for 
India.  While  crossing  the  cape,  he  encountered  severe  storms, 
in  one  of  which  he  lost  four  vessels.  With  the  diminished  re 
mains  of  his  once  splendid  fleet  he  reached  India,  touching  at 
Mozambique  and  Calicut,  at  which  latter  he  made  some  settle 
ments  and  succeeded  in  establishing  a  factory ;  he  then  returned 
to  Portugal,  laden  with  the  rich  merchandise  of  the  East.  On 
his  arrival  in  his  native  land  he  was  received  coolly  by  the  king, 
owing  to  the  losses  he  had  sustained  ;  nevertheless  these  losses 
were  attributable  to  the  dangers  incurred  during  the  voyage, 
and  not  to  any  want  of  skill  or  foresight  on  the  part  of  Cabral, 
who  from  the  evidence  we  have  already  cited  had  proved  him 
self  an  able  seaman,  far  abler  than  the  much-lauded  Columbus, 
who,  let  it  be  remembered,  generally  lost  the  vessel  under  his 
own  immediate  command,  even  when  the  others  escaped.  Ca 
bral' s  own  vessel  weathered  all  storms.  He  also  proved  himself 
the  more  intelligent  of  the  two  on  another  point.  When  Colum 
bus  landed  in  Cuba,  he  imagined  himself  within  three  days'  jour- 


142  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

ney  of  China,  and  dispatched  a  messenger  with  a  letter  to  the 
Grand-Khan,  to  return  in  six  days !  Cabral  labored  under  no 
such  delusion,  but,  after  taking  possession  of  the  new  country  in 
his  sovereign's  name,  immediately  set  sail  for  his  original  desti 
nation  (India),  in  an  opposite  direction.  We  find  no  mention 
of  Cabral  after  July,  1501,  the  date  of  his  return  to  Portugal.  He 
has  been  allowed  to  sink  into  semi-oblivion ;  nevertheless  he  was 
incontestably  an  able  man,  and  deserved  more  gratitude  from  his 
sovereign,  as  well  as  more  notice  from  posterity. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

COLUMBUS — WHO   AND   WHAT   WAS   HE? 

THE  history  of  most  famous  men  generally  and  most  natu 
rally  begins  with  the  date  of  their  birth,  and  some  particulars  as 
to  their  parentage  and  birthplace  ;  but  the  historian  who  attempts 
to  discover  these  particulars  with  regard  to  Columbus,  under 
takes  a  long  and  fruitless  task.  Yolumes  might,  indeed,  be  filled 
with  an  enumeration  of  the  views  entertained  or  professed  by 
different  authors  on  the  subject,  but  so  conflicting  and  various 
are  they  that,  after  reading  them,  the  conscientious  author  must 
needs  disregard  them  all. 

Monferrat,  Bogliasco,  Chiavara,  Oneglia,  Quinto,  Albisola, 
Nervi,  Pradello,  Cogoleto,  Savona,  Ferrara,  Piacenza,  and  Genoa, 
have  each  in  their  turn  been  designated  as  the  birthplace  of 
Columbus. 

The  diverse  opinions  of  contemporary  authors  are  quoted  by 
his  son  Fernando,  who  declares  his  inability  to  decide  the  ques 
tion,  and,  after  much  apparent  research,  which  amounts  in  reality 
to  nothing,  he  dismisses  the  subject  as  a  matter  of  no  impor 
tance. 

Herrera,  after  examining  many  authorities,  among  others  the 
above,  does  not  scruple  to  affirm  that  he  was  born  at  Genoa,  "  as 
all  who  write  or  treat  of  him  do  agree." 

The  reader  may  judge  of  the  degree  of  credit  to  which  the 
statements  of  Herrera  are  entitled  after  reading  the  evidence  in 
this  particular  case,  and  observing  the  somewhat  extraordinary 
conclusion  at  which  he  arrives. 

Indeed,  the  partiality  and  prejudice  evinced  by  extravagant 
eulogists  of  Columbus  are  very  apparent  in  their  attempts  to  de 
termine  the  place  of  his  nativity.  One  author  (Salinero)  declares 


LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

that  whoever  should  deny  Genoa  the  honor  of  giving  birth  to 
this  incomparable  man  ought  to  be  regarded  as  a  monster. 

For  our  part,  regarding  Columbus  as  chiefly  the  creation  of 
an  after-thought,  we  believe  that  his  birthplace  has  become  the 
subject  of  invention,  even  as  his  exploits  and  learning  have  ex 
isted  principally  in  the  imagination  of  his  biographers.  A  most 
'  accurate  register  of  births  was  kept  at  Genoa,  wherein  very 
humble  and  obscure  families  can  be  traced  back  to  a  period  ante 
rior  to  Columbus,  yet  nowhere  is  his  name  to  be  found.  We 
believe,  therefore,  that  the  honest  wool-carder,  Dominic  Colon, 
who,  it  is  asserted  by  one  kind  author,  was  the  father  of  our 
hero,  may  be  absolved  from  the  charge ;  especially  as  he  pursued 
the  decidedly  terrestrial  vocation  of  wool-carding,  while  Fer 
nando  tells  us,  his  father's  ancestors  always  "  traded  by  sea,"  a 
mild  term  for  piracy. 

If  the  birthplace  of  "  the  admiral "  is  yet  unknown,  all  at 
tempts  to  discover  whence  or  from  whom  he  derived  his  name 
have  hitherto  been  still  more  fruitless.  In  vain  have  some,  en 
deavoring  to  cast  the  glamour  of  noble  descent  over  this  created 
hero,  sought  his  parentage  among  noble  families  bearing  a  name 
somewhat  similar  to  that  of  Columbus.  In  vain  others,  wishing 
to  make  his  individual  greatness  stand  out  in  bolder  relief,  have 
made  him  the  son  of  poor  and  even  ignoble  parents.  There 
being  no  evidence,  no  real  facts,  each  author  has  placed  his  hero 
in  that  rank  of  life  which  he  himself  considered  most  likely  to 
give  him  prestige  in  the  eyes  of  the  world. 

Perhaps,  however,  with  the  aid  of  an  historian  who  certainly 
would  not  intentionally  seek  to  bring  disrepute  upon  Columbus 
(we  speak  of  his  son  Fernando),  we  may  be  able  to  cast  some 
light  upon  this  hitherto  vexed  question. 

In  the  fifth  chapter  of  Fernando's  history  of  his  father,  we 
find  mentioned  "a  famous  man  of  his  name  and  family,  called 
Colon,  renowned  upon  the  sea,  .  .  .  insomuch  that  they  made 
use  of  his  name  to  frighten  children  in  the  cradle.  .  .  .  This 
man  was  called  Colon  the  Younger." 

Here  is  the  unqualified  statement  of  Fernando,  that  Chris 
topher  was  of  the  name  and  family  of  the  individual  known  as 
Colon  the  Younger.  He  further  states  that  in  company  of  this 
Colon,  a  pirate,  his  father  sailed  "  for  a  long  time ; "  and  de 
scribes  an  encounter  between  these  pirates  and  some  Flanders 


FLANDERS  GALLEYS.— GRIEGO.  145 

galleys,  in  which  Christopher  barely  escaped  to  Lisbon  with  his 
life. 

In  the  archives  of  Yenice  are  the  following  particulars  rela 
tive  to  the  same  affair,  which  throw  a  clearer  light  upon  uthe 
name  and  family  "  of  the  "  great  navigator  "  than  his  son  is  able 
or  willing  to  do. 

By  reference  to  the  above  authority,  we  learn  that  six  or* 
seven  ships,  commanded  by  one  called  Columbus  the  Younger, 
and  having  on  board  the  man  now  known  as  Christopher  Colum 
bus,  lay  off  Cape  .St.  Yincent,  watching  for  the  arrival  of  four 
Yenetian  merchant-ships,  termed  Flanders  galleys ;  these  they 
attacked  on  the  21st  of  August,  1485,  and,  after  much  slaughter, 
carried  off  an  immense  booty,  stripping  the  officers  and  crew 
even  of  their  clothing. 

This  affair  is  formally  communicated  by  the  Yenetian  senate 
to  their  various  ambassadors  abroad.  The  first  mention  is  found 
in  a  dispatch,  dated  September  18,  1485,  from  the  doge  and 
senate  to  the  ambassador  at  Milan : 

u  The  capture  of  the  Flanders  galleys  by  ships  commanded 
by  a  son  of  Columbus  and  Giovanni  Griego." 

Marin  Sanuto,  in  his  MS.  "Lives  of  the  Doges,"  preserved 
in  St.  Mark's  Library,  recounting  the  capture,  says  : 

"  Our  galleys  fell  in  with  Colombo,  that  is  to  say,  Nicolo 
Griego" 

In  a  decree  of  the  Yenetian  senate,  December  2,  1485,  we 
find: 

"  Our  Flanders  galleys  captured  by  Colombo's  son  and  Zorzi 
Griego." 

Again,  in  a  document,  dated  April  9,  I486,  treating  of  the 
capture  of  the  galleys : 

"Nicolo  Griego,  who  is  called  Columbus  junior  (Colombo 
Zovene)." 

One  fact  is  hereby  established  beyond  a  doubt,  namely,  that 
the  Columbus  junior,  Colombo's  son,  the  Colon  the  Younger  men 
tioned  by  Fernando,  was  in  fact  named  Nicolo  Griego.  We, 
moreover,  gather  from  the  Yenetian  documents  that  three  pirates 
Giovanni  Griego,  Nicolo  Griego,  and  Zorzi  Griego,  occasionally 
assumed  the  name  of  Columbus.  That  the  family  name  of  the 
subject  of  this  history  was  Griego,  is  therefore  proved  by  the 
statement  of  his  son,  who  says  that  Columbus  the  Younger  "  was 


146  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

of  his  name  and  family ; "  the  said  Columbus  the  Younger  being 
always  spoken  of,  in  the  Yenetian  state  papers,  as  Nicolo  Griego, 
sometimes  called  Columbus  the  Younger. 

Of  the  two  other  Griegos  mentioned  as  having  taken  part 
in  the  capture  of  the  galleys,  one  was  probably  the  father  indi 
cated  in  the  allusion  to  Colombo's  son,  and  the  name  Colon  the 
Younger ;  the  other  was  undoubtedly  our  Christopher,  who,  his 
son  tells  us,  sailed  a  long  time  with  Colon  the  Younger  (Nicolo 
Griego),  and  assisted  in  the  said  capture  of  the  galleys.  He  was 
then  of  the  name  and  family  of  Griego,  and  sometimes  adopted 
the  alias  of  Columbus,  as  did  his  kinsmen ;  under  this  alias, 
thenceforth  to  become  his  name,  he  came  to  Spain.  It  was 
probably  not  till  he  had  formed  the  pious  project  of  obtaining 
the  protection  of  the  Church  by  representing  himself  as  the 
CHRIST-BEAKER,  carrying  the  Gospel  across  the  waters  to  heathen 
nations,  that  he  changed  his  name  of  Giovanni  or  Zorzi,  to  that 
of  Christopher,  on  the  peculiar  significance  of  which  his  son 
dwells  at  such  length  in  his  first  chapter  (from  which  we  shall 
presently  quote)  naively  avowing,  however,  that  the  particu 
lars  of  his  name  and  surname  are  not  without  some  mystery ; 
and  elsewhere,  speaking  of  the  falseness  of  the  statements  made 
by  Giustiniani,  touching  Columbus's  parentage  and  early  pur 
suits,  he  says:  "If  Giustiniani  tells  so  many  lies  concerning 
things  well  known  "  (his  discoveries,  etc.),  "  it  is  not  likely  that 
he  would  tell  the  truth  concerning  the  admiral's  parents  and 
profession,  all  particulars  concerning  which  are  hidden" 

"Whether  the  mystery  which  hung  as  a  cloud  over  the  many 
years  of  Columbus's  life  previous  to  his  relations  with  the  Span 
ish  court,  was  known  to  the  son,  who,  well  aware  how  charitably 
it  covered  a  multitude  of  sins,  was  unwilling  to  remove  it,  or 
whether,  which  is  far  from  probable,  he  was  really  ignorant  of 
the  facts  which  the  Yenetian  state  papers  reveal,72  we  shall  not 
here  attempt  to  decide,  nor  can  we  be  certain  that  Griego  was 

78  Fernando,  who  in  his  preface,  in  which  he  declares  all  former  histories  of  his 
father  to  be  incorrect,  promises  unreserved  frankness  and  sincerity,  does  not  in  his 
work  fulfill  this  promise.  He  was,  for  years  after  the  death  of  his  father,  in  daily  in 
tercourse  with  his  uncles  Bartholomew  and  Diego.  Why  did  he  not  ask  them  touch 
ing  the  name  and  family  of  this  "  incomparable  "  father,  whom  he  modestly  declares 
to  be  "  worthy  of  eternal  memory  ?  "  They  were  certainly  competent  to  reveal  the 
particulars  which  are  "  hidden."  He  evidently  knew  the  history  of  which  he  profess 
es  ignorance,  and  knew  also  that  mystery  was  the  safest  shroud. 


AGE  OF  COLUMBUS.  147 

the  real  name  of  any  of  the  worthies  who  bore  it.  There  is  no 
mention  of  their  being  Italians  ;  for  aught  we  know  they  may 
have  been  Greek  pirates,  known  in  Italy,  where  the  people  are 
so  apt  to  give  significant  titles  by  the  name  of  their  country 
only.  Certain  it  is  that  Griego  was  the  name  most  univer 
sally  known,  for  we  read  "  Nicolo  Griego,  sometimes  called 
Columbus ; "  while,  if  the  latter  had  been  the  name  in  most  fre 
quent  use,  it  would  be  Columbo,  sometimes  called  Nicolo  Griego.™ 

As  to  the  date  of  Columbus' s  birth,  authors  generally  assert 
that  it  was  about  the  year  1445  or  1446.  We  think,  however,  that, 
from  motives  easily  discernible,  they  have  abridged  his  career, 
and  that  fifteen  or  twenty  years  earlier  would  have  been  a  more 
correct  date. 

The  son,  unable  or  unwilling  to  account  for  the  period  of  his 
life  which  preceded  1485,  was  naturally  desirous  to  make  that 
period  as  short  as  possible,  believing  no  doubt  thirty  years  are 
more  easily  bridged  over  than  fifty. 

It  is  very  safe  to  suppose  that  Columbus  was  fifty  years  of 
age,  at  least,  at  the  time  of  the  capture  of  the  galleys,  his  ille 
gitimate  son  Fernando  (reported  to  be  his  younger  son)  pro 
fessed  to  have  witnessed  the  fitting  out  of  the  galleys,  and  to 
have  been  old  enough  to  judge  of  their  strength,  etc.74  He 
moreover,  tells  us  that  his  father  was  a  light-haired  man,  and 
that  at  thirty  his  hair  was  quite  white.  This  would  be  a  physi 
ological  phenomenon,  it  being  well  known  that  light  or  sandy- 
haired  people  do  not  usually  become  gray  until  very.  late. 

Ferdinand  then  tells  us  that  his  father  was  educated  at  Pavia, 
but  the  details  already  revealed  as  to  his  real  name  and  antece 
dents  render  this  improbable. 

We  are  then  told,  on  the  same  authority,  that  he  early  began 
a  seafaring  life,  and  made  some  voyages  "  to  the  East  and  West, 
of  which,  and  many  other  things  of  those  his  first  days,  I "  (Fer 
nando)  "  have  no  perfect  knowledge." 7B  The  delightful  vagueness 

73  In  addition  to  the  above  array  of  names,  we  find  other  authors  declaring  that  he 
was  known  by,  or  confused  with  the  names  of,  G-uillaume  de  Casseneuve,  surnamed 
Conlomp,  Conhn,  or    Colon,  whom  history  records  as  a  pirate,  while   in  English 
works  it  has  been  surmised  that  Christopher  Columbus  and  Christofre  Colyns  were 
identical,  not  to  mention  the  appellation  of  Christofer  Tauber  (dove)  by  which  we  find 
him  designated  in  German  works. 

74  See  Fernando,  "  Historia  del  Amirante,"  chapter  v. 

75  It  is  singular  that,  while  giving  the  details  of  his  father's  youth  and  education, 


148 


LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 


of  this  allusion  to  voyages  to  the  East  and  West  is  not  much 
elucidated  by  the  letter  of  Columbus  to  the  Spanish  sovereigns, 
in  which  he  modestly  extols  his  own  knowledge  in  the  following 
terms : 

"MosT  SEKENE  PKINCES  :  I  went  to  sea  very  young,  and  have 
continued  it  to  this  day,  ...  it  is  now  forty  years  that  I  have 
been  sailing  to  all  those  parts  at  present  frequented,  ...  and 
our  Lord  has  been  favorable  to  this  my  inclination,  and  I  have 
received  from  Him  the  spirit  of  understanding.  He  has  made 
me  very  skillful  in  navigation ;  knowing  enough  in  astrology ; 


COLUMBUS  DBAW8  HIS  MAP  TTNDEE  DlVINE  INSPIBATION.— CUBA  IN  ASIA. 

and  so  in  geometry  and  arithmetic.  God  has  given  me  genius, 
and  hands  apt  to  draw  this  globe ;  and  on  it  the  cities,  rivers, 
islands,  and  all  parts,  in  their  proper  places." 

This  modest  panegyric  of  himself,  in  which  the  Almighty  is 
represented  as  having  exempted  him  from  the  usual  laborious 
course  of  study  by  which  the  sciences  he  alludes  to  are  ordinarily 
acquired  by  less  favored  mortals,  does  not  contain  the  details  or 

he  should  be  thus  ignorant  of  the  events  of  his  adult  life  ;  but  the  good  old  adage  is 
here  illustrated :  "  Where  ignorance  is  bliss,  'twere  folly  to  be  wise." 


SLAVE-TRADE.  149 

particulars  of  any  one  voyage,  nor  are  such  details  to  be  found  in 
any  authority  of  the  period.  It  is  not  probable  that  a  navigator 
who  had  visited  all  the  known  parts  of  the  world  would  have 
been  so  utterly  ignored  by  his  contemporaries. 

That  he  led  a  seafaring  life  we  are  ready  to  believe.  His 
son  tells  us  his  being  addicted  to  sea-affairs  was  owing  to  the 
pirate  of  his  name  and  family  (Nicolo  Griego),  Colon  the  Youn 
ger.  In  the  profession  of  piracy  he  most  probably  infested 
those  seas  where  the  richest  booty  was  to  be  captured,  the  chief 
of  which  was  the  Mediterranean.  We  need  not  say  that  such  a 
life  is  not  particularly  inducive  to  study,  and  that  its  votaries 
are  not  generally  inclined  to  deep  thought.  For  fifty  years, 
almost  the  natural  period  of  man's  life,  Columbus  could  scarce 
have  entertained  the  slightest  idea  of  making  voyages  of  dis 
covery,  or  of  visiting  the  Indies ;  what  accident  subsequently 
induced  him,  in  his  latter  years,  to  propose  the  project,  we  shall 
presently  state. 

He  speaks  of  a  voyage,  made  for  the  King  of  Naples,  to  cap 
ture  a  certain  ship.  This  voyage  is  not  improbable — sovereigns 
sometimes  employed  pirates  in  affairs  of  like  nature — but  the 
principal  fact  upon  which  he  dwells  in  recounting  it  is,  that  he 
"  changed  the  points  of  the  compass  "  and  deceived  his  men : 
"  So  at  break  of  day  we  found  ourselves  near  Cape  Cartegna,  all 
aboard  thinking  we  had  certainly  been  sailing  for  Marseilles." 

This  boast  furnishes  a  clew  to  the  whole  character  of  the  man  ; 
falsehood  and  deceit  are  ever,  we  shall  find,  its  most  prominent 
traits. 

As  to  the  voyage  he  professes  to  have  made,  "  an  hundred 
leagues  beyond  Thule  "  (Iceland),  "  whose  southern  part  is  seven 
ty-three  degrees  distant  from  the  equinoctial,"  we  have  but  his 
own  authority,  while  all  the  probabilities  are  against  it.  A  pirate 
would  find  little  to  induce  him  to  such  an  undertaking,  the  booty 
to  be  captured  being  much  inferior  to  that  abounding  in  the 
Mediterranean.  He  does  not  give  any  reasons  for  such  a  voy 
age,  nor  mention  the  ship  he  sailed  in,  or  the  port  he  sailed  from ; 
he  gives  nothing,  in  fact,  but  the  most  vague  assertions.  All  con 
temporary  writers,  state  papers,  etc.,  are  silent  upon  the  subject, 
when  less  important  matters  are  recorded. 

For  some  years,  it  is  unknown  at  what  precise  period,  Colum 
bus  was  engaged  in  the  Guinea  slave-trade — in  which  he  sub- 


150 


LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 


sequently  showed  himself  such  an  adept  with  regard  to  the 
unfortunate  Indians — as  well  to  deserve  the  compliment  paid 
him  by  Mr.  Helps,  who  calls  his  proceedings  and  plans  worthy 
"  of  a  practised  slave-dealer."  ™ 

That  he  was  long  addicted  to  piracy;  that  he  was  of  the 
name  and  family  of  one  Mcolo  Griego ;  that  he  was  past  the 


COLUMBUS.— (From  a  Picture  in  the  Bibliotheque  Imperiale,  Paris.) 

prime  of  life  in  1485,  is,  therefore,  really  all  that  can  be  gathered 
of  the  history  of  Christopher  Columbus  previous  to  that  date. 
Those  who  propose  to  furnish  this  Griego  with  honest  parents  of 
the  name  of  Columbus  in  Genoa,  or  any  other  place,  undertake 

76  Helps,  "  History  of  Columbus,"  chap,  x.,  p.  191. 


NO  PORTRAIT  OF  COLUMBUS.  151 

a  task  as  bootless  as  that  of  tracing  back  the  lineage  of  the  nu 
merous  family  of  doves,  which  flourish  in  the  Place  St.  Mark  in 
Venice,  to  the  fugitive  dove  of  Noah. 

The  reader  has  now  seen  how  much  the  imagination  of  the 
various  biographers  of  "  the  admiral "  has  been  taxed  to  supply 
the  circumstances  of  his  birth  and  parentage.  It  is  not,  there 
fore,  extraordinary  to  find  that,  in  that  other  important  task  of 
describing  the  personal  appearance  of  their  hero,  imagination  has 
also  played  its  part. 

The  several  likenesses  of  Columbus  engraved  in  this  work, 
taken  from  his  numerous  histories  and  biographies,  purport  each 


BUST  OF  COLUMBUS  AT  GENOA. 


to  be  a  copy  "  of  the  only  original  portrait  of  Columbus ;  "  and 
from  the  resemblance  they  bear  each  other  one  would  scarce  sup 
pose  them  to  represent  the  same  man.  Indeed,  it  is  admitted 
that,  although  living  in  an  age  when  portrait-painting  was  uni 
versal,  and  when  the  features  of  most  men  of  any  note,  and  of 
many  persons  of  humble  rank,  were  thus  handed  down  to  pos 
terity,  Columbus  appears  to  have  been  too  insignificant  for  any 

country  to  have  desired  his  likeness:  those  who  have  created  the 
11 


152  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

hero,  liave  also  invented  the  portraits.  This  subject  received  a 
thorough  examination  a  few  years  ago,  when  a  monument  was 
about  to  be  erected  in  Genoa  to  the  memory  of  the  navigator. 

"  It  was  wished,"  says  Spotorno,  "  and  very  properly,  that  a 
likeness  of  the  navigator  should  grace  the  monument.  .  .  .  There 
are  several  portraits  of  him,  but  not  one  of.  them  resembles  an 
other.  .  .  .  No  one  can  flatter  himself  that  Spain  can  produce  a 
true  portrait  of  Columbus.  .  .  .  What,  therefore,  are  we  to  con 
clude?  "We  must  adopt  the  conclusion  of  Prof.  Marsand ;  after 
observing  the  difference  between  the  various  supposed  portraits 
of  Petrarch,  not  one  resembling  another,  he  says :  '  Therefore 
they  are  all  false ;  if  they  had  been  taken  from  life,  they  must 
have  preserved  more  or  less  the  original  features,  as  in  the  case 
of  Dante.'  For  these  weighty  reasons  the  sculptor,  in  execut 
ing  the  bust,  was  bound  to  copy  none  of  the  portraits  hitherto 
published.57 

The  pertinence  of  the  above  remarks,  and  the  soundness  of 
the  conclusions  to  which  they  may  have  led,  must  be  manifest  to 
all  who  have  studied  these  pretended  portraits  or  their  history. 
We  have  seen  many ;  some  published  in  Spain,  some  in  Italy, 
others  in  England  and  America,  in  none  of  which  is  it  possible 
to  detect  the  least  resemblance,  except  in  those  few  that  are 
copies  of  a  fictitious  original.  These  reproductions  are  rarely 
seen,  save  in  England  and  America.  The  European  publisher 
seems  to  have  preferred  the  status  of  inventor  to  that  of  copy 
ist  ;  hence  each  created  for  himself  a  new  and  original  portrait 
of  the  navigator,  as  unlike  the  other  "  originals  "  as  could  well 
be  conceived. 

Fernando,  in  symbolizing  the  person  of  his  sire,  makes  no 
allusion  to  any  painted  or  sculptored  semblance  of  him ;  had 
there  been  any,  he  surely  would  have  said  that  they  did  or  did 
not  resemble  him. 

In  struggling  on,  without  the  aid  of  a  painter,  he  says  his 
visage  was  long,  his  eyes  were  white,  he  had  a  hawk  nose ;  others 
say  his  hair  was  red,  and  that  he  had  a  pimpled  face."  That  which 
has  come  down  to  us  touching  his  person  is  not  calculated  to 
make  a  favorable  impression  upon  the  mind  of  the  physiologist. 

The  supernatural  far  more  than  the  real  has  ever  been  the 
mainstay  of  Columbus' s  eulogists.  Fernando,  one  of  the  first,  and 

17  Fernando,  "  Historia  del  Amirante,"  chapter  iii. 


COLUMBUS  AS  THE  CHRIST-BEARER. 


153 


M.  De  Lorgues,  one  of  the  last  of  his  historians,  may  be  said  to 
be  the  two  extremes  which  meet  and  rival  each  other  in  their 
mystic  interpretations,  and  in  ascribing  miraculous  and  divine 
attributes  to  their  hero. 

Fernando  thus  admirably  accounts  for  the  assumed  name  of 
Christopher  Columbus,  and  gives  us  an  insight  into  the  motives 
which  induced  its  bearer  to  adopt  it : 


COLUMBUS  REPRESENTED  AS  THE  CHBIST-BEARER. 


"  We  may  mention  many  names  which  were  given  by  secret 
impulse  to  denote  the  effect  those  persons  were  to  produce,  as 
in  his  are  foretold  and  expressed  the  wonder  he  performed. 
For  if  we  look  upon  the  common  surname  of  his  ancestors,  we 
may  say  he  was  true  Columbus,  or  Columba,  forasmuch  as  he 
conveyed  the  grace  of  the  Holy  Ghost  into  that  New  World, 


LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

which  he  discovered,  showring  those  people,  who  knew  him  not, 
which  was  God's  Son,  as  the  Holy  Ghost  did  in  the  figure  of  a 
dove  at  St.  John's  baptism ;  and  because  he  also  carried  the 
olive-branch  and  oil  of  baptism  over  the  waters  of  the  ocean, 
like  Noah's  dove,  to  denote  the  peace  and  union  of  those  people 
with  the  Church,  after  they  had  been  shut  up  in  the  ark  of  dark 
ness  and  confusion.  And  the  surname  of  Colon,  which  he  re 
vived,  was  proper  to  him,  which  in  Greek  signifies  a  member^ 
that  his  proper  name  being  Christopher,  it  might  be  known  he 
was  a  member  of  Christ,  by  whom  salvation  was  to  be  conveyed 
to  those  people. 


METHODS  OF  CONVERTING 


INDIANS.— (From  Las  Casals  "  Crudelitates  Hispanorum  in  Indiis 
patratae.") 


"Moreover,  if  we  would  bring  his  name  to  the  Latin  pro 
nunciation,  that  is,  Christophorus  Colonus,  we  may  say  that  as 
St.  Christopher  is  reported  to  have  borne  that  name  because  he 
carried  Christ  over  the  deep  waters  with  great  danger  to  himself, 
whence  came  the  denomination  of  Christopher,  and,  as  he  con 
veyed  over  the  people  whom  no  other  could  have  been  able  to 
carry,  so  the  Admiral  Christophorus  Colonus,  imploring  the  as 
sistance  of  Christ  in  that  dangerous  passage,  went  over  safe  him 
self  and  his  company,  that  those  Indian  nations  might  become 


CANT  AND   CKUELTY.  155 

citizens  and  inhabitants  of  the  Church  triumphant  in  heaven  ; 
for  it  is  to  be  believed  that  many  souls  which  the  devil  expected 
to  make  a  prey  of,  had  they  not  passed  through  the  water  of 
baptism,  were  by  him  made  inhabitants  and  dwellers  in  the 
eternal  glory  of  heaven." 

Whatever  may  be  the  deficiencies  of  Don  Fernando  as  a 
logical  writer,  he  has  an  unfailing  resource  in  his  piety.  In  every 
difficulty  he  can  bring  religion  to  his  aid,  and  find  a  special 
Providence,  "  some  secret  impulse,"  in  matters  which  to  minds 
less  favored  have  a  somewhat  ugly  look.  Columbus,  he  shows 
us,  was  entitled  to  all  his  names  and  to  all  his  changes  (he  is 
wisely  silent  on  the  Griego  question,  as  it  would  be  difficult  to 
find  a  holy  meaning  in  that  word).  Throughout  the  history  of 
this  man,  particularly  as  written  by  his  son,  fanaticism  and  hy 
pocrisy  are  forever  fathering  the  crimes  of  man  upon  the  be 
neficence  and  justice  of  Heaven,  converting  into  special  provi 
dence  and  mysterious  intention,  deeds  which,  when  related  in 
plain  language,  are  denominated  as  infamous  by  every  honorable 
mind. 

The  peace  which  Columbus  bore  the  hapless  Indians  was  the 
peace  of  the  grave ;  his  olive-branch  the  scourge,  the  cruel  tor 
tures  which  drove  them  to  that  bourn ;  while  the  souls  thus  res 
cued  from  the  hands  of  the  devil  were  the  descendants  of  count 
less  generations  of  souls  which,  according  to  the  miserable  logic 
of  Fernando,  a  beneficent  God  had  left  wholly  in  the  power  of 
the  arch-enemy  of  man. 


CHAPTER  X. 

SOURCE    WHENCE    COLUMBUS     DERIVED    THE    INFORMATION    WHICH 
INDUCED    HIM    TO    UNDERTAKE    HIS    VOYAGES. 

ALTHOUGH  the  history  of  Columbus  after  1485  is  not  so  per 
fectly  veiled  in  obscurity  as  it  is  up  to  that  period,  yet  we  shall  find 
it  any  thing  but  succinct  or  clear,  owing  chiefly  to  the  systematic 
attempt  to  mislead  as  to  dates  and  facts  ;  which  is  most  palpable 
in  Fernando's  history,  and  in  all  other  histories  which  have  been 
more  or  less  influenced  by  it.  An  attempt  is  constantly  made  to 
carry  Ixick.,  as  far  as  possible,  the  period  at  which  Columbus  first 
formed  the  project  of  a  Western  voyage. 

Fernando  tells  us  that  his  father's  coming  to  Lisbon  was  the 
cause  of  his  discovering  the  Indies ;  also,  that  he  came  to  Lisbon 
after  the  piratical  assault  upon  the  Venetian  merchant-ships; 
which  is  proved,  on  the  unimpeachable  authority  of  the  Venetian 
state  papers,  to  have  taken  place  in  1485.  Only  seven  years, 
therefore,  elapsed  between  his  arrival  in  Lisbon — "which  was 
the  cause  of  his  discovering  the  Indies " — and  his  departure  on 
his  first  voyage  in  1492.  Fernando  is  careful,  however,  to  sup 
press  the  date  of  the  engagement  with  the  galleys,  and  writes 
his  history  in  such  wise  as  to  make  it  appear  that  a  long  interval 
elapsed  between  the  arrival  of  his  father  in  Lisbon  and  his  subse 
quent  arrival  in  Spain ;  which,  he  tells  us,  took  place  in  1484. 
We  see  at  a  glance  that  this  date  is  false,  for  the  capture  of  the 
galleys  took  place  in  1485,  and  Fernando  recounts  how  his  father, 
saving  himself  with  the  aid  of  an  oar,  swam  ashore ;  came  to  Lis 
bon  ;  married  there ;  subsequently  went  to  Madeira,  where  he 
resided  some  time ;  returned  to  Portugal ;  negotiated  with  the 
king  of  that  country ;  and,  finally,  as  his  exorbitant  conditions 
were  not  acceptable  to  the  Portuguese  monarch,  came  to  Spain 
in  1484 — &  year  previous  to  his  first  arrival  in  Lisbon !  He 


TOSCANELLA.— A  FOKGERY.  157 

also  gives  what  purports  to  be  the  copy  of  a  letter,  written  by 
Paul  Toscanella,  upon  navigation  and  geography,  to  Ferdinand 
Martinez,  a  servant  of  King  John  of  Portugal,  dated  Florence, 
June  25,  1474. 

TOSCANELLA  was  a  renowned  Italian  astronomer  of  the  period. 
He  erected  the  famous  solstitial  gnomen  at  the  cathedral  in  Flor 
ence.  The  presence  of  the  above  letter  from  him  among  the 


TOSCANELLA  IN  HIS  STUDY. 

papers  of  Columbus,  or  his  son  and  historian,  as  well  as  the 
manner  in  which  the  latter  seeks  to  account  for  its  possession, 
and  the  use  he  appears  desirous  to  make  of  it,  must  create  dis 
trust  in  the  minds  of  such  as  shall  give  the  matter  a  careful  ex 
amination. 

Fernando  tells  us  his  father  "  got  knowledge  "  of  the  above 
letter,  "  and  soon  by  means  of  Laurence  Gerardi,  a  Florentine 
residing  at  Lisbon,  writ  upon  the  subject  to  the  said  Mr..  Paul." 
He  does  not,  however,  tell  us  at  what  time  Girardi,  acting  as  se 
cret  agent,  opened  correspondence  with  Toscanella  or  Columbus 
upon  the  subject.  The  copies  of  the  letters  of  Columbus  to  his 
middle-man  in  Lisbon,  or  to  Paul  Toscanelli,  which  would  be 
invaluable  in  this  place,  are  nowhere  forthcoming ;  but,  in  lieu 
thereof,  Fernando  gives  what  he  would  have  his  readers  believe 


158  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

to  be  tlie  copy  of  a  letter  from,  the  learned  Florentine  to  his 
father.     This  is  shorn  of  its  date  and  destination,  and,  moreover, 
contains  expressions  which  stamp  it  as  a  forgery. 
Fernando  thus  quotes,  or  professes  to  quote : 

The  Letter  from  Paul,  a  Physician  of  Florence,  concerning  the 
Discovery  of  the  Indies. 

u  To  Christopher  Colon  Paul,  the  physician,  wishes  health. 

"  I  perceive  your  noble  and  earnest  desire  to  sail  to  those  parts 
where  the  spice  is  produced,  and  therefore,  in  answer  to  a  letter  of 
yours,  I  send  you  the  copy  of  another  letter,  which  some  days  since 
I  writ  to  a  friend  of  mine — and  servant  to  the  King  of  Portugal, 
before  the  wars  of  Castile — in  answer  to  another  he  writ  to  me, 
by  his  highness' s  order,  upon  the  same  account.  And  I  send 
you  another  sea-chart  like  that  I  sent  him,  which  will  satisfy 
your  demands. 

«  The  copy  of  that  letter  is  this." 

Then  follows  the  letter  from  Toscanella  to  Martinez,  with  its 
date  1474. 

Above  is  all  that  is  given  of  the  pretended  letter  from  Paul, 
the  physician,  to  Columbus ;  and  it  is  also  the  authority  upon 
which  historians  affirm  that  the  latter  had  formed  his  project  of 
discovery  as  early  as  1474.  A  careful  analysis  of  the  letter  we 
quote,  and  consideration  of  the  facts  regarding  it,  will,  however, 
raise  suspicion,  which  amounts  to  certainty  the  further  we  inves 
tigate  the  affair,  that  it  was  never  written  by  Toscanella  to  Co 
lumbus  : 

1.  Ferdinand  tells  us  his  father  first  arrived  in  Lisbon  after 
the  capture  of  the  Flanders  galleys  (1485),  and  that  his  coming 
to  Lisbon  was  the  cause  of  his  discoveries.     It  is  abundantly 
proved  that  Columbus  actually  took  part  in  this  engagement ;  he 
was  not  therefore  in  Lisbon,  and  had  not  heen  there  wlien  'Tosca 
nella  wrote  to  Martinez. 

2.  It  was  not  in    keeping  with    Italian    courtesy,  and  the 
courtly  character  of  Toscanella  himself — had  Columbus,  in  fact, 
ever  made  application  to  him  for  information  and  instruction 
touching  the  Western  passage  to  India — to  send  the  latter  the 
copy  of  a  letter,  written  to  another  person,  retaining  the  date, 
destination,  and  sundry  personal  observations,  that  were  un- 


TOSCANELLA.— FORGED  LETTER.  159 

doubtedly  pertinent  as  to  Martinez,  but  certainly  not  in  their 
application  to  Columbus. 

3.  The  purported  letter  of  Toscanella  to  Columbus  was  evi 
dently  written  by  one  who  endeavored  to  prove  too  much.  In 
order  that  Columbus  may  appear  to  have  entertained  his  ideas 
of  discovery  in  1474,  and  for  fear  lest  the  reader  should  suppose 
that  the  copy  was  sent  some  years  after  the  original  had  been 
written,  Toscanella  is  made  to  say : 

"  I  send  you  the  copy  of  a  letter  which  I  writ  some  days 
since,  to  a  friend  of  mine,  and  servant  of  the  King  of  Portugal, 
before  the  wars  of  Castile" 

Does  it  not  appear  peculiar  that  he  should  thus  specify  a  let 
ter  as  having  been  written  before  a  great  historic  event,  which 
was  only  written  some  days  since  ?  Where  was  the  necessity  of 
such  a  declaration  to  Columbus,  who  upon  receipt  of  the  letter 
would  have  inferred  from  its  date  at  what  period  it  was  written  ? 
What  have  the  wars  of  Castile  to  do  with  the  letter  ? — clearly 
nothing.  The  allusion  to  them  can  ha  ye  no  reference  to  the 
status  of  Martinez,  as  the  fact  that  he  was  then  in  the  service  of 
the  King  of  Portugal  is  not  only  proved  in  Toscanella's  letter 
to  him,  dated  June  25,  1474,  but  is  corroborated  in  the  pretend 
ed  letter  to  Columbus.  The  latter' s  having  been  written  long 
after  the  death  of  Toscanella,  and  after  the  wars  of  Castile,  may 
account  for  its  having  occurred  to  the  writer  that  it  would  help 
his  case  to  insert  such  a  clause. 

Then,  too,  the  words  "  in  answer  to  a  letter  of  yours  "  have 
the  suspicious  appearance  of  having  been  written  by  one  who 
was  eager  to  prove  that  Columbus  had  written  to  Toscanella, 
and  feared  that  fact  might  be  doubted.  A  correspondent  might 
indeed  write,  "  In  answer  to  your  letter  of  such  a  date,"  but  "  In 
answer  to  a  letter  of  yours  "  would  be  somewhat  superfluous  in 
formation,  as  he  to  whom  the  letter  was  addressed  would  be 
fully  advised  in  the  premises. 

Furthermore,  Toscanella,  in  furnishing  a  stranger  with  the 
copy  of  a  letter  which  had  been  written  by  request  of  the  King 
of  Portugal,  and  the  original  of  which  was  preserved  in  the 
archives  of  that  country,  would  have  betrayed  the  confidence  of 
the  monarch  and  committed  a  gross  indiscretion.  Toscanella, 
the  companion  of  princes,  the  friend  of  the  glorious  Medici, 
wise,  learned,  and  experienced,  would  hardly  provide  a  needy 


160  LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

adventurer  at  the  capital  of  Portugal  with  the  means  of  driving 
an  unscrupulous  and  exorbitant  bargain  with  the  sovereign  with 
whom  he  corresponded  upon  the  same  subject. 

Who  and  what  Columbus  was,  we  have  already  shown,  a 
nameless  pirate  (if,  indeed,  one  bearing  so  many  aliases  may  be 
termed  nameless).  Had  the  learned  Florentine  known  him,  lie 
would  not,  we  believe,  have  corresponded  with  him,  and,  not 
having  known  him,  it  is  still  less  probable  that  he  did  so.  The 
testimony  of  Columbus  is  insufficient  to  remove  suspicion,  or 
rather  to  disprove  the  forgery  which  the  circumstances  we  have 
cited  render  so  apparent. 

Many  able  writers,  upon  the  sole  authority  of  the  words 
some  days  since  in  this  pretended  letter  from  Toscanella  to 
Columbus,  and  of  the  letter  to  Martinez,  dated  1474,  affirm  that 
Columbus  was  that  year  in  Lisbon.  Among  these  may  be  cited 
Mr.  R.  H.  Major,  of  the  British  Museum,  who,  speaking  of  the 
encounter  with  the  galleys,  doubts  the  fact  of  Columbus's  having 
been  :present  thereat  and  declares  Fernando's  relation  to  be 
somewhat  apocryphal,  basing  his  doubts  upon  the  letter  from 
Toscanella,  "for  it  is  certain,"  he  says,  <;  that  Columbus  was  in 
Lisbon  previous  to  1474  (for  in  that  year  he  has  a  letter  ad 
dressed  to  him  in  that  city,  in  reply  to  one  written  by  himself 
from  the  same  place  "  ).78 

Now,  as  it  is  by  no  means  certain  that  Columbus  was  in  Lis 
bon,  for  there  is  nothing  to  prove  it  save  the  words  "  some  days 
since"  in  the  evidently  forged  letter  without  a  date,  and  as  the 
statement  that  Columbus  was  on  board  one  of  the  pirate-ships 
that  attacked  the  galleys  is  made  in  an  unqualified  manner  by 
Fernando  and  confirmed  by  public  documents,  we  think  Mr. 
Major  and  other  authors  rashly  discard  a  plain  and  evidently 
truthful  statement  for  one  that  is  merely  hypothetical. 

There  could  hardly  have  been  any  correspondence  between 
Toscanella  and  Columbus  after  1485,  as  the  aged  and  worthy  Flor 
entine,  unfortunately  for  the  glory  of  our  hero,  died  in  1482 ;  we 
believe  therefore  that  Columbus  "  got  knowledge"  of  the  letter 
to  Martinez  at  least  ten  years  after  it  was  written,  and  by  means 
unknown  to  us,  but  undoubtedly  surreptitious,  obtained  a  copy 
thereof,  probably  about  the  year  1486.  Fernando  at  a  subse 
quent  period  inserted  it  in  his  work,  that  he  might  lead  his  read- 

7b  Major,  "  Introduction  to  Letters  of  Columbus,"  p.  xxxix. 


PIRATICAL  ATTACK  UPON  MERCHANT-SHIPS. 

ers  to  believe  that  the  project  of  his  father  was  coeval  with  the 
said  letter  of  1474,  thereby  bridging  over  an  awkward  chasm. 
Whether  the  forged  preface,  purporting  to  have  been  addressed 
by  Paul  to  Columbus,  was  the  work  of  the  latter  or  his  son  we 
know  not ;  either  was  capable  of  such  an  act  in  such  a  cause. 
Fernando  had  ample  opportunities;  he  was  a  priest,  engaged  in 
collecting  a  library,  in  recording  and  magnifying  the  glory  of 
his  family,  regardless  of  propriety  or  truth ;  he  was  also  a  mem 
ber  of  the  same  literary  junta  with  Juan  Yespucci,  who  succeed 
ed  to  the  department  in  navigation,  created  by  or  for  Amerigo, 
where  it  is  to  be  presumed  the  originals  or  copies  of  all  impor 
tant  papers  relative  to  navigation  were,  kept,  especially  those 
bearing  upon  the  long-sought-for  passage  to  India  by  the  West. 
It  may  be  urged  that  his  holy  vocation  would  render  him  inca 
pable  of  such  a  crime  as  forgery,  but  this  clerical  plea  will  scarce 
avail,  when  we  consider  the  character  of  the  clergy  in  his  time. 
It  was  the  age  of  Alexander  YL,  the  notorious  Borgia — of  assas 
sination,  forgery,  and  perjury,  far  more  than  of  sanctity  and 
prayer ;  and  when  the  archbishop  forges  the  papal  bull  granting 
a  dispensation  to  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  from  the  penalties  of 
an  incestuous  marriage,"  why  might  not  Fernando  indulge  in 
the  comparatively  innocent  occupation  of  manufacturing  epistles 
and  falsifying  dates  to  brighten  the  escutcheon  of  the  Christ- 
bearer  ? 

We  are  safe,  in  the  case  of  the  piratical  assault,  to  follow  the 
narrative  of  Fernando,  discarding  and  correcting  as  far  as  pos 
sible  all  dates  that  are  flagrantly  inaccurate.  He  tells  us  that  the 
ships  caught  fire ;  that  the  crews,  to  save  themselves,  leaped  into 
the  water,  where  his  father,  being  an  expert  swimmer,  seized  a 
floating  oar,  and  with  its  aid  reached  the  shore. 

Behold,  then,  our  hero  struggling  onward,  clinging  to  an  oar, 
behind  him  the  burning  galleys,  before  him  the  shores  of  Portu 
gal  !  These  he  reaches,  is  succored,  and  proceeds  to  Lisbon,  ac 
cording  to  his  son,  "to  begin  a  new  state  of  life  ; "  and  as  he  did 
nothing  wrong,  behaved  well,  and  "was  comely,"  he  married 
Dona  Felipa  Muniz  de  Perestrela.  With  respect  to  his  begin 
ning  a  new  life,  we  know  not  precisely  whether  we  are  to  infer 
that  he  proposed  to  betake  himself  to  a  seafaring  life,  or  to  aban 
don  it.  Was  he  about  to  give  up  a  nefarious  pursuit  and  lead 

79  Prescott,  "Ferdinand  and  Isabella,"  chapter  in.,  p.. 121. 


162 


LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 


the  life  of  an  honest  man,  or  was  he  to  continue  piracy  in  a  new 
field,  upon  a  grander  scale  ? 

However  this  may  be,  his  stay  in  Lisbon  was  short ;  his  wife's 
father  having  left  some  possessions  in  Madeira,  he  and  his  wife 
took  up  their  abode  in  that  island. 

A  year  could  hardly  have  elapsed  before  the  event  took  place 
which,  it  is  evident,  first  attracted  the  attention  of  Columbus  to 
Western  lands,  and  was  as  it  were  the  turning-point  in  his  life. 
Modern  authors  affect  to  ignore  or  treat  with  contempt  the  story 
of  Columbus's  having  received  his  first  information  from  a  ship 
wrecked  pilot  who  died  in  his  house ;  but  their  answers  to  a  state 
ment  which  is  to  be  found  in  almost  all  early  writers  (except 
Fernando,  who  seems  anxious  to  give  any  other  reason  for  his 
father's  undertaking,  and  evinces  a  desire  to  lead  us  as  far  as 


COLUMBUS  ESCAPES  FROM  THE  BURNING  GALLEYS. 

possible  from  this  one,  though  he  makes  a  vague  allusion  to  it  in 
his  eighth  chapter,  speaking  of  Oviedo's  mention  of  it,  which  he 
endeavors  in  a  manner  to  nullify  by  diverting  attention  to  an 
opposite  direction),  are  not  what  may  be  considered  erudite  or 
convincing. 

Spotorno  says :  u  As  to  the  idle  tale  which  was  current  in 


THE  DEAD  PILOT.  163 

Spain,  that  lie  had  taken  the  idea  of  the  New  World  from  a  pilot 
of  whom  a  number  of  fables  are  told,  I  shall  not  stop  to  refute 
it."  80 

'  This  summary  dismissal  of  the  subject  is  about  the  best  and 
most  satisfactory  answer  to  the  story  that  we  have  found.  Mr. 
Irving  naively  shows  us  the  reasons  which  have  induced  the  eulo 
gists  of  Columbus  to  discredit  it.  He  frankly  admits  that  "  its 
veracity  would  destroy  all  his  "  (Columbus' s)  "  merit  as  an  original 
discoverer."  81  The  idle  tale,  so  current  in  Spain,  rests,  however, 
upon  the  very  authorities  the  biographers  of  Columbus  so  often 
quote.  It  is  related  by  Oviedo,  who  was  a  contemporary  of  Co 
lumbus,  and  had  spent  more  than  forty  years  in  the  royal  service 
of  Spain,  beginning  with  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  and  who  had 
visited,  and  been  appointed  royal  historiographer  of,  the  Indies. 

It  is  recounted,  at  length,  in  Gomara' s  "History  of  the  Indies," 
which  was  published  in  the  Spanish  language,  within  the  realm, 
and  sanctioned  by  the  license  of  the  Archbishop  of  Saragossa. 
Gomara  was  himself  a  priest,  and  cannot  therefore  be  supposed 
to  have  written  any  falsehood  detrimental  to  Columbus,  espe 
cially  as  he  represents  the  latter  as  so  saintly  a  character  that  he 
asserts  "  rude  crosses  erected  by  him  healed  the  sick  and  per 
formed  miracles  many  years  after  his  death."  82 

Garcilasso  de  la  Yega  also  gives  perfect  credence  to  the  his 
tory  of  the  pilot ;  and  Eden  prefixes  it  to  Locke's  English  transla 
tion  of  Peter  Martyr,  "  for  the  better  understanding  of  the  whole 
work." 

Alonzo  de  Ovalle,  a  Jesuit  father,  whose  "  Relation  of  the 
Kingdom  of  Chili "  was  printed  in  Rome  in  1649,  does  not  agree 
with  Mr.  Irving,  that  to  give  credence  to  the  story  of  the  pilot, 
which  he  evidently  regards  as  truthful,  is  to  detract  from  the 
glory  of  Columbus.83  Indeed,  most  early  authors  considered  the 
fact  as  established,  and  argued  for  the  greatness  of  Columbus  in 
spite  of  it.  The  deviation  from  truth  has  yearly  widened  as 
authors  became  more  extravagant  and  bigoted  in  their  adulation, 
so  that  it  was  finally  discarded. 

This  is  so  important  a  matter  that  we  cannot  forbear  giving 

80  Spotorno,  "  Historia  Memoria,"  p.  29. 

81  Irving,  "  Appendix,"  No.  xi. 

82  Gomara,  "  Historia  de  las  Indias,"  cap.  xxxiii. 

83  Churchill's  "Voyages,"  vol.  iii.,  p.  88. 


164  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

here  the  various  accounts  to  he  found  in  early  writers,  with  the 
still  more  convincing  proof  of  the  history  having  "been  incorpo 
rated  in  1666,  hy  Captain  Galardi,  in  the  introduction  to  a  work 
which  he  dedicated  to  the  legal  representative  of  the  family  of 
Columhus. 
An  Extract  from  "  The  Royal  Commentaries  of  Peru"  written 

originally  in  Spanish  ~by  the  Inca,  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  and 

rendered  into  English   l>y  Sir  Paul  Hycaut,  in  the    Year 

1688: 

"  Ahout  the  year  1484,  a  certain  Pilot,  Native  of  Ilelva  in 
the  Cotmty  of  JViebla,  called  Alonso  Sanchez,  usually  Traded  in 
a  small  Vessel  from  Spain  to  the  Canaries ;  and  there  Lading 
the  Commodities  of  that  Countrey,  sailed  to  the  Maderas,  and 
thence  freighted  with  Sugar  and  Conserves,  returned  home  into 
Spain  •  this  was  his  constant  course  and  traffick,  when,  in  one 
of  these  Voyages  meeting  with  a  most  violent  Tempest,  and  not 
able  to  bear  sail,  he  was  forced  to  put  before  the  Wind  for  the 
space  of  twenty- eight  or  twenty-nine  days,  not  knowing  where 
or  whither  he  went,  for  in  all  that  time  he  was  not  able  to  take 
an  observation  of  the  height  of  the  Sun  ;  and  so  grievous  was  the 
storm,  that  the  Mariners  could  with  no  convenience  either  eat  or 
sleep :  At  length,  after  so  many  long  and  tedious  days,  the 
Wind  abating,  they  found  themselves  near  an  Island,  which  it 
was,  is  not  certainly  known,  but  it  is  believed  to  have  been  San 
Domingo,  because  that  lyes  just  West  from  the  Canaries,  whence 
a  storm  at  East  had  driven  the  Ship,  which  is  the  more  strange, 
because  the  Easterly  Winds  seldom  blow  hard  in  those  Seas,  and 
rather  make  fair  weather,  than  tempestuous.  But  God,  who  is 
all-sufficient,  intending  to  bestow  his  mercies,  can  make  causes 
produce  effects  contrary  to  their  nature ;  as  when  he  drew  wa 
ter  from  the  Rock,  and  cured  the  blind  with  Clay;  in  like  man 
ner  his  immense  goodness  and  compassion,  designing  to  transmit 
the  light  of  the  true  Gospel  into  the  new  World,  made  use  of 
these  unusual  means  to  convert  them  from  the  Idolatry  of  Gen- 
tilism,  and  from  their  foolish  and  dark  superstitions,  as  shall  be 
related  in  the  sequel  of  this  History. 

"  The  Master,  landing  on  the  shore,  observed  the  height  of  the 
Sun,  and  so  noted  particularly  in  writing  what  he  had  seen,  and 
what  had  happened  in  this  Yoyage  out,  and  home ;  and,  having 
supplied  himself  with  fresh  water  and  wood,  he  put  to  Sea  again  ; 


ALONZO  BE   SANCHEZ.  165 

but  having  not  well  observed  his  course  thither,  his  way  to  re 
turn  was  the  more  difficult,  and  made  his  Yoyage  so  long,  that 
he  began  to  want  both  water  and  provisions,  which  being  added 
to  their  former  sufferings,  the  people  fell  sick,  and  died  in  that 
manner,  that  of  seventeen  persons  which  came  out  of  Spain, 
there  remained  but  five  only  alive,  when  they  arrived  at  Terce- 
ras,  of  which  the  Master  was  one.  These  came  all  to  lodge  at 
the  House  of  that  famous  Genoese,  called  Christopher  Colon,  be 
cause  they  knew  him  to  be  a  great  Seaman  and  Cosmographer, 
and  one  who  made  Sea-carts  to  sail  by;  and  for  this  reason  he, 
received  them  with  much  kindness,  and  treated  them  with  all 
things  necessary,  that  so  he  might  learn  from  them  the  particu 
lars  which  occurred,  and  the  discoveries  they  had  made  in  this 
laborious  Yoyage:  but  in  regard  they  brought  a  languishing 
distemper  with  them,  caused  by  their  Sufferings  at  Sea,  and  of 
which  they  could  not  be  recovered  by  the  kind  usage  of  Colon, 
they  all  happened  to  dye  in  his  house,  leaving  their  labours  for 
his  inheritance ;  the  which  he  improved  with  such  readiness  of 
mind,  that  he  underwent  more,  and  greater,  than  they,  in  regard 
that  they  lasted  longer;  and  at  length  he  so  well  succeeded  in 
his  enterprise,  that  he  bestowed  the  New  World,  with  all  its 
riches,  upon  /Spain,  and  therefore  deservedly  obtained  this  Motto 
to  be  inscribed  on  his  Armes : 

'  To  Castile,  and  to  Leon, 
The  New  World  was  given  by  Colon.' 

"  In  this  manner  the  New  World  was  first  discovered,  for  which 
greatness /§?am  is  beholding  to  that  little  village  of  Helva,  which 
produced  such  a  Son,  as  gave  Colon  information  of  things  not 
seen,  or  known  before  ;  the  which  secrets,  like  a  prudent  person, 
he  concealed,  till  under  assurances  of  silence  he  first  disclosed 
them  to  such  persons  of  authority  about  the  Catholick  Kings,  as 
were  to  be  assistant  and  usefull  to  him  in  his  design,  which  could 
never  have  been  laid,  or  chalked  out  by  the  art  of  Cosmography, 
or  the  imagination  of  man,  had  not  Alonso  de  Sanchez  given  the 
first  light  and  conjecture  to  this  discovery;  which  Colon  so 
readily  improved,  that  in  seventy-eight  days  he  made  his  Yoyage 
to  the  Isle  of  Guanatiancio,  though  he  was  detained  some  days 
at  Gomera  to  take  in  Provisions." 

Extract  from  "Eden's  Preface  to  Peter  Martyr's  Decades  :" 


166  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

"  Certaine  Preambles  here  followe,  gathered  ~by  R.  EDEN  hereto- 
fore,  for  the  better  Understanding  of  the  whole  Worke. 

"  Of  the  First  Discovering  of  the  West  Indies. 

"  A  Certayne  Carauell  sayling  in  tlie  West  Ocean,  about  the 
coaastes  of  Spayne,  hadd  a  forcible  and  continual!  winde  from  the 
East,  whereby  it  was  driuen  to  a  land  vnknowne,  and  not  de 
scribed  in  any  Map  or  Garde  of  the  Sea,  and  was  driuen  still 
along  by  the  coaste  of  the  same  for  the  space  of  many  daies,  vntil 
it  came  to  a  hauen,  where  in  a  short  time  the  most  part  of  the 
mariners,  being  long  before  very  weake  and  feble  by  reason  of 
hunger  and  trauayle,  dyed :  so  that  only  the  Pilot,  with  three  or 
foure  other,  remayned  aliue.  And  not  only  they  that  dyed,  did  not 
enjoy  the  Indies  whiche  they  first  discouered  to  their  misfortune, 
but  the  residue  also  that  liued  had  in  maner  as  litle  fruition  of 
the  same  :  not  leaning,  or  at  the  least  not  openly  publishing  any 
memorie  thereof,  neyther  of  the  place  or  what  it  was  called,  or  in 
what  yeere  it  was  founde :  Albeit,  the  fault  was  not  theirs,  but 
rather  the  malice  of  others,  or  the  enuie  of  that,  which  we  cal  for 
tune.  I  do  not  therefore  marueile,  that  the  auncient  histories 
affirme,  that  great  things  procede  and  increase  of  small  and  ob 
scure  beginninges,  sith  we  haue  seene  the  same  verified  in  this 
finding  of  the  Indies,  being  so  notable  and  newe  a  thing.  We 
neede  not  be  curious  to  seeke  the  name  of  the  Pilot,  sith  death 
made  a  short  ende  of  his  doinges.  Some  will,  that  he  came  from 
Andaluzia,  and  traded  to  the  Ilandes  of  Canaria,  and  Hand  of 
Madera,  when  this  large  and  mortall  nauigation  chauncecl  vnto 
him.  Other  say  that  hee  was  a  Bysoanne  and  traded  into  Eng- 
lande  and  France.  Other  also,  that  hee  was  a  Portugall,  and 
that  either  he  went  or  came  from  Mina  or  India :  whiche 
agreeth  well  with  the  name  of  the  newe  landes,  as  I  haue  sayd 
before.  Againe,  some  there  be  that  say  that  he  brought  the 
Carauell  to  Portugall,  or  the  Ilande  of  Madera,  or  to  some  other  of 
the  Ilandes  called  De  los  Azores.  Yet  doe  none  of  them  aifirme 
anything,  although  they  all  aifirme  that  the  Pilot  dyed  in  the 
house  of  Christopher  Colon,  with  whom  remayned  all  suche  writ- 
inges  and  annotations  as  he  had  made  of  his  voyage  in  the  said 
Carauell,  as  well  of  such  thinges  as  he  observed  both  by  land 
and  sea,  as  also  of  the  eleuation  of  the  pole  in  those  lands  which 
he  had  discouered. " 


THE  DEAD  PILOT.  167 

"  What   manner  of   man  Christopher    Colon  (otJierwise  called 

Columbus)  was,  and  how  he  came  first  to  the  knowledge 

of  the  Indies. 

"  Christopher  Colon  was  borne  in  Cugureo,  or  (as  some  say)  in 
Nerui,  a  village  in  the  territory  of  Genua  in  Italie.  Hee  de 
scended  as  some  thinke,  of  the  house  of  the  Pelestreles  of  Placen- 
tia  in  Lonibardie.  He  beganne  of  a  chylde  to  bee  a  maryner ; 
of  whose  arte  they  haue  great  exercise  on  the  ryuer  of  Genua. 
He  traded  many  yeeres  into  Suria,  and  other  parts  of  the  East. 
After  this  he  became  a  maister  in  making  cardes  for  the  sea, 
whereby  he  hadde  great  vantage.  Hee  came  to  Portugall  to 
know  the  reason  and  description  of  the  South  coasts  of  Affrica, 
and  the  nauvigations  of  the  Portugalles,  thereby  to  make  his 
cardes  more  perfect  to  be  solde.  Hee  maryed  in  Portugall,  as 
some  say :  or  as  many  say,  in  the  Hand  of  Madera,  where  he 
dwelt  at  such  time  as  the  said  Carauell  arryued  there,  whose  Pi 
lot  sojourned  in  his  house,  and  dyed  also  there,  bequathing  to 
Colon  his  carde  of  the  description  of  such  newe  landes  as  he  had 
found,  whereby  Colon  hadde  the  first  knowledge  of  the  Indies. 
Some  haue  thought  that  Colon  was  well  learned  in  the  Latine 
tongue  and  the  science  of  Cosmographie  :  and  that  he  was  there 
by  first  moued  to  seeke  the  lands  of  Antipodes,  and  the  rich  Hand 
of  CipangOj  whereof  JIarchus  Paidus  writeth.  Also  that  he  had 
reade  what  Plato  in  his  dialogues  of  Timeus  and  Cicias,  writeth 
of  the  great  Ilande  of  Atlantide,  and  of  a  great  lande  in  the  west 
Ocean  vndiscouered,  being  bigger  than  Asia  and  Affrica.  Fur 
thermore  that  he  had  knowledge  what  Aristotle  and  Thephrastus 
saye  in  their  bookes  of  JVTaruayles,  where  they  write  that  certayne 
marchauntes  of  Carthage,  sayling  from  the  strayghtes  of  Gibral- 
ter  towarde  the  West  and  South,  founde  after  many  daies  a  great 
Ilande  not  inhabited,  yet  replenished  with  all  thinges  requisite, 
and  hauing  many  nauigable  riuers.  In  deede  Colon  was  not 
greatly  learned :  yet  of  good  understanding.  And  when  he  had 
knowledge  of  the  sayde  newe  landes  by  the  information  of  the 
deade  Pilotte,  made  relation  thereof  to  certayne  learned  menne, 
with  whom  he  conferred  as  touching  the  lyke  thinges  mentioned 
of  olde  authors.  Hee  communicated  this  secrete  and  conferred 
chiefely  with  a  Fryar  named  John  Parez  of  Marchena,  that 
dwelt  in  the  Monastery  of  Ri~bida.  So  that  I  verily  beleeve, 

that  in  manner  all  that  he  declared,  and  manie  thinges  more  that 
12 


168  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

hee  left  vnspoken,  were  written  by  the  sayde  Spanyish  Pilotte 
that  dyed  in  his  house.  For  I  am  purswaded,  that  if  Colon  by 
science  attained  to  the  knowledge  of  the  Indies,  hee  woulde  long 
before  haue  communicated  this  secrete  to  his  own  countrey- 
menne  the  Genuenses,  that  trauayle  all  the  worlde  for  gaynes, 
and  not  have  come  into  Spayne  for  this  purpose.  But  doubtless 
hee  neuer  thought  of  any  suche  thing,  beefore  he  chaunced  to  bee 
acquainted  with  the  sayd  Pylotte,  who  founde  those  landes  by 
fortune,  according  to  the  sayinge  of  Plinie,  Quodars  docere  non 
potuit,  casus  inuenit.  That  is,  That  arte  coulde  not  teache, 
chaunce  founde.  Albeit,  the  more  Christian  opinion  is,  to  thinke 
that  GOD  of  his  singular  prouidence  and  infinitte  goodnesse,  at 
the  length  with  eyes  of  compassion  as  it  were  looking  downe 
from  heauen  vpon  the  Sonnes  of  Adam,  so  long  kept  vnder  Sa- 
than's  captiuitie,  intended  even  then  (for  causes  to  him  onelie 
knowne)  to  rayse  those  windes  of  mercy  whereby  that  Carauell 
(herein  most  lyke  vnto  the  shyppe  of  Noe,  whereby  the  remnant 
of  the  whole  worlde  was  saued,  as  by  this  Carauell  this  newe 
worlde  receyued  the  first  hope  of  their  saluation)  was  driueii  to 
these  landes.  But  wee  will  nowe  declare  what  great  thinges  fol 
lowed  of  this  small  begynning,  and  ho  we  Colon  followed  this 
matter,  reuealed  vnto  him  not  without  GODS  prouidence." 

"  After  the  death  of  the  Pilot  and  maryners  of  the  Spanyishe 
Carauell  that  discouered  the  Indies,  Christopher  Colon  purposed 
to  seeke  the  same." 

Extract  from  "  Purchases  Pilgrimage"  edition  of  1 625  : 
"  This  history  is  thus  related  by  Gomara  and  Joannes  Mari 
ana  :  a  certain  caravel  sailing  in  the  ocean,  by  a  strong  east  wind 
long  continued  was  carried  to  a  land  unknown,  which  was  not 
expressed  in  the  maps  and  charts.  It  was  much  longer  in  re 
turning  than  in  going ;  and  arriving,  had  none  left  alive  but  the 
Pilot,  and  three  or  four  mariners,  the  rest  being  dead  of  famine 
and  other  extremities ;  of  which  also  the  remnant  perished  in 
few  days,  leaving  to  Columbus  (then  the  pilot's  host)  their  papers, 
and  some  grounds  of  this  discovery.  The  time,  place,  country, 
and  name  of  the  man  is  uncertain.  Some  esteem  this  pilet  an 
Andalusian,  and  that  he  traded  at  Madeira,  when  this  befell 
him.  Some,  a  Biscayan,  and  that  his  traffic  was  in  England 
and  France.  And  some,  a  Portuguese,  that  traded  to  Mina 


GILAKDI  Otf  THE  DEAD  PILOT.  169 

(India).  Some  say  lie  arrived  in  Portugal,  others  at  Madeira,  or 
at  one  of  the  Azores :  all  agree  that  he  died  in  the  house  of 
Christopher  Columbus.  It  is  most  likely  at  Madeira." 

Were  we  to  attempt  to  give  extracts  from  all  the  old  writers 
who  corroborate  the  story  of  the  dead  pilot,  we  might  fill  a  vol 
ume  ;  the  above  will,  however,  suffice,  and  we  will  conclude  with 
the  following  extract  from  a  dedication  to  the  Duke  of  Yeraguas, 
the  legal  representative  of  the  family  of  Columbus,  dated  1666  ; 
written  by  Captain  Galardi,  the  duke's  secretary,  on  the  personal 
history  of  Columbus  ;  put  forth  as  the  authorized  family  version, 
founded  on  the  documents  of  the  house.84  We  believe  it  is  time 
that  over-zealous  historians,  and  the  world  at  large,  should  cease 
to  be  more  jealous  of  the  honor  of  Columbus  than  were  his  im 
mediate  descendants  and  heirs  to  his  honors. 

"  To  the  Right  Honorable  LORD  DON  PEDRO  NUNO  COLON  (Co 
lumbus)  and  Portugal ;  GRAND  ADMIRAL  OF  THE  INDIES, 
Grandee  of  Spain,  Duke  of  Yeraguas  and  de  la  Vega, 
Marquis  of  Jamaica,  Count  of  Gelves,  Marquis  of  Villa 
Mizar,  Captain- General  of  the  Naval  Army,  and  Admiral 
of  the  Low  Countries,  Camp-Master-General  in  the  Army, 
and  Captain-General  of  the  ROYAL,  which  is  on  the  high- 
seas. 
"  MY  LORD  :  .  .  .  . 

"  If  I  am  unfortunate  enough  to  be  suspected  of  adulation, 
I  can  bring  in  support  of  my  apology  the  entire  world,  which 
owes  to  your  ancestors  the  finest,  noblest,  most  opulent  and 
magnificent  of  its  possessions.  The  annals  of  the  foregoing  cen 
tury,  as  well  as  ours,  will  advance  at  my  head,  and  it  is  thence 
that  I  borrow  my  just  defense,  and  it  is  there  that  what  I  ad 
vance  will  be  gloriously  authorized.  But  it  is  too  bad,  my  lord, 
to  dwell  upon  the  bark  when  it  is  time  to  enter  into  the  essence 
and  substance  of  the  matter. 

"  I  will  here  omit  any  detailed  account  of  your  remote  ances 
try.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  you  drew  your  origin  from  Terraro 
Colon  (Columbus),  lord  of  the  castle  of  Cucaro,  who  rendered 
very  important  services  to  his  country,  as  had  also  done  his  illus- 

84  This  extract  forms  part  of  a  "  Dedicatory  Letter  to  a  Summary  of  European 
Politics,  specially  of  Spanish  Affairs,"  during  the  century  1550-1650,  published  at 
Madrid,  1666. 


170  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

trious  progenitors  Emery  and  Lanca.  I  go  on  to  Dominic  Colon 
(Columbus)  who  gave  birth  to  Christofle  (Christopher),  that 
unique  glory  and  the  admiration  of  his  age.  But  the  wonderful 
grandeur  of  an  event  so  glorious  demands  some  amplification, 
and  some  pause  in  this  relation  of  a  family  history  which  has 
filled  the  universe  with  its  praise  and  applause.  Christopher 
Columbus,  whose  courage  was  intrepid,  and  his  industry  equal  to 
the  greatness  of  his  soul,  obligingly  entertained  in  his  house  in 
the  island  of  Madeira,  the  pilot  of  a  vessel  which  the  violence  of 
a  storm  had  carried  off  very  far  into  the  ocean,  and  in  sight  of 
unknown  lands.  That  man,  who  also  had  a  nobly-constituted 
nature,  touched  with  the  kind  interest  with  which  his  host  gen 
erously  endeavored  to  reestablish  his  strength,  left  him  at  his  death 
a  striking  testimony  of  his  esteem  and  of  gratitude  proportioned 
to  that  ingenuous  benevolence  which  Columbus  had  displayed  to 
an  unknown  and  unfortunate  man.  In  fact,  he  left  to  Columbus 
the  very  important  legacy  of  his  instructions  concerning  that 
which  had  happened  to  him  on  a  voyage  so  painful  and  difficult, 
and  gave  him  such  sketches  of  the  lands,  and  directions  as  to  its 
position  and  distance,  as  were  possible. 

"  This  was  probably  the  essential  cause  and  first  impulse  of 
his  persuasion  that  the  earth  had  other  limits,  and  that  the  sun 
rose  and  set  in  another  hemisphere.  He  opened  his  mind  upon 
this  idea  to  Don  Alonzo  V.,  King  of  Portugal,  who  decried  it  as 
wild  and  imaginary.  Henry  VII.  of  England  added  mockery 
to  reproach,  and  told  him  that  he  did  not  feed  upon  deceptive 
notions,  the  ridiculous  effect  of  a  cracked  and  wounded  brain. 
Columbus  took  no  offense ;  he  offered  up  this  shame  as  a  sacrifice 
to  the  utility  to  posterity  of  his  great  idea,  satisfied  that  it  would 
add  to  the  praises  of  a  just  gratitude,  the  laudation  of  a  patience 
which  was  proof  against  injuries,  insults,  and  contempt.  Fer 
dinand  and  Isabella  were  his  last  resource,  to  gain  whom  the 
credit  of  the  Cardinal  Mendoza  contributed  very  largely,  facili 
tating  an  audience  which  he  had  been  demanding  for  seven  con 
secutive  years,  with  so  much  ardor,  and  it  was  then  that  his  rea 
sons  made  a  breach  in  the  opinion  of  those  great  kings,  who 
promised  to  sustain  this  important  undertaking.  But  as  the 
conquest  of  Granada  had  exhausted  their  finances,  Luis  de  St. 
Angel,  secretary  of  Ferdinand,  lent  for  the  expedition  the  sum 
of  sixteen  thousand  ducats. 


GILARDI  ON  THE  DEAD  PILOT.  171 

"  This  small  amount  of  money,  three  vessels,  and  one  hun 
dred  and  twenty  men,  were  the  entire  fleet,  the  army  and  the 
treasure,  to  put  an  entire  world  under  the  glorious  dominion  of 
Castile,  with  more  than  a  thousand  millions  of  souls.  Colum 
bus  left  Palos  and  carried  on  full  sail  toward  the  goal  to  which 
his  greatness  of  soul  urged  him.  He  had,  however,  less  to  en 
counter  from  the  boisterous  ocean  than  from  the  opposition  and 
obstinacy  of  his  crew,  who  clamored  against  his  persisting  in  so 
apparently  imaginary  and  hopeless  an  enterprise.  Before  so 
many  evils,  Columbus  never  faltered,  and  at  length  overcame  in 
a  conflict  in  which  the  four  elements  were  in  concert  with  his 
fellow-creatures  to  damp  his  energy  and  defeat  his  invincible 
constancy. 

"  Toward  the  coast  of  Florida  he  came  upon  the  Lucayan 
Islands,  and  discovered  at  different  times  Hispaniola,  Cuba, 
Jamaica,  and  the  Island  San  Juan,  with  a  great  part  of  that  im 
mense  continent  which  stretches  from  the  Straits  of  Magellan  to 
the  promontory  of  Bogador,  through  a  prodigious  extent  of  seas 
and  coasts,  fully  five  thousand  leagues  counted  from  the  antarctic 
to  the  arctic  pole. 

"  On  his  return  from  his  first  voyage  (he  made  four  voyages 
altogether),  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  as  a  mark  of  their  peculiar 
esteem,  heard  him  seated ;  and,  besides  the  confirmation  of  the 
tenth  part  of  their  taxes  in  the  Indies,  declared  him  their  he 
reditary  grand-admiral.  Yet,  however,  during  his  lifetime  and 
after  his  death,  his  successful  enterprise  was  applauded,  it  is  quite 
certain  that  the  reward  never  equaled  the  greatness  of  the  ser 
vice  nor  the  utility  which  it  unceasingly  renders  to  the  state. 
Indeed,  Columbus  might  with  much  greater  reason  make  that 
touching  reproach  with  which  Ferdinand  Cortez  subsequently 
moved  the  heart  of  Philip  II.,  when,  long  unable  to  obtain  an 
audience  of  the  king,  driven  to  despair  and  reckless  of  his  life, 
he  one  day  accosted  that  Solomon  of  his  age,  taking  him  by  the 
arm  and  stopping  him  short,  in  these  words : 

"  '  Y.  M.  escuche  un  hombre  que  le  ha  ganado  mas  Keynos 
que  los  que  le  dexaron  su  padre  y  sus  aguelos.' 

" '  Sire !  listen  to  a  man  who  has  gained  for  you  more  king 
doms  than  those  which  were  left  you  by  your  father  and  ances 
tors.' 

"  Philip  on  this  replied  very  obligingly : 


172  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

"  c  Teneis  razon,  padre  ! ' 

"  'Quite  right,  old  friend  ! ' 

"  And  at  the  same  time  sent  him  away  very  well  satisfied. 
In  like  manner  Columbus  might  well  have  maintained  before 
Ferdinand,  without  oifending  the  majesty  of  that  august  mon 
arch,  that  he  had  acquired  and  facilitated  the  conquest  of  more 
states  than  the  king  had  received  by  hereditary  succession  from 
his  ancestors.  Don  Diego  Columbus,  his  son,  succeeded  Chris 
topher  as  Marquis  of  Jamaica  and  first  Duke  of  Yeraguas,  by  a 
special  grace  of  Charles  V.,  who  did  it  only  at  the  instance  of 
Don  Ferdinand  Henriquez,  erecting  into  a  duchy  his  land  of 
Medina  del  Eio  Seco.  Ferdinand,  brother  of  Diego,  left  at  his 
death  to  the  great  Cathedral  of  Seville  his  library  of  thirteen 
thousand  volumes,  and  among  them  his  own  work,  the  life  of 
his  incomparable  father,  which  in  a  very  elegant  style  he  de 
voted  to  posterity. 

"  Don  Luis  was  the  universal  heir  of  Don  Diego,  and  Don 
Nuno  Colon  and  Portugal  received  after  him  this  grand  inheri 
tance  as  the  second  son  of  Don  Alvaro  de  Portugal,  Count  of 
Gelves,  and  Dona  Leonara  de  Cordova,  his  wife,  granddaughter 
of  Don  George  of  Portugal,  first  Count  of  Gelves  and  Dona  Isa 
bel  Colon  (Columbus),  third  daughter  of  Don  Diego  Colon, 
Duke  of  Yeraguas,  Grand-Admiral  of  the  Indies.  Finally,  Don 
Alvaro  Colon  and  Portugal  was  the  successor  of  Don  Nufio,  as 
you  are  of  the  former.  .  .  . 

"  This,  my  lord,  is  a  sketch  of  the  glory  of  your  illustrious 
progenitors.  A  bolder  hand  will  one  day  make  the  sketch  com 
plete,  with  all  its  colors  and  details  proportioned  to  the  glory  and 
finish  of  the  subject. 

"  It  is  my  own  ambition,  but  for  the  present  I  must  be  con 
tent  to  subscribe  myself  for  my  whole  existence,  my  lord,  your 
very  devoted  and  obedient  servant, 

(Signed)  "P.  FERDINAJSTD  DE  GALAEDI, 

"  Captain  of  cavalry  in  the  service  of  his  Catholic  Majesty,  and  secretary  to 
the  Duke  of  Veraguas,"  etc. 

Upon  what  authority,  we  ask,  do  historians  reject  a  statement 
made  in  such  unqualified  terms,  by  quasi  contemporary  authors 
who  wrote  in  the  praise  of  Columbus — who  were  licensed  by 
the  Church  ?  Above  all,  how  can  they  suppose  that  Galardis 


DEAD  PILOT.  173 

while  extolling  in  most  fulsome  terms  the  greatness  of  Colum 
bus  to  the  representative  of  his  family,  would  introduce  into  his 
eulogy  a  falsehood  detrimental  to  the  glory  of  his  hero  ?  The 
very  fact  that  he  mentions  the  history  of  the  dead  pilot  in  such 
a  place,  to  such  a  person,  proves,  it  appears  to  us,  that  it  was 
universally  admitted. 

It  is  but  natural  that  Fernando  should  make  no  direct  men 
tion  of  it.  He  seems  to  have  possessed  certain  distorted  ideas  of 
greatness  which  caused  him  to  become  exceedingly  indignant  with 
Justiniani  for  saying  his  father  was  a  mechanic — a  sentiment 
which  comes  with  but  bad  grace  from  an  ecclesiastic.  When, 
therefore,  he  devotes  several  lengthy  chapters  to  show  how  Co 
lumbus  was  led  by  a  study  of  the  ancients,  his  own  reason,  and 
the  letter  from  Toscanella,  to  perform  his  voyage,  he  evidently 
seeks  to  lead  us  as  far  as  possible  from  the  true  motive  (the  death 
of  the  pilot  and  the  papers  he  left  in  Columbus' s  hands)  which 
would  greatly  simplify  the  proceeding,  and  has  not  so  learned  an 
appearance  as  the  reasons  he  gives ;  these  seem  rather  to  have 
been  assigned  to  parry  a  fatal  blow,  for  sailing  by  a  chart  already 
laid  down  by  one  who  had  performed  the  voyage,  was  no  very 
extraordinary  feat,  as  he  no  doubt  felt.  Yet,  notwithstanding  all 
his  efforts,  there  is  much  in  his  history  which  supports  the  state 
ment. 

Had  Columbus  really,  by  deep  study,  arrived  at  the  conclu 
sion  that  land  must  exist  to  the  westward,  would  he  have  been  as 
positive  of  the  exact  situation  of  that  land  as  he  shows  himself; 
and  as  his  son  shows  him  to  have  been  throughout  ?  He  admits 
of  no  hypothesis,  but  asserts  that,  by  sailing  a  given  distance  in 
a  westerly  direction,  they  shall  reach  certain  lands  which,  he  tells 
us,  he  has  l)een  informed  stretched  from  north  to  south  across  his 
track.  On  one  occasion  he  refuses  to  alter  his  course,  "  because," 
says  Fernando,  "  he  thought  it  was  lessening  the  reputation  of 
his  undertaking  to  run  from  one  place  to  another,  seeking  that 
which  he  always  asserted  he  well  knew  where  to  find." 

This  conduct  is  precisely  the  reverse  of  that  which  a  discov 
erer  would  pursue.  The  latter  would  run  from  place  to  place, 
seeking  that  which  he  was  to  discover,  and  could  not  well  know 
where  to  find.  Again,  we  are  told  by  Fernando  : 

"  He  had  always  proposed  to  himself  to  find  land  according 
to  the  place  they  were  then  in,  since,  as  they  well  knew,  he  had 


174:  LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

often  told  them  lie  never  expected  to  find  land  till  he  was  seven 
hundred  and  fifty  leagues  to  the  westward  of  the  Canaries,  with 
in  which  distance  he  had  further  said  he  should  discover  Hispa- 
niola,  which  he  then  called  Cipango  ;  and  there  is  no  doubt  but 
he  had  found  it  had  not  he  known  it  was  reported  to  lie  in  length 
from  north  to  south,  for  which  reason  he  had  not  inclined  more 
to  the  south  to  run  upon  it." 

Is  this  the  language  of  a  discoverer  ?  Is  it  not  rather  that 
of  one  who  had  inherited  the  labors  of  Alonzo  de  Sanchez  or 
some  other  navigator,  who  is  robbed  of  his  well-earned  fame? 
Who  reported  the  land  to  lie  in  length  from  north  to  south  and 
at  the  distance  wrest  from  the  Cana/ies  of  seven  hundred  and 
fifty  leagues  ?  Surely  no  one  who  had  not  seen  it.  The  informa 
tion  touching  the  distance  and  position  of  the  land  is  too  specific 
to  have  been  derived  from  any  but  an  eye-witness,  and,  having 
received  this  information  from  such  a  source,  he  could  not  believe 
that  Hispaniola  was  Cipango  (Japan).  No  intelligent  man,  above 
all,  no  navigator  or  traveler  who  had  visited  India,  China,  or 
Japan,  or  studied  the  geography  of  the  period,  could  mistake  the 
island  of  Hispaniola  for  any  of  these  countries.  Toscanclla,  in 
his  chart,  laid  down  a  western  passage  to  Asia,  but  was  too 
learned  a  man  to  make  a  mistake  of  half  the  circumference  of 
the  globe,  as  he  would  have  done  had  he  placed  India  and  the 
known  portions  of  Asia  seven  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  west  of 
the  Canaries. 

Again,  Pinzon  wished  Columbus  to  change  his  course,  be 
lieving  (correctly)  that  land  was  near  them  to  the  southwest ; 
but  the  admiral,  writes  Fernando,  "  knowing  for  certain  it  was 
no  land,  he  would  not  lose  time  to  discover  it,  as  all  his  men 
would  have  had  him  ;  forasmuch  as  he  was  not  yet  come  to  the 
place  where  he  expected,  by  his  computation,  to  find  land." 

Columbus,  on  his  own  testimony,  corroborates,  in  a  great 
measure,  the  statement  that  he  sailed  by  the  log-book  of  the  un 
fortunate  mariner,  "  who  happened  to  die  in  his  house."  In  his 
journal,  September  25,  1492,  we  read : 

"  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon  conferred  with  the  admiral  on  the 
chart  in  which  lands  were  laid  down,  as  the  ships  were  then  in 
their  neighborhood — and  had  been  for  three  days — in  which  the 
admiral  agreed ;  but,  as  the  ships  had  not  seen  them,  it  was  con 
sidered  they  had  been  drifted  northward  of  them  by  the  current. 


DEAD  PILOT. 


175 


.  .  .  The  admiral  directed  the  course  to  be  altered  to  the  south 
west." 

"  October  3,  1492. — The  admiral  considered  the  ships  were 
to  the  westward  of  the  islands  marked  on  the  chart." 

These  statements,  and  the  fact  that  he  professed  to  know  the 
exact  point  where  they  should  find  land,  prove  this  to  have  been 
no  voyage  of  discovery,  and  Columbus  to  have  been  erroneously 
termed  a  discoverer. 

That  it  was  no  study  or  scientific  knowledge  which  imbued 
him  with  the  idea  of  his  Western  voyage,  must  be  evident  to  all 


THE  SHIPWBECKED  PILOT  ENTEBS  THE  HOUSE  OF  COLFMBTTS. 

who  shall  give  the  matter  consideration,  and  shall  read,  with  un 
biassed  judgment,  the  various  histories  which  have  been  written 
upon  the  subject— from  that  of  his  son  Fernando,  which  "Wash 
ington  Irving  terms  the  "corner-stone  of  the  history  of  the 
American  Continent,"  down  to  the  brilliant  but  unreliable  work 
of  Irving  himself— and  the  enthusiastic  and  ecstatic  history  by 
M.  de  Lorgues,  who  will  not  rest  content  till  Columbus  be 
numbered  among  the  saints. 

Without  a  knowledge  of  the  history  of  the  dead  pilot,  we 
vainly  endeavor  to  explain  the  many  inconsistencies  we  have 


176  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

mentioned ;  with  that  knowledge,  all  becomes  clear,  simple,  and 
probable. 

Columbus,  the  needy  adventurer,  and  but  half-reformed  pi 
rate,  receives  into  his  house,  on  the  lonely  shores  of  Madeira,  a 
pilot  and  three  sailors,  sole  survivors  of  a  crew  whose  ship  had 
been  driven  westward  by  adverse  winds,  till  it  touched  upon  land 
unknown  to  European  navigators  at  that  time.  The  pilot  had 
recorded  exactly  the  latitude  and  longitude  of  these  lands,  the  dis 
tance  he  sailed,  and  the  course  he  pursued.  He  and  his  compan 
ions  all  happen  to  die  in  the  house  of  Columbus,  into  whose  hands 
fall  the  papers  of  the  deceased.  Seeing  in  these  documents 
matter  wherewith  to  make  his  fortune  and  acquire  fame,  at  small 
risk  or  peril,  Columbus  determines  to  profit  by  them,  and  profit 
largely,  too.  His  conditions  are  not  those  of  a  learned  and  honest 
navigator  exposing  his  views,  which  might  be  carried  out  by  any 
experienced  seaman,  but  of  one  who,  being  possessed  of  certain 
secret  information,  proposes  to  sell  it  at  a  high  price. 

Where,  then,  is  the  extraordinary  courage  so  much  extolled 
by  his  biographers,  as  they  represent  him,  guided  only  by  his 
own  intuitive  knowledge,  or  scientific  research,  sailing  across 
what  was  supposed  to  be  a  boundless  ocean,  and  discovering  a 
land  which  he  alone  had  divined  ?  Did  it  -require  such  wonderful 
fortitude  to  undertake  a  voyage  every  league  of  which  was  laid 
down  by  one  who  had  already  performed  it  ? 

Columbus  was  as  certain  of  his  course,  and  of  the  distance  be 
tween  the  Canaries  and  the  lands  in  question,  as  he  was  that  he 
was  not  sailing  to  Asia,  but  to  certain  islands  where  his  ambition 
and  vanity  would  be  gratified  by  the  sounding  titles  of  viceroy 
and  admiral.  Yiceroy,  indeed,  over  naked  savages ! — Admiral 
of  three  fishing-smacks !  But  there  is  much  in  a  name,  or  at 
least  our  hero  thought  so. 

With  these  facts  before  us,  Columbus — as  he  is,  and  as  histo 
rians  have  made  him — reminds  us  of  the  Arabian  fable,  in  which 
we  are  told  how  a  poor  fisherman  brought  up  in  his  net  a  small 
casket.  Upon  his  opening  it,  a  great  smoke  emerges,  which  as 
sumes  the  proportions  of  a  gigantic  human  form — a  powerful  genius 
— striking  wonder,  admiration,  and  terror,  into  the  heart  of  the 
fisherman.  But  soon  the  great  genius  dissolves  into  smoke,  his 
huge  form  subsides  into  the  tiny  casket  which  has  hitherto 
contained  him;  and  the  fisherman,  no  longer  fearing  or  ad- 


OBLIVION"  OR  CONTEMPT.  177 

miring,  may  fling  the  casket  back  into  the  waves  whence  he 
drew  it. 

Columbus,  in  his  own  day,  was  but  lightly  esteemed,  as  he 
and  his  historians  admit.  Yet  the  latter  have  surrounded  him 
with  such  a  mist  of  fiction,  with  such  incense  of  praise,  that  his 
real  character,  being  veiled  or  but  partially  revealed,  he  has  ap 
peared  to  many  great  and  wonderful.  Let  the  test  of  reason  and 
judgment,  however,  be  applied ;  let  the  reader  of  these  histories 
calmly  scrutinize  these  statements,  and  pause  to  consider  what 
were  the  actions  which  are  the  theme  of  so  much  laudation,  and 
the  mist  is  dispersed,  the  incense  disappears,  and  the  character  of 
Columbus  shrinks  into  its  really  diminutive  proportions.  Well 
would  it  be  for  him  if  his  name  could  be  cast  into  the  sea  of 
oblivion,  where  his  crimes  and  petty  arrogance  might  never  more 
be  the  subject  of  horror  and  contempt ! 


CHAPTEE  XI. 

PREPARATIONS   FOR   THE   FIRST  VOYAGE   OF   COLUMBUS. 

THE  pilot  being  dead,  Columbus  determined  to  trade  upon  the 
papers  he  had  left,  with  the  aid  of  which  he  hoped  to  attain  rank 
and  fortune. 

According  to  Fernando,  his  father  had  obtained  information 
which  induced  him  to  "  believe  for  certain  that  there  were  such 
islands."  Here  is  evidence  that  it  was  upon  information  received 
that  the  latter  based  his  operations,  which  might  appear  some 
what  inexplicable  when  we  have  been  told,  by  Fernando,  that 
study  and  thought  were  the  incentives  to  the  discovery,  did  we 
not  bear  in  mind  that  it  applies  perfectly  to  the  dead  pilot.  The 
information  received,  which  caused  such  certainty  in  the  mind  of 
Columbus,  was  the  waif  of  Alonzo  de  Sanchez  ;  and  the  former, 
believing  this  knowledge  and  opinion  to  be  "  excellently  well 
founded,"  he  resolved  to  put  it  in  practice,  and  to  sail  westward 
in  search  of  these  countries. 

This  he  could  not  do  without  the  protection  of  some  monarch. 
It  was  also  necessary  that  the  nautical  skill  and  pecuniary  ex 
pense  of  the  expedition  should  be  provided  by  other  parties. 
He  therefore  proceeded  to  Portugal,  to  lay  his  plans  before  the 
king  of  that  country,  "  because  he  lived  under  him." 

His  terms,  the  same  which  he  subsequently  oifers  in  Castile, 
are  justly  thought  by  the  King  of  Portugal  too  exorbitant  for 
him  to  accede  to.  "  The  admiral,"  says  Fernando,  "  being  of  a 
noble  and  generous  spirit,  would  capitulate  to  his  great  benefit 
and  c  honor.' ):  We  fail  to  perceive  a  noble  and  generous  spirit 
in  one  who  greedily  exacts  immense  benefit  and  reward,  while 
totally  dependent  on  others  for  the  means  wherewith  to  carry 
out  his  scheme.  It  has  required  this  assurance  from  Fernando, 
and  the  corroboration  it  has  received  from  subsequent  historians, 


KING  OF  PORTUGAL.  179 

to  make  the  conduct  of  the  admiral  appear  other  than  grasping, 
and  unworthy  of  true  greatness.  This,  at  any  rate,  was  the  opin 
ion  which  the  King  of  Portugal  evidently  entertained.  He  re 
fused  to  accept  the  conditions;  but,  according  to  Fernando, 
"  resolved  to  send  a  caravel  privately  to  attempt  that  which  the 
admiral  had  proposed  to  him ;  "  that,  in  the  event  of  the  coun 
tries  having  been  found,  he  might  not  be  called  upon  to  give  the 
immense  rewards  Columbus  had  claimed.  This  story  rests  upon 
the  unreliable  testimony  of  the  Columbos,  and  should  therefore 
be  regarded  with  suspicion ;  yet,  had  the  king  so  acted,  it  would 
have  been  but  just. 

If  the  name  and  history  of  the  dead  pilot  are  unknown  to 
fame,  it  is  the  fault  of  Columbus,  who  culminates  a  long  life  of 
piracy  by  robbing,  of  the  glory  that  belonged  to  him,  a  dead  man; 
whom  he  had  received  in  double  trust,  who  had  died  beneath  his 
roof!  And,  though  he  will  be  more  wary  in  Spain,  he  had  evi 
dently  revealed  to  the  King  of  Portugal  the  source  whence  he 
derived  his  information.  That  monarch  may  not  have  thought 
it  more  dishonorable  to  revisit  these  lands  on  his  own  account, 
than  for  Columbus  to  drive  an  unscrupulous  bargain  over  the 
spoils  of  a  dead  man ;  he  may  rather  have  thought  it  a  meritori 
ous  act  to 

..."  spoil  the  spoiler  as  we  may, 
And  from  the  robber  rend  the  prey." 

It  is  this  reported  conduct  on  the  part  of  the  king  that  Fernando 
assigns  as  a  reason  for  his  father's  becoming  disgusted  with,  and 
leaving,  Portugal ;  "  stealing  away  privately,  lest  the  king  should 
stop  him,"  and  accept  his  conditions.  There  exists,  however,  a 
document  which  leads  us  to  suppose  that  Columbus  feared  to  be 
stopped  by  the  alguazil  rather  than  by  the  relenting  monarch. 
A  Portuguese  document  plainly  shows  that  he  had  become  liable 
to  arrest  for  debt  and  crime.85  This  accounts  for  the  extraordi 
nary  aversion  he  suddenly  evinced  for  the  kingdom  of  Portugal, 
as  also  for  his  flight  into  Spain,  where  we  next  find  him  beg 
ging,  penniless,  at  the  Convent  de  la  Rabida,  receiving  from 
Pinzon  the  money,  and  from  Juan  Perez,  prior  of  the  convent, 
and  former  confessor  of  the  queen,  the  letter  wherewith  to  pre 
sent  himself  at  the  Spanish  court,  whither  he  resolves  to  jour 
ney,  and  there  make  the  offers  which  the  King  of  Portugal  had 

85  Navarrete,  vol.  ii.,  p.  10. 


180  LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

refused.  "  But,"  says  Fernando,  "  for  fear  lest  the  King  (Queen  ? ) 
of  Castile  should  not  consent  to  his  undertaking,  and  he  might 
be  forced  to  propose  it  to  some  other  prince,  which  would  take 
up  much  time,  he  sent  a  brother  he  had  with  him,  called  Bar 
tholomew  Colon,  to  England,  to  confer  with  the  king  of  that 
country." 

Bartholomew  is  said  to  have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  pirates, 
yet,  nevertheless,  reached  England,  and  presented  Henry  VII. 
with  a  map  or  chart,  at  the  same  time  telling  him  of  the  offer 
his  brother  Christopher  made,  to  discover  lands  in  the  "West,  for 
the  English  kingdom.  The  king,  we  are  told,  readily  accepted 
the  offer,  and  ordered  Columbus  to  be  sent  for.  All  this,  accord 
ing  to  Fernando,  took  place  in  the  year  1480  !  "  But,"  contin 
ues  the  latter,  "  God  having  reserved  it  for  Castile,  the  admiral 
had,  at  that  time,  gone  on  his  voyage,  and  returned  with  success." 

It  may  not  be  amiss,  in  order  to  prove  further  the  deplorable 
want  of  exactitude,  with  regard  to  dates,  which  pervades  Fer- 
nando's  history,  to  call  attention  to  the  year  1480,  set  down  by 
him  as  that  in  which  Bartholomew  presented  the  king  with  the 
map  and  the  conditions  offered  by  Christopher.  It  is  more  than 
twelve  years  previous  to  his  first  voyage  (1492).  The  action  of 
the  king  appears  to  have  been  prompt :  "  Having  seen  the  map  " 
(he  is  represented  as  having  seen  it  in  1480),  "  and  what  the  ad 
miral  offered  him,  he  readily  accepted  of  it,  and  ordered  him  to 
be  sent  for."  Yet  we  are  told,  on  the  same  authority,  that,  by 
the  time  Bartholomew  informed  Columbus  of  a  matter  which  was 
of  such  vital  importance  to  him,  he  had  performed  his  first  voy 
age  and  returned ;  at  a  time,  too,  when  intimate  relations,  both 
commercial  and  diplomatic,  existed  between  England  and  Spain ; 
and  when,  therefore,  a  period  of  twelve  years  was  not  necessary 
for  the  transmission  of  a  communication  from  one  country  to  the 
other.  "We  merely  mention  this  to  show  how  inconsistent  Fer 
nando  proves  himself  throughout,  for  it  is  not  possible  that  Bar 
tholomew  could  have  gone  to  England  on  any  such  errand  in 
1480,  as  Columbus  did  not  visit  Lisbon  till  1485.  Fernando 
here,  again,  attempts  to  antedate  the  dead  pilot. 

Columbus  did  not,  evidently,  steal  into  Spain  till  1487.  "We 
have  already  said  that  Pinzon  provided  him,  on  his  first  arrival, 
with  money  sufficient  to  carry  him  to  court.  The  reader  will  be 
prepared  to  believe  that  his  finances  soon  ran  low;  and  we  find 


AT  PALOS. 


181 


that,  on  the  5th  of  May,  1487,  a  stranger,  called  Christopher 
Columbus,  came  to  Seville,  asked  for  and  received,  by  order  of 
the  Bishop  of  Palencia,  a  sum  of  money  equal  to  about  thirty 
dollars.86  This  is  said  to  be  the  earliest  authentic  date,  proving 
his  presence  in  Spain,  which  can  be  found.  We  may,  therefore, 
safely  conclude  that  the  space  of  time  between  his  first  arrival  in 
Lisbon,  and  his  stealthy  flight  therefrom  in  March  or  April,  14875 
was  chiefly  spent  in  Madeira,  attending  to  the  matter  of  the  dead 
pilot,  and  arranging  for  the  successful  use  of  his  charts ;  thence 


CONFERENCE  BETWEEN  COLUMBUS  AND  JUAN  PEREZ. 

he  returned  to  Lisbon,  proffered  his  services,  staid  but  a  very 
short  time,  to  arrive  in  Spain  in  1487.  This  is  the  only  manner 
in  which  the  history  of  Columbus  can  be  made  consistent  and 
clear  throughout,  because  it  is  evidently  the  only  true  version  of 
that  history. 

When  Columbus  arrived  at  the  convent-gate  at  Palos,  hun 
gry  and  penniless,  he  was  received  and  cared  for  by  the  charitable 
monks.  To  the  prior,  Juan  Perez,  he  spoke  of  his  plans.  This 
worthy  friar  advised  him  to  confer  with  the  Pinzons,  the  most 
influential  family  of  the  town,  and  experienced  navigators. 

86  Navarrete,  u  Colecc.  Cip.,M  vol.  ii.,  p.  11. 


182  LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon,  having,  during  a  recent  sojourn  in  Rome, 
heard  rumors  of  Western  lands,  saw  nothing  improbable  in  the 
recital  of  Columbus,  and  advised  him  to  lay  his  plans  before  the 
sovereigns.  The  latter  informed  him  of  his  destitute  circum 
stances,  which  would  not  allow  him  to  perform  such  a  journey, 
much  less  appear  at  court.  Pinzon  liberally  advanced  him  the 
necessary  funds,  while  Juan  Perez  offered  to  care  for  his  little 
son,  and  furnished  him  with  a  letter  of  recommendation  to  his 
successor  as  confessor  to  the  queen.87 

All  these  circumstances,  though  far  less  shameful  than  many 
others  of  his  career,  Fernando  ungenerously  fails  to  mention, 
but  accounts  for  Columbus  having  obtained  audience  with  their 
Majesties  by  his  being  "  affable  and  of  pleasant  conversation ; " 
and  would  make  it  appear  that  he  contracted  friendships  at  court 
with  such  persons  as  were  likely  to  favor  his  enterprise.  The  son 
seems  unwilling  to  let  us  perceive  the  destitute  condition  of  his 
father  when  he  arrived  in  Spain  ;  and,  above  all,  he  would  con 
ceal  the  fact  that  the  Pinzon s,  whom  Columbus  so  shamefully 
requited,  were  the  first  to  encourage  and  assist  him. 

With  the  letter  from  Juan  Perez,  Columbus  arrived  at  Cor 
dova,  where  the  court  was  then  held,  and  laid  his  plans,  or  as 
much  of  them  as  he  chose  to  reveal,  before  their  Catholic  Majes 
ties,  who  commanded  them  to  be  submitted  to  the  Prior  of 
Prado,  and  other  cosmographers,  who  were  so  ignorant,  we  are 
told,  and  so  far  behind  this  "  unlettered  admiral,"  in  geographi 
cal  knowledge,  that  they  condemned  the  scheme,  for  reasons  both 
various  arid  absurd,  and  reported  that  what  Columbus  proposed 
was  impracticable.  For  these  reasons,  according  to  Fernando 
and  other  historians,  and  because  the  conditions  of  Columbus 
were  considered  too  exorbitant,  their  Majesties  refused  to  accept 
his  proposition.  Here  is  a  gross  slander  upon  the  learned  men 
•of  that  period.  Let  us  bear  in  mind  that  the  Arabs  had  for  cen 
turies  enlightened  Spain  with  their  learning ;  that  the  schools  of 
Cordova,  of  Salamanca,  and  other  cities,  possessed  spheres,  zodiacs, 
etc.,  which  had  long  aided  to  instruct  thousands,  giving  them 
just  ideas  of  the  heavens  and  the  earth ;  yet  Fernando,  and  even 
modern  writers,  would  have  us  believe  that  the  most  learned  of 
these  schools  scoffed  at  the  idea  of  antipodes,  and  of  the  sphe- 

87  Navarrete,  "  Colecc.  Dip.,"  vol.  iii. ;  Probanzas  del  Fiscal ;  Irving,  "  Columbus," 
book  ii.,  chapter  i. 


CONTRACT  UNDER  WHICH  HE  SAILS.  183 

ricity  of  the  globe,  and  were  more  ignorant  than  the  unlettered 
seaman  who  tells  us  the  world  is  pear-shaped ! 

The  exorbitancy  of  Columbus' s  claims  seems  to  have  been  the 
only  reason  for  the  refusal.  The  latter  evidently  exposed  no 
theory,  but  merely  spoke  of  certain  lands  of  which  he  had  mys 
terious  knowledge,  and  which  he  proposes  to  conquer  for  their 
Majesties.  When  called  upon  to  be  more  explicit,  he  refuses 
"so  far  to  explain  himself,"  as  he  had  done  in  Portugal,  lest  he 
should  be  deprived  of  his  reward — that  is,  he  forbore  mentioning 
the  history  of  the  dead  pilot;  and,  as  he  would  not  show  more 
plainly  upon  what  he  based  his  stupendous  claims,  the  aifair 
was  allowed  to  drop. 

Had  Columbus  based  his  project  on  theory,  why  need  he  have 
refused  to  explain  that  theory  2  A  scientific  discussion  would  have 
done  little  to  convince  men  so  obstinate  in  their  error  as  histori 
ans  represent  the  savants  of  Salamanca  to  have  been  •  but  the  cir 
cumstance  of  the  dead  pilot  would  have  carried  conviction  into 
the  heart  of  the  most  unbelieving ;  and  that  is  why  Columbus 
refused  to  explain  himself  further,  lest  he  should  be  deprived  of 
his  reward.  He  evidently  had  information  as  to  a  specific  spot, 
not  mere  scientific  data  for  argument.  No  doubt,  in  his  attempt 
to  account  on  scientific  principles  for  this  information,  he  showed 
himself  as  ignorant  as  he  does  in  his  writings,  and  may  justly 
have  incurred  the  ridicule  of  the  assembled  scholars. 

The  reader  will  not  be  surprised  that  the  sovereigns  hesitated 
in  acceding  to  the  claims  of  Columbus  when  he  perceives  how 
advantageous  to  him  they  were.  The  following  were  the  terms 
agreed  upon  by  their  Catholic  Majesties,  on  the  17th  of  April, 
1492: 

"  First :  Their  highnesses,  as  sovereigns  of  the  ocean,  con 
stitute  Don  Christopher  Columbus  their  admiral  in  all  those 
islands  and  continents,  that,  by  his  industry,  shall  be  discovered 
or  conquered  in  the  said  ocean,  during  his  own  life,  and  after  his 
death  to  his  heirs  and  si^cessors,  one  by  one  forever,  with  all 
the  preeminences  and  prerogatives  to  that  office  pertaining ;  and 
in  the  same  manner  as  Don  Alonzo  Henriquez,  their  Great-Ad 
miral  of  Castile  and  his  predecessors  in  said  office  had  enjoyed 
the  same  within  their  districts. 

"Item:  Their  highnesses  appoint  the  said  Don  Christopher 

13 


184  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

Columbus  their  viceroy  and  governor-general  of  all  the  islands 
and  continents  which  (as  has  been  said)  he  shall  discover  or  con 
quer  in  the  said  ocean,  and  that  he  choose  three  persons  for  the 
government  of  each  of.  them,  for  each  office;  and  that  their 
highnesses  take  and  make  choice  of  one  of  them,  as  shall  be 
most  for  their  service,  and  so  the  lands  will  be  the  better  gov 
erned,  which  our  Lord  shall  permit  him  to  discover,  or  conquer, 
for  the  service  of  their  highnesses. 

"  Item :  That  all  and  whatsoever  commodities,  whether  pearls, 
precious  stones,  gold,  silver,  spice,  or  other  things  whatsoever ; 
or  merchandise  of  any  kind,  name,  or  manner  whatever,  they 
may  be,  that  shall  be  bought,  exchanged,  found,  won,  or  had, 
within  the  limits  of  the  said  admiralship,  their  highnesses, 
from  this  time,  grant  to  the  said  Don  Christopher ;  and  it  is  their 
will,  that  he  have  and  enjoy  the  tenth  part  of  it  for  himself,  de 
ducting  the  charges  that  shall  be  made  toward  the  same,  so  that, 
of  what  shall  remain  clear  and  free,  he  have  and  take  the  tenth 
part  for  himself,  and  dispose  of  it  at  his  own  will,  the  other  nine 
parts  remaining  for  their  Majesties. 

"  Item  :  In  case  that  on  account  of  the  said  merchandise, 
which  he  shall  bring  from  the  said  islands,  or  lands,  which  shall 
(as  has  been  said)  be  .discovered  or  conquered,  or  of  those  that 
shall  be  taken  in  exchange  of  them  of  other  merchants,  any  law 
suit  should  happen  to  arise,  in  the  place  where  the  said  com 
merce  and  trade  shall  be  made  and  carried  on,  if  by  reason  of 
his  said  office  of  admiral  it  shall  belong  to  him  to  take  cogni 
zance  of  such  controversy,  it  may  please  their  highnesses,  that  he 
or  his  deputy,  and  no  other  judge,  shall  try  the  said  cause,  if  it 
appertains  to  the  said  office  of  admiral  as  the  same  has  been  en 
joyed  by  the  Admiral  Don  Alonzo  Henriquez,  or  his  predeces 
sors  in  their  districts,  and  according  to  justice. 

"  Item  :  That  all  ships  which  shall  be  fitted  out  for  the  said 
trade  and  commerce,  whensoever  and  as  often  as  they  shall  be 
fitted,  shall  be  liable  to  the  said  Don  Christopher  Columbus,  if 
he  shall  think  fit  to  lay  out  the  eiglfch  part  of  what  shall  be  ex 
pended  in  fitting  them  out,  and  that  he  accordingly  have  and  re 
ceive  the  eighth  part  of  the  profits  of  such  ships." 

Herrera,  from  whom  the  above  terms  are  quoted,  carefully 
omits,  however,  the  important  preliminary  articles  which  were 


CHARACTER  OF  CONTRACT.  185 

drawn  up,  and  upon  which  these  terms  were  based.  His  reason 
for  this  is  obvious :  In  these  preliminaries,  preserved  among  the 
state  papers  of  Spain,  Columbus  wisely  makes  a  provision  by 
which,  in  the  event  of  its  being  discovered  that  he  traded  upon 
knowledge  received  from  the  dead  pilot,  his  claims  might  still  ~be 
protected.  This  preliminary  document,  written  in  April,  1492, 
commences  with  the  following  significant  clause : 

"  The  favors  which  Christopher  Columbus  has  asked  from  the 
King  and  Queen  of  Spain,  and  which  they  grant  him,  in  recom 
pense  for  the  discoveries  which  he  has  made  in  the  ocean  seas, 
and  as  recompense  for  the  voyage  which  he  is  about  to  undertake, 
are  the  following."  88 

No  author,  not  even  Fernando,  with  his  manifest  exaggeration 
of  his  father's  achievements  and  knowledge,  pretends  that  Co 
lumbus  had  been  on  a  voyage  of  discovery  previous  to  1492 ;  to 
what,  then,  does  the  phrase  "  discoveries  which  he  has  made  in 
the  ocean  seas "  allude  ?  It  is  distinctly  stated  that  he  has  al 
ready  made  discoveries ;  this  could  not  apply  to  scientific  theory 
and  speculation,  which  yet  remained  to  be  proved,  but  it  applies 
perfectly  to  the  very  specific  knowledge  received  from  the  pilot 
Sanchez,  upon  which  Columbus  bases  his  claim  of  having  already 
discovered. 

The  phraseology  of  the  contract,  the  excuse  given  by  the 
sovereigns  for  their  refusal  at  first  to  accept  it — which  was  that, 
being  engaged  in  fighting  the  Moors,  they  could  not  enter  upon 
any  other  war  just  then — the  large  number  of  armed  men  crowd 
ed  into  the  three  small  vessels  which  formed  his  first  expedition 
(for,  though-  Fernando  says  it  was  composed  of  ninety  men,  other 
authors  assert  that  "  he  was  sent  with  one  hundred  and  twenty 
soldiers,  besides  seamen") — the  cannon  with  which  they  were 
provided — Columbus's  repeated  after-allusions  to  his  conquest, 
when  insisting  upon  a  share  of  the  spoils  and  in  the  government 
of  the  people — all  prove  that  he  did  not  rest  his  claims  entirely 
upon  discovery,  but  more  upon  conquest?*  Under  the  clause 

88  State  papers,  1492  ;  document  70. 

89  When  complaining  that  a  judge  had  been  sent  out  by  Isabella  to  investigate  his 
conduct,  he  writes :  "  I  ought  to  be  judged  as  a  captain,  sent  from  Spain  to  the  Indies, 
to  conquer  a  nation  numerous  and  warlike  .  .  .  where,  by  the  Divine  will,  I  have 
subdued  another  world  to  the  dominion  of  the  king  and  queen,  our  sovereigns.  .  .  . 
I  ought  to  be  judged  by  cavaliers  who  had  themselves  won  the  meed  of  victory ;  by 
gentlemen,  indeed,  and  not  by  lawyers."   He  seems  here  to  have  forgotten  that,  of  this 


186  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

" or  conquer"  his  prerogatives  are  as  completely  protected  as 
they  could  be  by  all  the  discoveries  that  it  was  possible  for  him 
to  make  or  imagine  ;  besides  which,  they  could  not  be  prejudiced, 
should  the  lands  have  been  previously  discovered  by  a  hundred 
dead  or  living  navigators ;  that  is,  if  the  contract  were  legal. 
He  professed  to  the  sovereigns  of  Spain  that  he  was  undertaking 
an  embassy  from  them  to  the  grand-khan,  as  he  clearly  states 
in  his  journal,  which  he  pompously  opens  as  follows  : 

"  In  nomine  D.  N.  Jesu  Christi : 

"  Whereas,  most  Christian,  most  high,  most  excellent,  and 
most  powerful  princes,  King  and  Queen  of  the  Spains,  and  of  the 
islands  of  the  sea,  our  sovereigns,  in  the  present  year  1492, 
after  your  highnesses  had  put  an  end  to  the  war  with  the  Moors, 
who  ruled  in  Europe,  and  had  concluded  that  warfare  in  the 
great  city  of  Granada,  where,  on  the  2d  of  January  of  this  pres 
ent  year,  I  saw  the  royal  banners  of  your  highnesses  placed  by 
force  of  arms  upon  the  towers  of  Alhambra,  which  is  the  fortress 
of  that  city,  and  beheld  the  Moorish  king  sally  forth  from  the 
gates  of  the  city,  and  kiss  the  royal  hands  of  your  highnesses, 
and  of  my  lord  the  prince;  and  immediately,  in  that  same 
month,  in  consequence  of  the  information  which  I  had  given 
your  highnesses  of  the  lands  of  India,  and  of  a  prince  who  is 
called  the  Grand-Khan — which  is  to  say,  in  our  language,  King 
of  kings — how  that  many  times  he  and  his  predecessors  had  sent 
to  Rome,  to  entreat  for  doctors  of  our  holy  faith  to  instruct  him 
in  the  same,  and  that  the  Holy  Father  had  never  provided  for 
them,  and  that  so  many  people  were  lost  believing  in  idolatries, 
and  imbibing  doctrines  of  perdition  ;  therefore,  your  highnesses, 
as  Catholic  Christians  and  princes,  lovers  and  promoters  of  the 
holy  Christian  faith,  and  enemies  of  the  sect  of  Mohammed,  and 
of  all  idolatries  and  heresies,  determined  to  send  me,  Christopher 
Columbus,  to  the  said  parts  of  India,  to  see  the  said  princes,  and 
the  people,  and  the  lands,  and  discover  the  nature  and  disposition 
of  them  all,  and  the  means  to  be  taken  for  the  conversion  of 
them  to  our  holy  faith ;  and  ordered  that  I  should  not  go  by 
land  to  the  East,  by  which  it  is  the  custom  to  go,  but  by  a  voyage 

numerous  and  warlike  people,  he  once  wrote :  "  So  loving,  so  tractable,  so  peaceable 
are  these  people  that,  I  swear  to  your  Majesties,  there  is  not  in  the  world  a  better 
nation,"  etc.,  etc. 


EXTRACT  FROM  COLUMBUS'S  LOG-BOOK.  1ST 

to  the  "West,  by  which  course,  unto  the  present  time,  we  do  not 
know  for  certain  that  any  one  hath  passed. 

"Your  hfghn esses,  therefore,  after  having  expelled  all  the 
Jews  from  your  kingdoms  and  territories,  commanded  me,  in  the 
same  month  of  January,  to  proceed  with  a  sufficient  armament 
to  the  said  parts  of  India ;  and,  for  this  purpose,  bestowed  great 
favors  upon  me,  ennobling  me,  that  thenceforward  I  might  style 
myself  Don,  appointing  me  high-admiral  of  the  ocean  sea,  and 
perpetual  viceroy  and  governor  of  all  the  islands  and  continents 
I  should  discover  and  acquire,  and  which  henceforward  may  be 
discovered  and  gained  in  the  ocean  sea ;  and  that  my  eldest  son 
should  succeed  me,  and  so  on,  from  generation  to  generation, 
forever. 

"  I  departed,  therefore,  from  the  city  of  Granada,  on  Saturday, 
the  12th  of  May,  of  the  same  year,  1492,  to  Palos,  a  seaport, 
where  I  armed  three  ships  well  calculated  for  such  service,  and 
sailed  from  that  port  well  furnished  with  provisions,  and  with 
many  seamen,  on  Friday,  3d  of  August,  of  the  same  year,  half 
an  hour  before  sunrise ;  and  took  the  route  for  the  Canary  Isl 
ands  of  your  highnesses,  to  steer  my  course  thence,  and  navigate 
until  I  should  arrive  at  the  Indies,  and  deliver  the  embassy  of 
your  highnesses  to  those  princes,  and  accomplish  that  which 
you  had  commanded." 

This  short  extract  is  a  sample  of  the  writings  of  Columbus, 
for  it  contains  two  manifest  falsehoods.  We  know  that  it  was 
not  he  who  armed  the  vessels  for  the  expedition,  as  he  boasts  to 
have  done  ;  nor  are  we  to  suppose  that  he  believed  the  countries 
he  was  in  search  of  to  be  the  rich  and  well-known  regions  of 
India  in  Asia,  which  it  had  hitherto  been  customary  to  reach 
eastward  by  land.  The  dead  pilot  had  well  informed  him  of  the 
nature  of  the  lands  and  people,  but  by  the  pretense  of  sailing  to 
Asia,  the  trade  with  which  was  the  subject  of  so  much  rivalry, 
he,  in  the  language  of  his  son,  "  sought  to  tempt  their  Catholic 
Majesties,"  and  induce  them  to  grant  the  extraordinarily  advan 
tageous  terms  he  craved. 

When  his  solicitations  had  been  refused  at  the  Spanish  court, 
he  returned  to  Palos,  that  he  might  confer  with  those  who  had 
befriended  him.  Fernando  tells  us,  he  made  up  his  mind  to 
offer  his  services  to  France ;  but  we  believe  this  pretense  of  his 


188  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

having  laid  his  plans  before  all  the  powers  of  Europe,  is  merely 
made  to  increase  the  importance  of  Columbus.  "We  are  con 
firmed  in  this  belief  by  the  incongruity  of  Fernando's  narrative. 
In  his  eleventh  and  twelfth  chapters,  he  tells  us  his  father  was 
not  informed  that  Henry  VII.  had  acceded  to  the  proposals  made 
by  Bartholomew  Columbus  till  after  his  return  from  his  first 
voyage ;  that  he  stole  away  from  Portugal  because  the  king  of 
that  country  did  not  accept  his  terms,  and  had  deceived  him.  In 
his  fourteenth  chapter,  we  read  that  he  was  "very  desirous  that 
Spain  should  reap  the  benefit  of  his  undertaking,  .  .  .  because 
he  had  long  resided  there,  while  following  his  project,  and  be 
cause  he  had  got  children  there ;  which  was  the  cause  why  he 
rejected  the  offers  made  him  by  other  princes,  as  he  declares 
in  a  letter  he  writ  their  highnesses,  in  these  words :  '  That  I 
might  serve  your  highnesses,  I  refused  to  take  up  with  France, 
England,  and  Portugal.' ': 

It  is  possible,  as  Columbus  was  nowise  scrupulously  vera 
cious,  that  he  may  have  written  in  such  terms  to  the  Spanish 
sovereigns,  thinking  that,  should  they  believe  other  sovereigns 
competed  with  them,  they  would  be  the  more  readily  persuaded 
to  grant  his  requests  ;  but  the  fact  that  he  did  refuse  to  serve  the 
nations  above  mentioned  is  by  no  means  thereby  established. 

According  to  Fernando's  own  showing,  his  father  only  knew 
that  the  King  of  England  would  accept  his  offer  after  he  had  re 
turned  from  his  first  voyage;  he  could  scarcely,  therefore,  be  said 
to  refuse  that  which  had  not  been  tendered  him.  That  he  traded 
with  France  is  a  statement  made  and  supported  only  by  Colum 
bus  and  his  son. 

He  appears  to  have  returned  to  Palos,  where  he  urged  his 
case  upon  his  friends  Juan  Perez  and  the  Pinzons,  the  former 
thinking  he  might  possibly  retain  some  of  his  old  influence  over 
the  queen,  whose  confessor  he  had  once  been,  borrowed  a  mule 
and  departed  at  midnight  for  the  royal  camp  of  Santa  Fe,  before 
Granada,  where  it  is  probable  his  persuasions  induced  the  queen 
to  accede  to  Columbus's  demands,  giving  an  order  on  the  town 
of  Palos  for  two  caravels,  a  third  to  be  fitted  out,  at  the  expense 
of  Columbus. 

Fernando  tells  us  it  was  one  Luis  de  Santangel,  who  remon 
strated  with  the  queen  upon  her  refusal,  and  that  the  latter,  in 
her  repentance,  offered  to  pledge  her  jewels  in  order  to  defray 


WEALTH  OF  SPAIN". 


189 


the  expense  of  the  expedition.  This  story  is  as  absurd  as  many 
others  coined  by  Fernando  to  embellish  the  history  of  his  father. 
The  coffers  of  Spain  were  then  well  filled.  The  treasury  of  the 
queen  had  received  an  extraordinary  increase  from  her  per 
fidious  conduct  toward  the  Moors  of  Malaga,  from  whom  she 
had  obtained  millions,  holding  out  the  hope  of  ransom,  who, 
when  they  had  given  all  the  treasure  they  possessed,  were  sold 


JTTAN  PEREZ  ON  HIS  WAT  TO  COTTBT. 

into  slavery.  The  ostentatious  luxury  of  Castile  was  the  won 
der  of  neighboring  nations.  Artisans  could  indulge  their^ wives 
and  daughters  in  a  rivalry  of  display  with  nobles,  at  a  cost  far 
exceeding  that  of  the  contemplated  expedition.  It  would  seem 
extraordinary,  therefore,  that  the  expense  of  providing  three 
small  vessels,  should  have  rested  so  heavily  upon  the  royal  cof 
fers,  that  her  Majesty  should  be  obliged  to  resort  to  some  Hebrew 
gentlemen  to  whom  she  might  pawn  her  jewels.  But  had  this 


190  LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

been  so,  had  the  queen  been  as  destitute  as  she  is  represented, 
it  is  evident  that  the  expedition  in  question  cost  her  little  or 
nothing,  and  that  she  never  had  any  necessity  for  pawning  her 
property.  The  expense  necessary  for  it  was  levied  upon  the  little 
town  of  Palos,  as  a  punishment  for  some  offense  against  the 
crown,  as  appears  from  the  following  royal  order,  with  which 
Columbus  returned  to  that  town : 

"  Requisition  upon  the  Municipality  of  Palos. 

"  In  consequence  of  the  offense  which  we  received  at  your 
hands,  you  were  condemned  by  our  council  to  render  us  the  ser 
vice  of  two  caravels,  armed  at  your  own  expense,  for  the  space 
of  twelve  months,  whenever  and  wherever  it  should  be  our 
pleasure  to  demand  the  service. 

"April  30,  1492." 

Many  private  individuals  of  moderate  means  would  have 
been  able,  in  any  event,  to  furnish  the  outlay.  The  Pinzons  pro 
vided  Columbus,  who  possessed  not  a  maravedi,  with  the  eighth 
part  of  the  expense  which  he  had  boasted  he  would  defray ;  and 
thus,  without  outlay  from  the  crown,  a  poor  fishing-town,  and 
two  private  gentlemen,  equipped  the  fleet  of  three  little  vessels, 
which  the  Queen  of  Spain  is  represented  as  unable  to  do,  unless 
she  pawned  her  jewels. 

Columbus,  on  arriving  at  Palos  with  his  orders,  did  not  meet 
with  an  enthusiastic  reception  from  the  inhabitants ;  they  were 
unwilling  to  follow  an  unknown  adventurer  on  a  long  voyage. 
Two  of  the  ships,  when  provided,  were  secretly  scuttled.  The 
delay  and  difficulty  increased,  and  threatened  seriously  to  im 
pede  the  undertaking,  when  the  Pinzons,  those  brave  brothers, 
seeing  how  matters  stood,  and  having  part  of  their  fortune  em 
barked  in  the  enterprise,  came  forward  and  offered  each  to  take 
command  of  a  caravel.  The  men  of  Palos,  by  whom  the  Pin 
zons  were  held  in  great  esteem  and  respect,  now  came  forward 
willingly.  Two  small  caravels,  the  Pinta  and  the  Nina,  were 
commanded  respectively  by  Martin  Alonzo  and  Yin  cent  Yanez 
Pinzon ;  the  St.  Mary,  the  somewhat  larger  vessel  equipped  at 
the  expense  of  the  Pinzons,  was  under  the  command  of  the 
thenceforth  "  Admiral  Don  Christopher  Columbus,"  his  right  to 
which  title,  like  all  new-born  nobility,  neither  he  nor  his  son 


TITLE   OF  ADMIEAL.  191 

will  ever  forget.  As  men  are  born  poets  and  artists,  so  it  would 
appear  Columbus  was  born  admiral.  The  opening  chapter  of 
Fernando's  history  makes  the  title  ascendj  on  the  Chinese  prin 
ciple  beyond  his  birth,  and  thenceforth  every  incident  of  his  life 
is  referred  to  "  the  admiral ;  "  when  speaking  of  his  early  life, 
of  his  piracy,  it  is  "  the  admiral  /  "  when  recounting  his  solicita 
tions  for  the  title  at  the  Spanish  court,  it  is  "  the  admiral "  who 
solicits. 

This  prospective  enjoyment  of  a  ponderous  title  is  amusing 
in  view  of  the  ultimate  grandeur  of  his  command  :  three  small 
vessels,  ordinary  fishing-smacks,  of  from  thirty  to  sixty  tons  bur 
den,  two  of  them  without  decks,  and  for  the  best  of  these  he  is 
indebted  to  the  man  whom  he  will  afterward  gratefully  term 
"  one  Pinzon.'"' 


CHAPTEE  XII. 

THE   FIRST   VOYAGE   O£  COLUMBUS. 

WITH  this  fleet  Columbus  set  sail  from  the  little  port  of  Pa- 
Jos,  on  Friday,  August  3,  1492,  for  the  Canaries. 

During  the  transit  the  rudder  of  the  Pinta  gave  way,  which 


"Suddenly  an  immense  sea-fish  (some  call  it  Galena)  was  before  them,  and  upon  the  body  of  this, 
holding  itself  immovable  as  a  rock,  the  pilots  moor  their  ships,  and  these  most  sacred  men,  cele 
brating  the  holy  sacrifice  of  Mass,  with  previous  confession,  distribute  the  Paschal  Lamb  to  all 
their  companions,  that  is,  the  sacred  communion.  .  .  .  What  a  sight  do  you  imagine  this  to  have 
been  I  What  joy  to  these  pious  and  simple  men,  seeking  God  with  all  their  mind  and  strength ; 
when  in  so  immense  a  beast  they  saw  the  pledges  offered  to  their  divine  Father. '%-(PHILOPONO, 
"  Christophorus  Colombus,"  1621.)  Such  is  the  character  of  the  histories  which  have  given  Colum 
bus  his  fame,  such  the  incidents  they  record ! 

accident  Columbus  attributed  to  the  malice  of  those  who  fitted 
out  the  vessel.  Fernando,  still  more  unjust,  ascribes  the  acci 
dent  to  the  "  malice  of  Pinzon,"  who  commanded  her,  which  is 


GOMERA.— TEKERIFFE.  193 

not  only  ungenerous,  but  absurd,  when  we  bear  in  mind  that 
Pinzon,  more  than  Columbus  or  the  sovereigns  of  Castile,  had 
aided  in  fitting  out  the  fleet  for  which  "  the  admiral "  had  so 
long  solicited  in  vain. 

Columbus,  although  unable  to  aiford  Pinzon  any  assistance 
in  repairing  his  damaged  rudder,  yet,  flushed  with  his  new-born 
honors,  must  needs  come  alongside,  "  as  was  the  custom  for  com 
manders  at  sea."  Martin  Alonzo,  however,  stood  in  little  need 
of  assistance ;  his  ingenuity  enabled  him  promptly  to  repair  the 
damage  ;  but  the  imperfect  rudder  was  unable  to  withstand  the 
heavy  sea  they  encountered,  and  again  broke  loose.  It  was  there 
fore  considered  advisable  to  seek  another  vessel  at  the  Canaries. 
Columbus  for  this  purpose  put  in  at  the  island  of  Gomera.  Here 
he  found  no  ship  available,  but  was  told  that  the  Lady  Beatrix 
Bobadilla  was  expected  shortly  with  a  vessel  of  forty  tons  bur 
den  ;  he,  therefore,  deeming  such  a  vessel  suitable  for  his  under 
taking,  determined  to  wait  for  and  impress  it  into  his  service,  to 
replace  the  damaged  Pinta. 

The  Lady  Beatrix,  sailing  earlier  than  was  expected,  Colum 
bus  was  balked  in  his  design  upon  her  ship  ;  he  therefore  re 
joined  the  Pinta  at  the  Grand  Canary,  and  ordered  her  repaired, 

There  is  a  trifling  incident,  during  the  transit  from  one  island 
to  another,  which  may  prove  how  persistently  facts  are  distorted 
by  historians  to  magnify  the  glory  of  Columbus. 

Fernando  tells  us  that  the  Peak  of  Teneriffe  in  eruption  was 
discerned  by  the  seamen,  and  they  admired  thereat.  This  simple 
statement  has  been  exaggerated  by  subsequent  writers,  till  Mr. 
Irving,  whose  narrative  is  taken  principally  from  that  of  Fer 
nando,  tells  us  that  the  men  were  terrified  until  reassured  by 
Columbus. 

There  is  certainly  but  little  necessity  for  coloring  Fernando's 
history  of  his  father :  that  Mr.  Irving  did  not  think  so  is,  how- 
ever3  rendered  manifest  by  his  converting  the  "  men  admired " 
into  the  men  "were  terrified"  Putting  this  exaggeration  pf 
Fernando's  statement  aside,  it  is  absurd  to  suppose  that  sailors 
who  had  navigated  the  Mediterranean,  as  did  most  Spanish  sea 
men  at  that  time,  and  who  were  therefore  familiar  with  the  vol 
canoes  of  Etna  and  Vesuvius,  should  have  been  so  terrified  at 
beholding  a  phenomenon  of  like  nature. 

The  Pinta  being  repaired,  the  three  little  vessels  once  more 


19-i  LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

put  to  sea,  touching  at  Gomera  for  provisions,  and  finally  losing 
sight  of  land  on  the  9th  of  September,  1492. 

It  is  needless  to  follow  them  in  the  narrative  of  Fernando,  or 
in  Irving's  still  more  highly  colored  one.  The  most  prominent 
feature  of  both  is  the  glorification  of  Columbus  ;  for  this  purpose 
they  twist  and  turn  circumstances  which  are  detrimental  to  their 
object  till  they  make  them  redound  to  the  glory  of  their  hero. 
Yet  what  was  his  real  object  ? 

"  What  sought  he  thus  afar  ? 

Bright  jewels  of  the  mine, 
The  wealth  of  seas,  the  spoils  of  war, 
The  enslavement  of  his  kind." 

The  sailors  are  represented  as  weeping  at  the  slightest  squall, 
trembling  in  abject  terror  during  a  calm,  complaining  of  favor 
able  winds,  while  Columbus  reassures  and  encourages  them. 

We  are  told  that  the  fleet's  crew  mutinied  and  was  fain  to 
turn  back,  till  overawed  by  the  determination  and  courage  of 
"  the  admiral ; "  that  they  had  even  gone  so  far  as  to  have  re 
solved  to  throw  Columbus  overboard,  and  account  for  his  dis 
appearance  by  declaring  that  he  fell  into  the  sea  while  making 
observations. 

We  are  not  told  how  Columbus  (upon  whose  authority  the 
story  was  circulated)  was  informed  of  these  sinister  intentions. 
It  would  seem  improbable  that  the  conspirators  should  have 
made  him  their  confidant,  unless  indeed  they  conspired  and  di 
vulged  the  conspiracy  from  an  amiable  desire  to  contribute  their 
mite  to  the  aureole  with  which  his  biographers  have  encircled 
the  head  of  Columbus.  It  needs  but  little  reflection  to  perceive 
the  improbability  of  this  story.  Sailors,  even  when  really 
alarmed  and  in  imminent  danger,  never  act  in  the  childish  man 
ner  described,  but  are  too  absorbed,  in  their  efforts  to  weather 
the  storm,  to  weep  or  tremble ;  and  human  nature  has  not 
changed  materially  since  the  days  of  our  hero. 

The  impossibility  of  a  mutiny  is  evident,  Columbus's  own 
log-book  showing  that  Martin  Alonzo  and  Yincent  Yanez  kept 
their  vessels  ahead  during  the  whole  voyage  (and  were  obliged 
constantly  to  "  He  by  for  the  admiral ") ;  this  they  would  scarce 
have  done  had  they  desired  to  turn  back. 

Martin  Alonzo  first  observed  that  the  current  had  drifted 
them  northward  of  the  islands  laid  down  in  the  chart  of  the  dead 


FALSE  BECKONING.  195 

pilot.  To  this  he  drew  the  attention  of  Columbus ;  the  latter, 
with  characteristic  false  pride,  refused  to  alter  his  course,  lest  he 
should  appear  more  ignorant  than  Pinzon,  and  lessen  his  own 
importance. 

At  this,  the  men  on  board  his  ship  may  indeed  have  mur 
mured.  They  knew,  as  did  Columbus,  that  they  were  bound  for 
a  given  point,  and  when  they  heard  their  commander  refuse  to 
sail  toward  that  point,  when  borne  too  far  north  of  it  by  the 
ocean-current,  of  which  he  was  ignorant,  for  the  paltry  reason 
that  his  mistake  had  been  discovered  by  another,  it  is  but  natural 
they  should  have  felt  indignant. 

In  his  desire  to  appear  the  sole  navigator  of  the  expedition, 
Columbus  gives  himself  undue  credit  for  deceit :  he  alleges  that 
he  kept  one  log-book  for  himself,  containing  a  true  reckoning, 
another  containing  a  false,  for  the  purpose  of  deceiving  his  crew, 
in  which  he  diminished  the  distances  made  each  day,  that  they 
might  not  lose  courage  at  the  vast  distance  they  had  sailed.  ~No 
doubt  our  hero  would  have  relished  this  deception,  but  it  is  to 
be  feared  that  in  this  case  we  must  take  the  will  for  the  deed,  as 
there  is  too  much  contradictory  evidence  to  any  such  proceeding. 
Both  the  Pinzons  were  skillful  navigators,  each  of  them  com 
manded  a  caravel,  and  they  were  generally  ahead.  They  natu 
rally  made  frequent  observations  ;  the  pilots  also  could  not  have 
been  so  easily  deceived.  Should  we,  therefore,  give  credence  to 
this  story,  we  must  make  the  Pinzons,  the  pilots,  and  officers,  par 
ties  to  the  fraud,  an  imputation  for  which  there  is  no  basis  save 
the  statement  of  Columbus.  Besides,  if  the  latter  had  thus  de 
ceived  his  crew,  it  would  have  rendered  another  of  his  state 
ments  futile.  On  leaving  the  Canaries  he  declared  that,  when 
they  had  sailed  seven  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  west,  they  should 
reach  land.  The  false  reckoning  and  its  diminished  distances,  in 
leading  the  men  to  believe  they  were  farther  from  their  des 
tination  than  they  really  were,  and  that  the  voyage  would  be 
prolonged  beyond  their  expectations,  would  therefore  have  de 
feated  his  avowed  object.  For  these  reasons  we  believe  this  de 
ception  to  have  existed  only  in  the  imagination  of  Columbus, 
who  in  vanity  would  make  it  appear  that  he  alone  in  that  first 
expedition  possessed  the  courage  necessary  for  so  arduous  an  un 
dertaking,  and  sufficient  knowledge  to  make  correct  calculations. 
He  contradicts  the  latter  inference,  however,  by  his  own  state- 


196 


LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 


ment,  contained  in  his  journal  for  September  17,  1492,  in  which 
he  writes  that  he  ordered  the  pilots  to  make  an  observation  of 
the  heavens.  The  idea  that  skillful  pilots  and  captains  could  be 
deceived  by  false  reckonings  is  too  absurd  for  belief. 

When  Columbus  finally  consented  to  adopt  the  more  south 
erly  course  recommended  by  the  Pinzons,  the  signs  of  land  mul 
tiplied,  whereupon  he  declared  that  he  had  always  proposed  to 
find  land  just  there.  Fernando  relates  that  he  made  the  crew  an 
impressive  speech  to  this  effect,  when  signs  of  land  became  so 
numerous  as  to  be  incontestable,  calling  upon  all  to  remember 
how  he  had  commanded,  upon  leaving  the  Canaries,  that,  after 


10  So  SO  40 


KOUTE  PtTBStTEI)  BY  COLtTMBUS  ON  HIS  FlRST  VOYAGE. 

sailing  seven  hundred  leagues  westward,  they  should  lie  by  from 
midnight  till  morning  lest  they  should  run  upon  land  unawares. 
This  harangue  must  have  lost  its  intended  effect  of  inspiring  the 
hearers  with  an  exalted  idea  of  the  speaker's  infallibility,  when 
they  remembered  that  but  for  the  Pinzons  he  would  have  drifted 
far  north  of  the  islands  to  which  he  professed  to  be  sailing,  and 
of  the  location  of  which  he  was  so  certain. 

"  He  now  desired  the  men  to  keep  a  lookout  for  land,  prom 
ising  him  who  should  first  descry  it  a  doublet  of  velvet  in  addi 
tion  to  the  thirty  crowns  a  year  to  be  awarded  by  the  sovereigns 
to  the  first  discoverer." 


TRIANA  DEFRAUDED  BY  COLUMBUS.  197 

This  promise  lie  was  very  certain  not  to  be  called  upon  to 
fulfill,  as  lie  had  evidently  fully  determined  to  defraud  whomso 
ever  should  rightfully  earn  either  reward. 

At  ten  o'clock  of  that  same  night,  which  was  that  of  October 
11,  1492,  "  the  admiral"  thought  he  saw  a  light  ashore,  but  said 
it  was  so  blind  he  could  not  affirm  it  to  be  land ;  he  therefore  pri 
vately  called  Peter  Gutierrez,  groom  of  the  chamber  to  the 
king,  who  saw  it.  He  then  called  Roderigo  Sanchez  de  Segovia, 
who,  probably  "  through  malice,  and  a  desire  to  rob  Columbus 
of  his  well-earned  fame,"  could  not  see  it. 

Be  this  as  it  may,  Columbus  made  no  demonstration ;  his 
crew  knew  nothing  of  what  he  alleges  to  have  transpired.  At 
two  o'clock  the  next  morning,  the  Pinta,  "being  far  ahead," 
fired  a  gun,  in  signal  of  land,  which  was  first  discovered  by  one 
Juan  Rodrigues  Bermejo,  generally  called  Roderigo  de  Triana. 
This  mariner,  who  so  justly  earned  the  reward,  was,  however,  de 
frauded,  and  the  pension  granted  to  Columbus  because  he  had 
seen  a  light  in  darkness,  signifying  the  spiritual  light  he  was  to 
spread  in  these  dark  regions. 

This  spiritual  light  seen  by  Columbus  at  ten  o'clock  in  the 
evening  is  evidently  but  an  invention  for  the  purpose  of  increas 
ing  his  revenue  at  the  expense  of  a  poor  sailor.  The  story  rests 
solely  upon  the  testimony  of  Columbus.  Peter  Gutierrez,  who 
was  so  privately  called,  and  who  is  said  to  have  seen  the  light, 
was  one  of  the  unlucky  crew  left  in  the  island  of  Hispaniola  and 
massacred  before  the  return  of  Columbus.  It  was,  therefore, 
safe  to  make  him  a  witness,  as  he  could  affirm  or  refute  nothing. 
According  to  his  own  showing,  Columbus  was  in  the  rear  of  the 
Pinta,  we  will  suppose  two  leagues,  which  is  a  reasonable  esti 
mate,  as  it  is  stated  that  the  Pinta  was  far  ahead  ;  add  four  hours' 
sailing  before  the  wind,  at  the  rate  of,  say,  ten  miles  an  hour,  and 
the  two  leagues  the  Pinta  was  distant  from  land  when  she  fired 
tliie  gun,  and  we  have  a  distance  of  over  fifty  miles  from  the 
point  at  which  Columbus  invented  his  spiritual  light,  and  the  low, 
flat  shore  of  the  island  of  San  Salvador.  The  vessels  of  Colum 
bus  were  small ;  the  globular  form  of  the  earth  would  render  a 
torch  in  the  hands  of  a  man  upon  shore  invisible  to  those  on 
board  Columbus' s  craft  even  at  half  the  distance  they  were  from 
land  on  the  evening  of  October  llth.  Irving,  who  perceived  the 
inconsistency,  very  justly  observes  :  "Had  Columbus  seen  a  light 


198  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

ahead,  four  hours'  swift  sailing  would  have  brought  him  high  and 
dry  upon  the  shore ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  had  he  seen  a 
light  in  any  other  direction,  it  is  scarcely  probable  he  would 
have  sailed  from  it."  Besides  which,  he  says  nothing  till  after 
the  signal  from  the  Pinta,  when  he  claims  the  reward  which,  in 
common  justice,  belonged  to  Roderigo  de  Triana,  and  which  was 
paid  Columbus  yearly  at  the  shambles  of  Seville ;  an  indication, 
it  would  seem,  of  the  ignominious  means  by  which  he  obtained 
it.  The  whole  fraud  is  too  palpable  to  leave  a  doubt  as  to  its 
perpetration.  Indeed,  his  son  seems  to  have  had  some  misgiv 
ings  as  to  the  apparent  probability  of  the  story ;  so  he  once  more 
brings  in  the  superhuman,  and  causes  his  father  to  perceive  a 
spiritual  light  from  a  point  at  which  no  real  light  could  have 
been  distinguished  by  mortal  vision,  as  all  who  have  carefully 
observed  the  swell  of  the  ocean  will  bear  witness.90 

90  Navarrete,  in  one  of  his  observations  (vol.  in.,  p.  612)  on  the  testimony  in  the 
lawsuit  between  Diego  Columbus  and  the  crown,  notes  the  impossibility  of  Columbus 
having  seen  a  light.  He  writes  :  "  The  admiral  says  that  '  this  island'  (Guanahani,  or 
San  Salvador)  '  is  very  flat,  without  any  mountain?  How  then  can  he  pretend  to  have 
seen,  at  ten  o'clock  at  night,  at  a  distance  of  fourteen  leagues,  a  light  which  rose  and 
fell  on  a  flat  shore  destitute  of  elevations  ?"  A  note  is  here  inserted  by  Navarrete,  to 
the  following  effect :  "  Calculating  by  the  table  of  tangents  of  the  horizon  according  to 
the  altitude  of  the  point  from  which  they  advanced,  and  supposing  the  vision  of  the 
observer  to  be  elevated  twelve  feet  (Burgos)  above  the  level  of  the  sea  (which  is  as 
much  as  can  be  supposed,  when  the  smallness  of  the  caravels  is  borne  in  mind),  the 
result  is,  that  the  land  must  have  had  an  elevation  of  twenty-two  hundred  and 
fifty-four  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea,  for  its  summit  or  highest  point  to  have  been 
visible  at  fourteen  leagues'  distance."  He  continues :  "  How  is  it  that  the  men  of  the 
Pinta,  which  was  in  advance,  did  not  see  it "  (the  light)  "  even  as  they  discovered  land  at 
two  in  the  morning  ?  Why  did  he  not  shorten  sail  and  lie-to  when,  at  ten  at  night, 
he  was  certain  he  was  near  land — as  was  done  when  the  Pinta  sighted  it — as  prudence 
and  reason  would  have  required,  when  we  consider  the  swift  sailing  of  the  ships  ? 
Why  does  he  say  that  at  first  he  saw  the  light  so  confusedly  that  he  dared  not  affirm 
it  to  be  land,  as  it  would  appear  to  few  an  indication  thereof,  and  that  he,  nevertheless, 
afterward  held  it  for  certain,  yet  took  none  of  the  precautions  which  such  certainty 
of  opinion  would  have  required  ?  Might  this  not  have  been  the  binnacle  or  some  other 
light  of  the  Pinta  which  was  ahead,  or  of  the  Nina,  which  would  have  been  visible  at 
another  point  of  the  compass  (for  he  does  not  inform  us  in  which  direction  he  saw  the 
light)  ? — and  it  might  very  well  have  been  alternately  visible  and  invisible  according  as 
the  ship  rose  and  fell.  Those  who  think  that  the  light  seen  by  Columbus  was  Wat- 
ling's  Island,  in  the  neighborhood  of  which  he  must  have  passed  at  ten  o'clock  at 
night,  have  not  considered  or  traced  his  route,  and  seen  that,  according  to  this  suppo 
sition,  the  rate  of  sailing  and  the  situation  of  that  island,  he  had,  at  the  hour  indi 
cated,  crossed  its  meridian,  leaving  it  southeast  when  he  was  navigating  west." 

All  this  considered,  Navarrete  concludes  that  credence  should  be  given  to  the 
many  witnesses  who  testified  that  it  was  Juan  Rodriguez  Bermejo  (Roderigo  de  Triana), 


NATIVES  SEIZED.  190 

After  the  signal  from  the  Pinta,  the  fleet  lay  by  till  daylight, 
when  the  whole  expedition  landed.  After  weeping  abundantly 
and  kissing  the  ground,  with  other  demonstrations  equally  ab 
surd,  Columbus  named  the  island  San  Salvador,  taking  possession 
for  Castile.  And  then,  bidding  all  swear  allegiance  to  him  as 
Viceroy  of  India,  and  the  crew,  we  are  generally  told  by  histori 
ans,  fawning  and  kissing  the  feet  of  Columbus,  beg  his  forgive 
ness  for  all  their  misdeeds ;  which  servile  scene  is  as  improbable 
as  the  story  of  the  mutiny  is  evidently  false. 

The  natives  flocked  to  the  shore,  and  Columbus,  believing 
himself  in  India,  named  them  Indians,  which  name  the  aborigines 
of  America  still  bear,  in  commemoration  of  his  ignorance  or  du 
plicity.  They  admire  and  wonder  at  the  white  men  greatly. 
"  The  admiral  especially,"  says  Irving,  "  attracted  the  attention 
of  the  natives,  his  commanding  height,  his  air  of  authority,  his 
scarlet  dress,  together  with  the  attention  paid  him  by  his  com 
panions,  all  pointed  him  out  as  the  man."  We  presume  that, 
with  the  naked  savage  of  the  forest,  the  scarlet  dress  was  alone 
sufficient  to  excite  admiration,  the  other  imposing  qualities  are, 
we  believe,  gratuitous  embellishments  on  the  part  of  Irving. 

The  friendliness  of  the  Indians  is  amply  dwelt  upon  by  Co 
lumbus  and  his  son,  as  also  their  innocence  and  childlike  harm- 
lessness.  Seven  of  them,  however,  Columbus  captured  and  car 
ried  off  to  act  as  interpreters  ;  and  here  we  remark  the  extraordi 
nary  gift  of  language  with  which  Columbus  or  the  Indians  (most 
probably  the  former,  who  may  have  added  the  gift  of  tongues  to 
his  other  miraculous  attainments)  are  favored. 

Immediately  on  landing  in  the  midst  of  a  race  totally  differ 
ent  from  any  he  had  hitherto  seen,  speaking  a  language  which 
bore  not  the  slightest  resemblance  in  formation  to  those  of 
Europe,  he  nevertheless  converses  with  them,  is  directed  by 
them  to  lands  where  gold  is  found,  hears  from  them  of  neighbor 
ing  warlike  people ;  in  fact,  obtains  with  ease  all  the  information 
he  requires.  In  other  words,  we  are  amazed  at  the  falsehoods 

a  sailor  on  board  the  Pinta,  who  first  sighted  land,  and  whom  the  generous  and  noble- 
minded  admiral  was  mean  enough  to  deprive  of  his  just  reward ;  but  refrains  from 
one  word  of  censure  of  Columbus,  and  merely  says,  he  supposes  that  the  granting  of 
the  pension  to  the  latter  was  but  "one  of  those  favoritisms  so  frequent  in  courts,  as 
after  the  death  of  Pinzon  the  influence  of  the  admiral  increased  and  spread."  Such  is 
the  blind  partiality  with  which  historians  record  one  of  the  basest  acts  of  a  base 


200  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

of  Columbus,  who,  finding  the  lands,  though  fertile,  devoid  of 
those  Asiatic  treasures  which  were  the  object  of  the  voyage,  and 
which  Spain  prized  so  highly,  and  fearing  to  lose  the  royal  pat 
ronage,  must  needs  represent  them  as  rich  in  mines ;  pretending, 
that  he  may  be  the  more  readily  believed,  to  have  received  infor 
mation  to  that  effect  from  the  natives. 

Bent,  above  all,  upon  the  acquisition  of  treasure,  he  forbade 
all  trade  with  the  natives,  save  for  gold,  of  which  he  could  pro 
cure  but  small  quantities,  but  hears  or  pretends  to  hear  of  abun 
dance  in  other  parts.  It  is  probable  the  little  gold  found  in  the 
island  was  the  particles  in  the  rivers  and  sands,  which  the  In 
dians  converted  into  small  ornaments.  He  confesses  that  San 
Salvador  contained  no  riches,  and  proceeds  to  another  island, 
which  he  named  St.  Mary  of  the  Conception.  Here  one  of  the 
Indians  who  had  been  captured  at  San  Salvador  escaped  to  a 
canoe  of  natives,  who  paddled  ashore  and  fled  to  the  woods ;  the 
canoe  was  seized  by  the  Spaniards  and  carried  off  as  a  prize. 
"  Such,"  to  quote  Mr.  Irving,  "  were  the  gentle  and  sage  precau 
tions  continually  taken  by  Columbus  to  give  the  natives  a  favor 
able  impression  of  the  Spaniards." 

Next  to  St.  Mary  of  the  Conception,  Columbus  visits  Fer- 
nandina,  which  he  declares  the  most  fertile  of  all  the  islands. 
Here  he  professes  to  inhale  the  odors  of  the  rich  spices  of  Asia, 
which  he  is,  however,  unable  to  find,  but  is  told  by  the  ever- 
accommodating  natives  that  they  abound  to  the  southwest. 

Here  also  the  veracious  admiral  informs  us  nightingales  are 
so  numerous  as  in  their  flight  to  darken  the  sky ! 

The  Jiamacs  and  cotton  aprons  of  the  natives,  indications  of 
the  real  wealth  of  the  island,  are  disregarded  or  but  lightly 
dwelt  upon,  Columbus  being  eager  to  find  the  gold  he  was  in 
search  of. 

Fernandina  they  leave  for  Isabella,  called  by  the  natives 
Saometto ;  hence  they  proceed  to  Cuba,  which  Columbus  named 
Juanna;  this  he  explored,  to  what  effect  we  may  judge,  when 
we  read  in  his  own  letter  to  Santangel,  which  is  preserved 
in  the  archives  of  Spain,  that  here  are  men  with  tails 91  (else 
where  he  writes  of  men  with  dogs'  heads) ;  that  the  island  is 

91  "  One  of  the  provinces  is  called  Cavan.  Men  having  tails  are  born  there." — 
Columbus's  letter  to  the  Escribano  de  Racion  of  the  islands  of  the  Indies,  February 
15,  1493. 


MISSION  TO  THE   GRAND  KHAN.  201 

larger  than  England  and  Scotland,  that  it  abounds  in  spices, 
mines,  etc. 

He  declared  that  he  had  reached  the  Continent  of  Asia,  and 
Irving  relates  an  incident  which  here  occurred,  with  so  little  ap 
parent  consciousness  of  its  reflecting  discredit  upon  Columbus 
that  we  will  give  it  in  his  own  words  : 

"  He  imagined  that  he  must  be  on  the  borders  of  Cathay, 
and  about  one  hundred  leagues  from  the  capital  of  the  grand 
khan.  Anxious  to  delay  as  little  as  possible  in  the  territory  of 
this  inferior  prince,  he  determined  not  to  await  the  arrival  of 
messengers,  but  to  dispatch  two  envoys  to  seek  the  neighboring 
monarch  at  his  residence. 

"  For  this  mission  he  chose  two  Spaniards,  Roderigo  de 
Jerez,  and  Luis  de  Torres;  the  latter  a  converted  Jew,  who 
knew  Hebrew  and  Chaldaic,  and  even  something  of  Arabic,  one 
or  the  other  of  which  languages  Columbus  supposed  might  be 
known  to  this  Oriental  prince. 

"  Two  Indians  were  sent  with  them  as  guides,  one  a  native 
of  Guanahani,  and  the  other  an  inhabitant  of  the  hamlet  on  the 
bank  of  the  river.  The  ambassadors  were  furnished  with  strings 
of  beads  and  other  trinkets  for  their  traveling  expenses.  In 
structions  were  given  them  to  inform  the  king  that  Columbus 
had  been  sent  by  the  Castilian  sovereigns  a  bearer  of  letters 
and  a  present,  which  he  was  to  deliver  personally,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  establishing  an  amicable  intercourse  between  these  pow 
ers.  They  were  likewise  instructed  to  inform  themselves  accu 
rately  about  the  situation  and  distances  of  certain  provinces, 
ports,  and  rivers,  which  the  admiral  specified  by  name  from  the 
descriptions  which  he  had  of  the  coast  of  Asia.  .  .  . 

"With  these  provisions  and  instructions  the  ambassadors 
departed,  six  days  being  allowed  them  to  go  and  return.  Many, 
at  the  present  day,  will  smile  at  this  embassy  to  a  naked  savage 
chieftain  in  the  interior  of  Cuba,  in  mistake  for  an  Asiatic  mon 
arch." 

It  is  not  probable  that  Columbus  imagined  himself  in  Cathay. 
His  son  denies  that  such  was  the  case,  declaring  that  he  never 
mistook  the  New  World  for  Asia,92  but  that  he  had  sailed,  aspro- 

92  While  censuring  one  Mr.  Roderick,  Archdeacon  of  Seville,  who  with  his  followers 
"blamed  the  admiral"  for  calling  those  parts  Indies  which  are  not  Indies,  Fernando 
tells  us  his  father  did  not  give  them  that  name  because  he  really  thought  them  to  be 


202  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

fessed  ambassador  to  the  grand-khan  we  know  from  his  own 
statement,  already  quoted,  in  which  he  declares  this  embassy  to 
be  the  object  of  his  voyage.  The  following  is  the  missive  which 
he  had  undertaken  to  deliver  to  the  Asiatic  prince: 

"  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  to  King 

"  Have  heard  that  he  and  his  subjects  entertain  great  love 
for  them  and  for  Spain  ;  are,  moreover,  informed  that  he  and  his 
subjects  very  much  wish  to  hear  from  Spain ;  send,  therefore, 
their  admiral,  Christopher  Columbus,  who  will  tell  him  that  they 
are  in  good  health  and  perfect  prosperity. 

"  GKANADA,  April  30,  1492." 


COLUMBUS,  IN  CUBA,  SENDS  AN  EMBASSJT  TO  AN  ASIATIC  PBINCB. 

He  evidently  made  some  pretense  of  carrying  out  this  mis 
sion.  When  his  messenger  returned,  instead  of  glowing  ac- 

the  Indies,  but  "  because  he  knew  all  men  were  sensible  of  the  riches  and  wealth  of 
India ;  and  therefore  by  that  name  he  thought  to  tempt  their  Catholic  Majesties,  who 
were  doubtful  of  his  undertaking,  telling  them  he  went  to  discover  the  Indies  by  way 
of  the  West." — "  Historia  del.  Amirante,"  chapter  vi. 

Herrera  corroborates  this  statement  thus :  "  There  was  no  other  ground  for  calling 
this  New  World  by  the  name  of  Indies,  than  the  design  of  the  Admiral  Christopher 
Columbus  to  excite  the  princes  he  was  treating  with  the  more." 


THE  PEOPLE  OF  HAYTI.  203 

counts  of  flourishing  populous  towns,  and  a  civilized,  luxurious 
people,  they  speak  of  towns  composed  of  five  huts,  of  naked 
though  kindly  savages,  from  whom  they  receive  little  gold  trin 
kets,  and  three  of  whom  accompany  them  on  their  return.  All 
of  which,  if  we  are  to  believe  his  biographers,  did  not  dissuade 
Columbus  from  the  idea  that  he  was  in  those  opulent  regions  de 
scribed  by  Marco  Palo  in  gorgeous  and  glowing  colors. 

The  vessels  now  left  Cuba  in  search  of  the  supposed  Babeque, 
during  which  search* Martin  Alonzo  became  separated  from  the 
other  caravels.  At  this,  Columbus  was  greatly  disconcerted ;  he 
seems  to  have  been  very  dependent  upon  Pinzon,  and,  upon  the 
departure  of  the  latter,  becomes  pusillanimously  discouraged,  alleg 
ing  for  every  failure  in  what  he  had  promised  or  represented,  that, 
had  Pinzon  remained  with  him,  it  would  have  been  otherwise. 

Many  authors  can  hardly  find  sufficient  vent  for  their  indig 
nation  at  what  they  term  this  desertion  on  the  part  of  Pinzon  ; 
but  the  latter,  who  had  been  one  of  the  chief  promoters  of  the 
scheme,  can  hardly  have  been  expected  to  take  no  other  part  in 
the  exploration  save  that  of  following  Columbus,  to  whom  he 
certainly  owed  nothing,  but  who  may  be  said  to  have  owed  him 
nearly  every  thing  in  the  accomplishment  of  his  enterprise. 

It  was  on  the  7th  of  December  that  Columbus  first  landed  on 
the  beautiful  island  of  Hayti,  which  was  thenceforward  to  be  the 
chief  scene  of  his  inhumanity  and  crime. 

Here  were  signs  of  greater  civilization  ;  the  ground  was  cul 
tivated.  The  people,  however,  who  fled  in  affright,  were  naked, 
like  the  inhabitants  of  the  other  islands. 

The  Spaniards  captured  a  young  and  handsome  woman,  whose 
sole  apparel  was  a  small  gold  ornament  in  the  nose ;  this,  small 
as  it  was,  served  to  awaken  the  covetous  greed  of  Columbus.  He 
took  possession  of  the  island,  planting,  in  sign  thereof,  a  huge 
wooden  cross ;  the  same,  perhaps,  to  which  Gomara  ascribes  such 
miraculous  healing  powers  in  after-years. 

Peter  Martyr  gives  a  touching  and  it  is  believed  substantially 
truthful  description  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  lovely  island,  show 
ing  that  they  had  little  need  of  missionaries ;  above  all,  such 
wolves  in  sheep's  clothing  as  Columbus. 

"  It  is  certain,"  he  writes,  "  that  the  land  among  these  people 
is  as  common  as  the  sun  and  water ;  and,  that c  mine  and  thine,' 
the  seeds  of  all  misery,  have  no  place  with  them.  They  are  con- 


LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

tent  with  so  little  that,  in  so  large  a  country,  they  have  rather 
superfluity  than  scarceness ;  so  that  they  seem  to  live  in  the 
golden  world,  without  toil,  living  in  open  gardens,  not  in 
trenched  with  dikes,  divided  with  hedges,  or  defended  with 
walls. 

"They  deal  truly  one  with  another,  without  laws,  without 
books,  and  without  judges. 

"  They  take  him  for  an  evil  and  mischievous  man  who  taketh 
pleasure  in  doing  hurt  to  another ;  and,  albeit  they  delight  not 
in  superfluities,  yet  they  make  provision  for  the  increase  of  such 
roots  whereof  they  make  bread,  content  with  such  simple  diet, 
whereby  health  is  preserved  and  disease  avoided."  9S 

When  we  read  the  above,  and  remember  how  all  this  happi 
ness  and  virtue  was  converted  into  misery  and  crime  upon  the 
advent  of  the  Christian,  we  might  almost  fancy  the  following  a 
"leaf  from  the  log-book"  of  Columbus,  so  admirably  does  it 
portray  the  case : 

"  A  purple  island  on  our  lee  . 

Of  coral-growth  to-day  we  made, 
And  down  the  simple  natives  ran, 

Half  in  surprise  and  half  afraid. 
'Poor  heathen  souls! '  our  chaplain  cried, 

And  all  his  mission  zeal  awoke  ; 
A  boat  was  lowered,  he  shot  the  reefs, 

And  singled  out  a  chief  and  spoke  : 

"  '  We  come '  he  said,  '  across  the  seas, 

From  a  great  land,  that  soars  sublime, 
Rich  in  a  faith  direct  from  God 

And  in  the  garnered  spoils  of  time ; 
There  man  is  great  and  woman  fair, 

And  all  in  life  and  death  are  free, 
And  wealth  and  culture  make  the  earth 

What  God  designed  his  earth  to  be.' 

" '  Religion  there  has  lost  its  taint, 

No  superstition  clouds  the  mind  ; 
We  either  worship  God  or  saint, 

Or  both  are  in  one  creed  combined. 
All  mysteries  are  narrowed  down — 

We  have  no  doubt  of  right  or  wrong — 
Mere  questions  about  bread  and  wine, 

And  burning  candles  all  day  long  I 

93  Peter  Martyr,  "  Decade  I.,"  book  iii. 


LEAF  FROM  A  LOG.  205 

'"Science  has  made  us  wise  as  gods, 

Has  made  us  strong  and  potent  too, 
Happy  as  well,  I  need  not  add, 

Since  there  is  naught  we  cannot  do. 
Each  word — our  land  is  great  in  words — 

By  courier  through  the  empire  flies, 
We  ride  on  horses  and  on  mules, 

And  that  must  make  us  good  and  wise. 

" '  Our  rich  are  favorites  of  Heaven ; 

Each  seeks  the  other  to  outvie, 
By  trying  to  create  a  want, 

Or  wants  created,  to  supply. 
Their  virtues  make  them  shining  lights, 

Their  vices  public  service  aid ; 
Luxurious  living  scatters  wealth, 

And  wanton  waste  is  good  for  trade.' 

" i  These  men  are  blest ! '  the  savage  cried, 

'  Favored  of  Fortune  o'er  and  o'er ; 
But  all  your  people  are  not  rich  ? ' 

'  Well,  no,  of  course,  we  have  our  poor : 
Their  toil  is  hard,  their  food  is  scant, 

But  then  they  clearly  understand 
That  God  designed  them  to  be  thus, 

And  not  to  perish  from  the  land. 

"  '  No  doubt  some  hunger  day  by  day, 

Some  toil  on  toil  incessant  heap ; 
But  they  have  all  one  day  of  rest, 

Besides  the  rest  they  get  in  sleep  ! 
And  they  are  taught  that  work  exalts, 

That  toil  the  lot  of  man  will  leaven, 
And,  failing  happiness  on  earth, 

They  can  make  sure  of  it  in  heaven. 

"  '  And  then ' — '  No  more! '  the  savage  cried, 

'  Hence !  to  your  favored  nation  go, 
Leave  us  our  skies,  our  shores,  our  sea, 

The  simple  freedom  that  we  know, 
Leave  us  long  days  of  happy  ease, 

Not  toilsome  weariness  of  breath ; 
Leave  us  a  life  that  is  a  life, 

And  not  endurance  niched  from  death.'  "  94 

94  This  poem,  entitled  "  A  Leaf  from  a  Log,"  appeared  in  an  English  periodical  of 
recent  date.  We  have  slightly  altered  the  fourth  verse,  in  order  to  render  it  appli 
cable  to  the  epoch  of  Columbus. 


206  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

When  the  natives  had  overcome  their  instinctive  fear,  their 
reception  of  the  Spaniards  was  most  kindly.  A  delegation  of 
the  latter  was  sent  to  explore  the  interior,  and  returned  full  of 
praises  of  the  hospitality  they  had  received;  still,  there  were 
no  signs  of  gold  in  abundance.  Columbus,  indeed,  heard  reports 
of  banners  of  wrought  gold,  of  pearls  and  precious  stones,  but, 
beyond  a  few  trinkets  from  the  natives,  he  can  procure  nothing. 
He  understands,  however,  that,  in  another  region,  there  is  abun 
dance.  He  receives  some  masks,  with  eyes  and  ears  of  gold,  and 
some  plates  of  gold,  which  are  "very  thin." 

On  the  24th  of  December,  while  lying  off  the  coast  of  His- 
paniola  (which  was  the  name  he  gave  Hayti),  "  it  pleased  the 
Lord,  seeing  me  gone  to  bed,"  writes  Columbus,  "  and  we  being 
in  a  dead  calm — and  the  sea  as  still  as  water  in  a  dish — all  the 
men  went  to  bed,  leaving  the  helm  to  a  grumete  (apprentice). 
Thus  it  came  to  pass  that  the  current  easily  carried  away  the 
ship  upon  one  of  those  shoals  which,  though  it  was  night,  made 
such  a  roaring  noise  that  they  might  be  heard  and  discovered  a 
league  off." 

Here  the  vessel  struck ;  several  of  the  crew  lowered  a  boat  and 
fled  to  the  other  caravel.  Columbus,  perceiving  imminent  dan 
ger,  as  the  tide  was  ebbing,  ordered  the  masts  to  be  cut  down, 
but  this  tardy  precaution  was  in  vain.  The  St.  Martha,  the  best 
and  largest  of  the  caravels,  was  completely  wrecked.  Yincent 
Yanez  Pinzon  refused  to  receive  the  fugitive  crew  on  board  the 
Nina.  They  therefore  returned  to  the  wreck,  and  Columbus 
bade  them  seek  the  king  of  that  part  of  the  country,  and  inform 
him  of  the  disaster,  telling  him  the  vessel  had  been  lost  in  an  at 
tempt  to  visit  and  serve  him,  and  begging  his  assistance.  This 
he  did,  that  he  might  make  the  chief  feel  in  a  measure  responsi 
ble,  and  secure  his  aid,  with  that  of  his  followers,  to  transport 
the  goods  from  the  wreck  ashore.  There  was  no  necessity  for 
this  lie,  as  the  well-disposed,  kindly  natives  would  have  probably 
tendered  all  the  assistance  in  their  power  to  the  strangers  they 
had  so  hospitably  received  without  it,  but  Columbus  could  never 
persuade  himself  to  adopt  a  straightforward  course  where  a 
crooked  one  was  possible. 

To  his  appeal  the  good  Guacanagari  responded,  not  only  by 
sending  all  the  canoes  and  men  he  could  muster  to  transport  the 


LA  NAVIDAD.  207 

freight  ashore,  but  himself  standing  guard  while  this  was  being 
done,  that  all  might  be  safely  delivered  to  the  Spaniards, 

The  sheer  carelessness  and  incapacity  of  Columbus,  in  thus 
losing  his  vessel  in  a  dead  calm,  are  fully  demonstrated.  "We  do 
not  wonder  he  had  need  of  the  skill  and  superior  knowledge  of 
Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon.  In  his  relation  of  the  accident,  he  again 
shows  the  inconsistency  which  characterizes  him.  We  are  first 
told  that  the  current  carried  the  ship  to  the  shoal ;  then  that  the 
sea  was  ebbing  from  the  shoal,  so  that  the  ship  could  not  move. 
Thus  did  the  elements  combine  and  change  at  his  will,  that  he 
might  appear  blameless  in  the  disaster. 

The  hospitality  and  the  gentle  nature  of  the  savages,  who 
are  the  subjects  of  the  many  eulogiums  pronounced  by  Colum 
bus,  Peter  Martyr,  and  others,  together  with  the  loss  of  his  ves 
sel,  which  would  render  it  almost  impossible  for  the  whole  crew 
to  return  to  Spain,  determined  him  to  form  a  colony  at  the 
spot  where  he  had  landed,  which  he  called  La  Navidad.  Here 
a  fortress  was  built  from  the  remains  of  the  wreck,  "  strong 
enough,"  says  Columbus,  "to  subjugate  the  whole  island." 

He  also  writes  in  his  letter  to  Santangel,  that  La  Navidad  is 
conveniently  situated  for  commerce  with  the  grand-khan,  and 
with  the  continent ;  and  also  offers  great  facilities  for  the  export 
of  slaves,  showing  thus  early  what  were  his  designs  upon  the 
simple  natives  he  so  much  extolled.95 

His  preparations  being  complete,  and  some  forty  men  having 
been  selected  to  remain  in  the  island,  in  charge  of  the  fortress, 
under  Peter  Gutierrez  and  Diego  de  Arana,  orders  were  given 
them  by  Columbus  to  collect  as  much  gold  as  possible  against 
his  return.  He  then  determined  no  longer  to  delay  his  depart 
ure  for  Spain ;  he  feared  that  Pinzon  would  arrive  there  before 
him,  and  complain  of  him  or  speak  against  the  enterprise.  Like 
all  guilty  consciences,  he  feared  an  informer;  and,  though  Pinzon 

95  "  Has  taken  possession  of  all  the  islands  in  the  name  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella 
who  can  dispose  of  them  as  absolutely  as  of  the  kingdom  of  Castile.  Has  taken 
possession  of  a  place  in  the  island  of'  Hispaniola,  which  is  very  well  situated  for  com 
merce  with  the  continent  and  with  the  grand-khan.  He  baptized  the  town  Navidad. 
Has  fortified  it.  ...  Has  made  the  king  his  best  friend,  so  that  he  is  very  proud  of 
the  settlement.  But  even  should  the  natives  change  their  minds,  they  would  be  un 
able  to  do  any  harm  to  the  garrison.  .  .  .  The  garrison  would  suffice  to  destroy  the 
whole  island.  .  .  .  Slaves  might  be  exported  to  any  extent  which  might  be  wanted." — 
CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS  to  the  Escribano  de  Ration,  February  15,  1493. 


208  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

would  not  be  likely  to  represent  as  a  failure  an  enterprise  in 
which  he  had  so  much  involved,  he  may  have  had  it  in  his  power 
to  expose  many  evil  or  absurd  doings  on  the  part  of  Columbus. 
This  the  latter  resolved  he  should  have  no  opportunity  of  doing. 
He  therefore  bade  farewell  to  Guacanagari,  and,  to  inspire  the 
natives  with  awe  for  the  war-implements  of  the  Spaniards,  Fer 
nando  tells  us  his  father  shot  a  bullet  at  the  ship,  which  passed 
right  through  it  and  fell  into  the  water.  What  ship  was  thus 
treated  we  are  not  told  ;  the  material  of  the  wrecked  St.  Martha 
had  been  employed  in  building  the  fortress,  and  it  is  improbable 
that  Columbus  would  have  thus  riddled  a  hole  in  the  Nina,  his 
only  remaining  ship.  Fernando  tells  us  also  that  his  father 
showed  the  natives  swords  and  rapiers,  and  other  arms,  out  of 
which  statement  Mr.  Irving's  brilliant  and  vivid  imagination 
conjures  up  a  princely  entertainment  of  tournaments  and  mock 
fights,  which  it  is  scarcely  probable  the  crew  of  the  little  cara 
vels  would  have  been  competent  to  enact. 

Columbus  now  set  sail  on  his  return -voyage.  Before  leaving 
Hispaniola  he  was  hailed  by  the  Pinta,  and,  though  excessively 
indignant  with  Pinzon,  we  are  told  that  he  restrained  his  wrath, 
knowing  that,  should  an  open  quarrel  take  place,  the  greater  por 
tion  of  the  crew  would  side  with  Pinzon.  He  pretended  that 
Pinzon  had  traded  for  much  gold,  which  he  appropriated  to  him 
self  and  crew.  How  Columbus  acquired  this  information  re 
mains  a  mystery ;  the  crew  of  the  Pinta  would  hardly  have  re 
vealed  a  secret  so  profitable  to  themselves,  still  less  would 
Pinzon  himself  have  made  the  confession. 

Although  Columbus  had  himself  seized  more  than  a  dozen 
natives  to  carry  to  Spain,  he  insisted  that  four  which  Pinzon  had 
on  board  should  be  sent  back  to  their  native  land.  Petty  spite 
and  envy,  together  with  that  base  ingratitude,  common  to  all 
little  minds,  which  causes  them,  when  under  deep  obligations 
(as  was  Columbus  to  Pinzon),  to  seek  some  excuse  for  quarrel, 
that  they  may  appear  justified  in  forgetting  past  favors,  seem  to 
have  actuated  his  conduct  toward  Martin  Alonzo. 

Several  days  were  spent  among  the  islands.  Columbus  saw 
three  mermaids,98  and  two  islands  opposite  each  other,  the  one 
inhabited  solely  by  women  of  a  warlike  nature,  the  other  solely 
by  men  ;  the  latter,  he  recounts,  visit  the  former  once  a  year  to 

96  See  Columbus's  journal ;  "  Herrera,  West  Indies,"  decade  i.,  book  ii.,  chapter  i. 


HEN  WITH  TAILS  AND  DOGS'  HEADS. 


209 


perpetuate  the  race :  the  male  offspring  is  sent  to  the  males,  and 
the  female  portion  is  retained  by  the  Amazonian  natives  of  the 
first  isle. 

Irving,  speaking  of  Columbus' s  repeated  descriptions  of  these 
islands,  and  of  many  other  falsehoods  of  which  he  was  guilty — 
such  as  reporting  encounters  with  mermaids,  men  with  tails, 
dogs'  heads,  one  eye,  together  with  his  assertions  that  the  small 


THINGS  SEEN  BY  COLUMBUS  ON  HIS  FIRST  VOYAGE. — (Grouped  from  De  Bry.) 

island  of  San  Salvador  contained  a  harbor  capable  of  holding  all 
the  ships  in  Christendom,  besides  other  embellishments,  such  as 
hearing  the  song  of  the  nightingale,  unknown  in  the  Western 
Hemisphere — indulgently  states  that  he  was  constantly  deluding 
himself  into  the  belief  that  his  best  hopes  were  realized,  that  he 
was  in  Asia.  It  would  certainly  appear,  however,  from  the  testi 
mony  of  his  son,  already  quoted,  Herrera,  and  others,  that  Co- 
lurnbus  was  the  deluder,  not  the  deluded,  and  that  these  fables 


210 


LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 


were  invented  by  him  as  seeming  corroborations  of  Iris  state 
ment  that  he  bad  been  in  those  regions  described  by  Marco 
Polo.  We  do  not  see  how  one  who  pretends  to  have  seen  what 
never  existed,  can  be  called  self-deluded.  By  this  mild  expedient 
all  extravagant  tales  of  travel  and  adventure  need  no  longer  be 
regarded  as  false.  Sindbad  the  sailor,  Baron  Munchhausen,  Gulli 
ver,  might  merely  have  been  self-deluded  men,  who  believed  im 
plicitly  in  the  truth  of  their  own  stories ;  at  any  rate,  the  same 
credence  should  be  vouchsafed  to  them  as  to  the  creator  of 
fables  of  mermaids,  tailed  and  one-eyed  men,  Amazons,  men 
with  dogs'  heads,  etc.,  etc. 

While  coasting  round  Hispaniola,  the  Spaniards  encountered 
a. warlike  tribe  of  natives,  differing  wholly  from  the  gentle  creat 
ures  they  had  hitherto  dealt  with.  The  first  skirmish  here  took 
place  between  the  Indians  and  Christians.  The  former  were 
routed.  Their  chief,  after  sending  Columbus  the  wampum-belt  of 
peace,  visited  him,  and  on  returning  to  his  home  sent  him  a  coro 
net  of  gold  for  a  present.  Columbus  continued  to  sail  west  for 
some  time,  in  search  of  the  island  of  the  Caribs,  but  finally  re 
solved  to  return  with  all  haste  to  Spain.  A  favorable  wind  aris 
ing,  the  prows  of  the  two  caravels  were  therefore  turned  eastward. 


CHAPTEK  XIII. 

HOMEWAED     VOYAGE. 

FKOM  the  outset  of  this  voyage,  Columbus,  according  to  most 
historians,  encountered  the  most  terrible  storms  that  ever  tossed 
helpless  mariner  upon  the  huge  billows  of  the  deep;  other 
storms  have  raged,  and  will  rage,  but  none  so  awful — they  would 
have  us  believe — as  those  which  assailed  our  hero  on  his  home 
ward  voyage. 

Even  after  the  vessels  had  emerged  from  the  tract  swept  by 
the  trade-winds,  the  storm  continued,  and  Columbus  sought  to 
propitiate  Heaven  by  holy  vows.  First,  he  and  his  crew  cast 
lots,  which  of  them  should  make  a  pilgrimage  to  our  Lady  of 
Guadaloupe.  The  lots  consisted  of  as  many  beans  as  there  were 
men — on  one  of  the  beans  a  cross  had  been  marked; — he  who 
drew  this  one  performed  the  pilgrimage.  The  admiral  drew 
first,  and  the  lot  fell  to  him.  Twice  more  were  lots  cast,  and 
once  again  the  lot  falls  to  Columbus,  but,  the  storm  not  abating, 
the  whole  crew  made  a  vow  that  they  would  go  barefoot  in  their 
shirts  to  a  shrine  dedicated  to  the  Virgin,  at  the  first  land  they 
should  reach. 

Columbus,  during  this  voyage,  "sought  to  confuse  the  pilots 
in  their  reckoning,  so  that  he  alone  might  possess  a  clear  knowl 
edge  of  the  route,"  a  proceeding  which  elicits  any  thing  but  cen 
sure  from  his  biographers. 

The  Pinta,  scudding  before  the  strong  south  wind  which  pre 
vailed,  became  separated  from  the  other  vessel,  and  was  soon  lost 
sight  of  altogether.  The  waves  ran  high,  and  the  Nina,  accord 
ing  to  Fernando  and  others,  was  in  imminent  danger  for  want 
of  ballast,  so  that  Columbus  ordered  the  empty  water-casks  to  be 
filled  with  sea- water. 


212 


LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 


The  various  accounts  of  the  terrible  weather  which  prevailed 
are  very  apochryphal,  inconsistency  and  contradiction  being  con 
stantly  apparent ;  thus,  while  the  son  and  the  majority  of  histo 
rians  report  that  the  ship  was  too  light,  and  had  to  be  ballasted 
as  above,  Columbus,  in  his  letter  to  Santangel,  speaking  of  this 
same  storm,  makes  no  mention  of  any  such  expedient,  but  says, 
on  the  contrary,  that  the  ship  had  to  be  lightened  by  throwing 
the  cargo  overboard.  It  is  difficult  to  decide  which  account  is 
truthful,  or  whether  either  of  them  is  to  be  believed. 

"We  are  next  told  of  Columbus's  expedient,  when  in  imminent 
danger,  for  making  the  world  acquainted  with  his  discovery. 


ARREST  OF  THE  CREW  ABOUT  TO  PERFORM  THEIB  PIOFS  Vow  IN  THE  IBLATTD  OF  ST.  MARY. 


He  wrote,  according  to  his  own  statement,  a  detailed  account  of 
the  voyage,  describing  the  situation  of  the  islands,  their  re 
sources,  etc.,  sealed  and  addressed  it  to  the  king,  wrapped  it  in  a 
waxed  cloth,  placed  the  whole  in  the  centre  of  a  cake  of  wax,  and, 
passing  the  package  through  the  bung-hole  of  an  empty  cask, 
which  he  stopped  up,  cast  it  into  the  sea.  This  story  is,  to  say 
the  least,  improbable ;  and  its  improbability,  together  with  the 
inconsistency  of  the  reports  as  to  the  ballast,  leads  us  to  believe 
that  this  terrific  storm  was  magnified  and  exaggerated,  to  make 
Columbus  appear  the  greater  in  nautical  skill,  ingenuity,  and 
pious  endurance 


COLUMBUS'S   CREW  ARRESTED.  213 

The  Nina  finally  readied  the  island  of  St.  Mary  (one  of  the 
Azores),  where  a  detachment  of  the  crew  was  sent  ashore,  minus 
all  clothing  save  their  shirts,  to  accomplish  the  pious  vow  above 
recorded. 

The  governor  of  the  island,  Castaneda,  had  known  Columbus 
in  his  former  days  of  piracy,  and,  upon  perceiving  this  motley 
crew  parading  the  streets  in  such  unseemly  guise,  and  learning 
under  whom  they  sailed,  he  may  not  improbably  have  imag 
ined  a  piratical  enterprise.  He  had  the  whole  detachment 
arrested,  and  their  boat  seized.  Upon  Columbus  indignantly 
remonstrating,  and  declaring  that  he  was  sailing  in  the  service  of 
the  crown  of  Spain,  the  governor,  at  first  incredulous,  finally 
sent  officers  on  board  to  examine  the  papers  of  the  quondam 
pirate.  Rather  to  his  surprise,  the  assertions  of  Columbus  were 
found  to  be  correct,  whereupon  the  men  were  released,  the  boat 
restored,  the  crew  supplied  with  provisions,  and  Columbus  him 
self  treated  with  all  courtesy  and  kindness.  These  are  the  bare 
facts  in  the  case,  which  Fernando  and  his  successors  do  not  fail 
so  to  embellish  as  to  make  the  proceeding  rather  magnify  the 
glory  of  Columbus  than  otherwise. 

The  former  relates  that  the  King  of  Portugal  had  ordered 
the  arrest  of  the  "  admiral,"  that  Spain  might  be  deprived  of  his 
services.  We  read,  moreover,  that,  upon  the  governor's  refusal 
to  release  his  men  and  boat,  "  the  admiral "  made  a  solemn 
vow,  which  he  called  his  whole  crew  to  witness,  that  he  would 
not  depart  thence  "  till  he  had  taken  one  hundred  Portuguese,  to 
carry  them  into  Castile,  and  destroyed  all  the  island." 

All  this  is  related  in  such  high-flown  language  as  to  inspire 
the  reader  with  an  exalted  idea  of  the  diomified  defiance  of  "  the 

O 

admiral."  But,  when  we  remember  that  forty  men  of  this  small 
expedition  had  been  left  in  Hispaniola  ;  that  the  Pinta,  the  larger 
of  the  two  remaining  vessels,  was  on  her  way  to  Spain,  separated 
from  Columbus ;  and  when  we  read,  in  the  same  chapter " 
which  records  his  vow  to  take  prisoners  and  devastate  an  island, 
that  he  had  but  three  able  seamen  left  on  board,  and  that  he 
was  without  a  boat,  his  threat  savors  much  of  the  Bombastes 
Furioso. 

As  to  the  pretended  orders  from  the  King  of  Portugal  to 
arrest  Columbus,  had  any  such  been  issued,  the  commissions  and 

97  Fernando,  "  Historia  del  Amirante,"  chapter  xxxix. 


214  LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

papers  of  the  admiral  would  have  had  little  power  to  induce  the 
governor  to  disobey  them. 

The  arrest  was  made  by  Castaneda  on  his  own  authority,  he 
having  been  acquainted  with  Columbus's  piratical  antecedents,88 
but,  on  learning  that  the  latter  was  "  leading  a  new  life,"  he  re 
leased  his  men  without  further  ado. 

We,  moreover,  learn  from  Fernando  how  "the  admiral"  in 
formed  the  people  of  St.  Mary  that  he  was  Viceroy  of  the  Indies, 
which  he  had  discovered,  whereat  they  are  reported  to  have  been 
greatly  elated. 

That  Columbus  was  absurdly  boastful,  we  are  ready  to  be 
lieve.  Like  all  parvenus,  he  could  not  remain  silent  as  to  his  rank 
and  achievements,  lest  perchance  they  should  be  ignored ;  but 
we  are  less  ready  to  believe  that  the  Portuguese  of  St.  Mary 
rejoiced  so  exceedingly  because  an  adventurer  in  the  employ  of  a 
rival  power  had  visited  certain  lands,  of  what  importance  soever 
they  might  be. 

Columbus,  after  a  short  sojourn  at  St.  Mary,  resumed  his 
homeward  voyage.  Another  storm  arose,  another  vow  was  made, 
and  lots  are  cast  to  determine  who  shall  go  barefooted,  in  his 
shirt  (a  costume  which  seems  to  have  been  a  favorite  with  our 
hero),  on  a  pilgrimage  to  the  Yirgin  of  Huelva,  and  spend  the 
night  upon  his  knees  before  the  shrine ;  again  the  lot  falls  upon 
Columbus,  "  God  showing  thereby,"  says  his  son,  "  that  his  offer- 
ing  was  more  acceptable  than  those  of  the  others." 

Las  Casas  gives  a  somewhat  different  explanation ;  he  says : 
"  Thus  again  was  expressed  the  disapproval  of  his  proceedings  by 
Providence ;  and  that  these  repeated  visitations  were  sent,  in 
punishment,  for  his  having  torn  from  their  home  the  unfortunate 
natives  who  were  on  board  the  Nina." 

Did  we  believe  in  the  miraculous,  we  should  consider  the  lat 
ter  explanation  by  far  the  more  valid  of  the  two ;  but  it  was  evi 
dently  a  trick  of  Columbus,  whereby  he  might  increase  his  pious 
reputation,  and  gain  credit  with  the  Church.  It  was  not  difficult, 
we  presume,. for  him  to  draw  out  what  he  already  held,  and  the 
frequent  repetition  of  the  farce  makes  it  evident  that  he  had  the 
marked  bean  in  his  hand,  and  thus  manoeuvred,  that  he  might 
appear  miraculously  to  draw  it  every  time,  in  testimony  that  his 
offering  was  the  most  acceptable. 

98  A.  B.  Becher,  "  Landfall  of  Columbus,"  p.  268. 


BOASTFUL  CONDUCT  OF  COLUMBUS.  215 

The  tempest  was  still  at  its  height  when  the  vessel  sighted 
land,  which  proved  to  be  the  rock  of  Lisbon.  Here  Columbus 
was  obliged  to  put  in,  because  of  the  fury  of  the  storm ;  and,  not 
content  with  enlarging  to  the  people  upon  the  unheard-of  wealth 
of  the  countries  he  had  discovered,  he  spread,  or  caused  to  be 
spread,  abroad  a  report  that  the  JSTina  was  loaded  down  with 
gold.  And  then  he  wrote  to  the  King  of  Portugal,  informing 
him  of  his  discoveries,  and  demanding  permission  to  go  on  to  Lis 
bon,  averring  that  he  would  be  more  safe,  as  the  report  concern 
ing  the  gold  might  tempt  the  people,  where  he  then  was,  to 
rob  him. 


COLTTMBTTS  BEFORE  THE  SHBINE  OF  THE  VlBGIN. 

"We  are  not  surprised,  knowing  the  boastful,  false  pride  of  the 
man,  to  find  him  contemptibly  elated  at  being  thus  able  to  flaunt 
his  discovery  in  the  face  of  a  prince  who  had  refused  to  engage 
in  it ;  but  the  arrogance  and  boastfulness  of  the  pirate,  become 
admiral,  exceed  all  belief. 

When  an  officer  summoned  him  to  give  an  account  of  him 
self,  he  replied,  that  the  king's  admirals  were  not  obliged  to 
obey  such  summons,  and  it  was  with  difficulty  he  was  persuaded 
to  show  his  papers ;  but  upon  his  doing  so,  if  we  believe  his  son, 

these  very  Portuguese,  toward  whom  he  is  bearing  himself  thus 
15 


216  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

haughtily,  come  in  all  humility  with  fifes  and  drums  to  receive 
him.  The  people  of  Portugal  rejoice  with  exceeding  great  joy 
that  their  rival  Spain  has  acquired  new  territory,  and,  according 
to  this  admiral,  endless  riches.  They  might  indeed  have  envied, 
but  it  was  not  in  human  nature  to  rejoice.  The  whole  of  this 
enthusiasm  was  evidently  invented  by  Columbus  and  his  son, 
and  but  too  greedily  caught  up  and  exaggerated  by  subsequent 
writers. 

Irving,  after  the  brilliant  account  he  gives  of  the  reception 
of  Columbus  in  Portugal,  and  of  the  honors  paid  him  there, 
somewhat  inconsistently  adds : 

"  His  rational  exultation  was  construed  into  an  insulting 
triumph,  and  they  accused  him  of  assuming  a  boastful  tone 
when  talking  with  the  king  of  his  discoveries,  as  if  he  would  re 
venge  himself  upon  the  monarch  for  having  rejected  his  propo 
sition.  .  .  . 

"  The  Portuguese  historians,  in  general,  charge  Columbus  with 
having  conducted  himself  loftily  with  the  king.  .  .  .  Faria  y 
Souza,  in  c  Europa  Portuguesa,5  goes  so  far  as  to  say  that  Colum 
bus  entered  into  the  port  of  Rastello  merely  to  make  Portugal 
sensible,  by  the  sight  of  the  trophies  of  his  discovery,  how  much 
she  had  lost  by  not  accepting  his  propositions." 

Knowing  what  we  do  of  the  character  of  Columbus,  far  from 
considering  this  view  of  the  case  exaggerated,  we  should  have 
been  surprised  had  he  not  so  conducted  himself.  What  surprises 
us  is,  that  historians  should  represent  the  King  of  Portugal  as 
humbling  himself  to  the  utmost,  notwithstanding  all  this  flaunt 
ing  arrogance.  He  invited  (we  read)  Columbus  to  see  him ;  the 
latter  (always  magnifying  his  own  importance,  and  always  a 
coward)  feared  that  his  assassination  was  intended,  but  finally 
condescended  so  far  as  to  visit  the  monarch.  The  latter  (accord 
ing  to  the  universally-repeated  story)  bade  him  sit  in  his  pres 
ence,  don  his  cap,  and  of  course,  that  the  importance  of  the 
affair  may  be  complete,  insinuated  that  this  great  conquest  be 
longed  by  right  to  Portugal,  etc.,  etc.  The  most  prominent  man 
of  the  kingdom  was  assigned  as  the  host  of  Columbus ;  the 
queen  earnestly  entreats  him  not  to  pass  her  by  without  visiting 
her ;  in  short,  this  ,ci-devant  pirate  (should  we  believe  his  son 
and  other  biographers)  is,  at  the  court  of  the  monarch  who  had 
refused  his  services  on  account  of  his  exorbitant  claims,  and 


HIS  CONDUCT  CENSURABLE. 


21T 


from  whose  dominions  he  had  ignominiously  fled,  a  second  Mor- 
decai,  the  man  "whom  the  king  delighteth  to  honor!" 

Allowing  this  extremely  improbable  relation  to  be  true,  and 
Columbus  to  have  received  these  honors,  it  was  wanting  in  good 
taste  and  delicacy  for  him  to  accept  them ;  his  reporting  his  dis 
coveries  to  another  and  rival  monarch,  before  doing  so  to  the 
sovereigns  who  had  employed  him,  was  itself  an  act  deserving 
the  severest  censure,  and  which  no  desire  to  excite  the  envy  and 
regret  of  Portugal  can  justify  or  palliate. 


EABO  DB  JUNCO. 


CHAPTEE  XIY. 

AND  RECEPTION   AT   BARCELONA. 

COLUMBUS  remained  in  Lisbon  ten  days ;  and  finally,  on  Fri 
day,  the  15th  of  March,  1493,  arrived  at  the  port  of  Palos,  seven 
months  and  eleven  days  having  elapsed  since  his  departure 
therefrom,  August  3,  1492. 

Here,  on  the  same  day,  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon  anchored  be 
fore  his  native  town.  He  had  sent  the  sovereigns  word  of  his 
return,  but  they  had  already  received  a  dispatch  from  Columbus, 
at  Lisbon,  in  which  he  had  basely  enlarged  upon  what  he  termed 
the  "  insubordination  of  Pinzon."  The  latter,  therefore,  received 
a  prohibition  to  appear  at  court,  which  so  deeply  wounded  his 
pride,  and  so  bitterly  reminded  him  of  the  ingratitude  of  men, 
that  he  returned  to  his  home,  sick  at  heart  and  in  body.  He 
shortly  after  died,  it  is  said,  of  a  broken  heart,  caused  by  the 
manner  in  which  the  sovereigns  rewarded  him  for  having 
bravely  embarked  in  the  enterprise  at  its  unpromising  outset, 
and  at  the  jreturn  Columbus  gave  him  for  having  protected  him 
in  adversity,  supplied  him  with  the  funds  without  which  he  was 
powerless  to  carry  out  his  scheme,  and  finally  accompanied  him 
to  encourage  an  unwilling  crew.  Thus  died  a  man  both  good 
and  brave,  a  victim  to  the  ingratitude  of  one  who  possessed 
neither  of  these  qualities. 

Time  and  history  will  each  year  show  the  name  of  Pinzon 
in  a  fairer  light,  while,  should  justice  and  truth  obtain,  that  of 
Columbus  will  each  year  lose  more  and  more  of  its  borrowed 
lustre. 

Leaving  his  broken-hearted  benefactor  to  die,  "  the  admiral " 
started  from  Palos  to  present  himself  to  the  sovereigns  at  Bar 
celona.  He  was  a  month  in  reaching  his  destination  ;  "  being 


JOURNEY  TO  BARCELONA.  219 

obliged,"  says  his  son,  "  to  stay  some  little,  by  the  way,  though 
but  never  so  little,"  to  gratify  the  curiosity  of  the  people  in  the 
cities  through  which  he  passed.  We  presume  it  required  little 
persuasion  to  induce  the  admiral  to  make  all  the  parade  in  his 
power. 

Fernando,  in  his  life  of  his  father,"  would  have  his  readers 
believe  that  there  was  much  joy  in  Barcelona  upon  the  arrival 
of  the  latter.  His  statement  is  indorsed  by  Herrera,  but  Mr. 
Irving  gives  a  still  more  glowing  account  of  the  transaction. 


CHBISTOPHEB  COLTJMBTTS.— (From  Herrera's  "  West  Indies.1') 

For  various  reasons  we  believe,  however,  that  no  such  dem 
onstration  took  place  as  that  described  by  Fernando.  These 
reasons  are  obvious. 

We  will  follow  the  gradual  growth  in  the  description  of  this 
pageant,  as  it  passes  from  pen  to  pen,  of  the  authors  who  vie 
with  each  other  in  covering  Columbus  with  glory. 

99  "  Historia  del  Amirante,"  chapter  xlii. 


220  LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

The  first  account  seems  to  have  been  written  by  Peter 
Martyr,  a  contemporary,  who,  in  his  correspondence  with  many 
distinguished  persons  of  the  day,  noted  most  of  the  passing  inci 
dents  and  events  of  the  Spanish  court. 

He  thus  relates  the  affair  to  Fernando  de  Talavera,  Arch 
bishop  of  Granada,  under  date  of  February  1,  1494 : 

"  The  king  and  queen,  on  the  return  of  Columbus  to  Barce 
lona,  from  his  honorable  enterprise,  appointed  him  admiral  of 
the  ocean  sea,  and  caused  him,  on  account  of  his  illustrious 
deeds,  to  be  seated  in  their  presence  ;  an  honor  and  a  favor,  as 
you  know,  the  highest  with  our  sovereigns.  They  have  dis 
patched  him  again  to  those  regions,  furnished  with  a  fleet  of 
eighteen  ships.  There  is  a  prospect  of  great  discoveries  in  the 
antarctic  antipodes."  . 

This  is  all  that  Peter  Martyr,  the  distinguished  letter-writer, 
says  of  a  reception  which  Irving  leads  us  to  believe  was  the  talk 
of  every  tongue,  the  admiration  of  a  world. 

The  next  writer  in  chronological  order,  who  speaks  of  the 
arrival  of  Columbus  in  Barcelona,  is  his  son  Fernando.  With 
him  the  account  given  by  Peter  Martyr  grows  somewhat ;  he 
says  :  "  Thus  holding  on  his  way,  he  got  to  Barcelona  about  the 
middle  of  April,  having  before  sent  their  Highnesses  an  account 
of  the  happy  success  of  his  voyage,  which  was  extraordinary 
pleasing  to  them,  and  they  ordered  him  a  most  solemn  reception, 
as  to  a  man  who  had  done  them  such  singular  service.  All  the 
court  and  city  went  out  to  meet  him  ;  and  their  Catholic  Majes 
ties  sat  in  public  with  great  state,  on  rich  chairs,  under  a  canopy 
of  cloth-of-gold,  and,  when  he  went  to  kiss  their  hands,  they 
stood  up  to  him  as  to  a  great  lord,  made  a  difficulty  to  give  him 
their  hands,  and  caused  him  to  sit  down." 

Herrera  copies  substantially  from  the  above,  but  enlarges 
in  his  turn ;  and,  passing  over  numerous  other  authors,  we  come 
to  Mr.  Irving' s  admirably-written  but  delusive  history  of  Colum 
bus,  and  find  the  following : 

"  The  fame  of  his  discovery  had  resounded  throughout  the 
nation,  and,  as  his  route  lay  through  several  of  the  finest  and 
most  populous  provinces  of  Spain,  his  journey  appeared  like  the 
progress  of  a  sovereign.  Wherever  he  passed,  the  surrounding 
country  poured  forth  its  inhabitants,  who  lined  the  road  and 
villages.  In  the  large  towns,  the  streets,  windows,  and  balco- 


TEIUMPHAL  ENTRY  INTO  BARCELONA.  221 

nies,  were  filled  with  eager  spectators,  who  rent  the  air  with  ac 
clamations.  ...  It  was  about  the  middle  of  April  that  Colum 
bus  arrived  at  Barcelona,  where  every  preparation  had  been 
made  to  give  him  a  solemn  and  magnificent  reception. 

•"  The  beauty  and  serenity  of  the  weather  in  that  genial  sea 
son  and  favored  climate  contributed  to  give  splendor  to  this 
memorable  ceremony.  As  he  drew  near  the  place,  many  of  the 
more  youthful  courtiers  and  hidalgos  of  gallant  bearing,  together 
with  a  vast  concourse  of  the  people,  came  forth  to  meet  and  wel 
come  him.  His  entrance  into  this  noble  city  has  been  compared 
to  one  of  those  triumphs  which  the  Romans  were  accustomed  to 
decree  to  conquerors.  First,  were  paraded  the  Indians,  painted 
according  to  their  savage  fashion,  and  decorated  *  with  their  na 
tional  ornaments  of  gold.  After  these  were  borne  various  kinds 
of  live  parrots,  together  with  stuffed  birds  and  animals  of  un 
known  species,  and  rare  plants,  supposed  to  be  of  precious  quali 
ties  ;  while  great  care  was  taken  to  make  a  conspicuous  display 
of  Indian  ornaments,  bracelets,  and  other  decorations  of  gold, 
which  might  give  an  idea  of  the  wealth  of  the  newly-discovered 
regions.  After  this  followed  Columbus  on  horseback,  surrounded 
by  a  brilliant  cavalcade  of  Spanish  chivalry.  The  streets  were 
almost  impassable  from  the  countless  multitude ;  the  windows 
and  balconies  were  crowded  with  the  fair ;  the  very  roofs  were 
covered  with  spectators.  It  seemed  as  if  the  public  eye  could 
not  be  sated  with  gazing  on  the  trophies  of  an  unknown  world, 
or  on  the  remarkable  man  by  whom  it  had  been  discovered. 
There  was  a  solemnity  in  this  event,  that  mingled  a  solemn  feel 
ing  with  the  public  joy.  It  was  looked  upon  as  a  vast  and  sig 
nal  dispensation  of  Providence,  as  a  reward  for  the  piety  of  the 
monarchs.  ...  To  receive  him  with  suitable  pomp  and  distinc 
tion,  the  sovereigns  had  ordered  their  throne  to  be  placed  in 
public,  under  a  rich  canopy  of  brocade  of  gold,  in  a  vast  and 
splendid  saloon.  Here  the  king  and  queen  awaited  his  arrival, 
seated  in  state,  with  the  Prince  Juan  beside  them ;  and  attended 
by  the  dignitaries  of  their  court,  and  the  principal  nobility  of 
Castile,  Valencia,  Catalonia,  and  Aragon,  all  impatient  to  behold 
the  man  who  had  conferred  such  incalculable  benefit  upon  the 
nation.  At  length  Columbus  entered  the  hall,  surrounded  by  a 
brilliant  crowd  of  cavaliers.  ...  As  Columbus  approached,  the 
sovereigns  arose,  as  if  receiving  a  prince  of  the  highest  rank. 


222  /  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

/ 
his  knees  he  recpested  to  kiss  their  hands ;  but  there 

10  hesitation  on  the  part  of  their  majesties  to  permit 
of  vassalage.  Raising  him  in  the  most  gracious  man- 
they  ordered  him  to  seat  himself  in  their  presence  :  a  rare 
in  this  proud  and  punctilious  court.  At  the  request  of 
r  majesties,  Columbus  noXv  gave  an  account  of  the  most 
•iking  events  in  his  voyage,  and  a  description  of  the  islands 
which  he  had  discovered,  .  .  .  The  words  of  Columbus  were 
listened  to  with  the  most  profound  emotion  by  the  sovereigns. 
When' he  had  finished, -they  sank  on  their  knees,  and,  raising 
their  clasped  hands  to  heaven,  their  eyes  filled  with  tears  of  joy 
and  gratitude,  they  poured  forth  thanks  and  praises  to  God  for 
so  great  aj^ovidence :  all  present  followed  their  example,  a 
deep  and  solemn  enthusiasm  pervaded  that  splendid  assembly, 
and  prevented  all  common  acclamations  of  triumph.  The  an 
them  of  Te  Deum  laudamus,  chanted  by  the  choir  of  the  royal 
(/  chapel,  with  the  melodious  responses  of  the  minstrels,  rose  up 
from  tjae  midst  in  a  full  body  of  sacred  harmony,  bearing  up,  as 
it  wjefe,  the  feelings  and  thoughts  of  the  auditors  to  heaven.  .  .  . 
Such  was  the  solemn  and  pious  manner  in  which  the  brilliant 
court  of  Spain  celebrated  this  subliipe  event ;  offering  up  a 
grateful  tribute  of  melodious  praise,  and  giving  glory  to  God  for 
the  discovery  of  another  world."  / 

Such  events,  in  which  display  and  pomp  play  the  greater 
part,  are  generally  most  graphically  Described  by  contemporaries 
and  eye-witnesses,  who  have  the  scene  yet  present  to  their 
minds ;  and  these  descriptions  rather  dwindle  and  weaken  as 
they  pass  from  one  historian  to  another. 

How  much  more  distinctly  does  Froissart  bring  before  us  tour 
naments,  procession^  and  ceremonies  of  his  time,  than  the  sub 
sequent  historians  wno  recount  them  ;  how  many  details  we  find 
in  his  chronicles  which  conjure  up  the  scene  with  startling  real 
ity,  and  which  we  look  for  in  vain  elsewhere  :  and  this  is  owing, 
not  so  much  to  his  superior  powers  of  description,  as  to  the  fact 
that  he  was  himself  a  spectator  or  participant  in  what  he  de 
scribed.  But  with  this  receptTm^t^Barcelona  the  revers^fakes 
place ;  the  description  increases  in  detail  and  coloring  as  it  comes 
down  to  us,  because  the  imagination,  and  not  the  facts,  play  the 
greater  part :  imagination,  from  a  simple,  unadorned  statement 
of  a  prosaic  or  unimportant  fact,  will  create  a  wondrous  scene. 


TRIUMPHAL  ENTRY.  223 

For  the  writer  of  fiction  and  romance  this  is  a  glorious  gift, 
but  a  most  dangerous  one  for  the  historian,  who,  when  pos 
sessed  of  it,  will  too  often  represent  facts  as  he  would  have  Had 
them,  rather  than  as  they  were.  Thus  it  is  that  out  of  the 
words  of  Peter  Martyr  ("  caused  him  to  be  seated  in  their  pres 
ence")  a  scene  is  created  which,  were  we  to  believe  Mr.  Irving, 
was  the  grandest  pageant  history  records.  "  Behold  how  great 
a  matter  a  little  fire  kindleth  ! " 

Again,  had  all  Spain  gone  forth  to  receive  Columbus  with 
acclamations,  would  Martyr,  when  writing,  a  year  after  the,  oc 
currence  took  place,  to  Fernando  de  Talavera,  confessor  to  the 
queen,  Archbishop  of  Granada,  and  member  of  the  royal  hofnse- 
hold,  speak  to  him  of  the  return  of  Columbus  as  of  something  of 
which  he  did  not  think  it  likely  he  would  be  informed  ?  "Would 
not  the  ready  pen  and  fluent  language  of  Peter  Martyr  have 
made  the  most  of  such  a  scene — particularly  when  we  consider 
that  he  is  represented  as  having  ]>een  intimate  with  Columbus, 
and  is  declared  by  Las  Casas  to^e  the  highest  authority  on  mat 
ters  relating  to  the  discovery  of  the  Indies,  as  he  received  his 
information  from  Columbus  himself? 

ISTor  are  we  without  further  evidence  that  the  description  of 
the  reception  prepared  for  Columbus  at  Barcelona  is  a  gratui 
tous  embellishment  on  the  part  of  modern  historians. 

That  eminent  tourist,  antiquarian,  and  scholar,  the  late 
George  Sumner,  gives  the  following  curious  item,  which 
corroborates  our  view  of  the  case : 

"  From  the  brilliant  description  given  by  Irving  and  Pres- 
cott  of  the  arrival  of  Columbus  at  Barcelona,  and  of  his  recep-/ 
tion  there  by  the  Catholic  sovereigns,  it  seemed  to  me  as  prob 
able  that  some  contemporary  account  of  the  arrival  and  recep 
tion,  as  well  as  of  the  sojourn  of  Columbus,  might  be  found  at 
Barcelona ;  and,  while  there,  in  the  spring  of  1844,  I  searched 
the  admirably-arranged  archives  of  Aragon,  and  also/those  of 
the  city  of  Barcelona,  for  such  notice,  but  without  aiiy  success. 
I  could  not  so  much  as  find  a  mention  of  the  name/of  Columbus. 
The  'Dietaria,'  or  day-book  of  Barcelona,  notice/ the  arrival  of 
ambassadors,  the  movements  of  the  king  ancU'tjueen,  and  even 
records  incidents  of  as  trifling  note  as  those  which  in  our 
day  serve  to  fill  the  columns  of  a  couft  journal ;  yet  not  a 
word  appears  in  regard  to  Columbus/v.  •  In  the  c  Dietaria '  of 


224  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

Barcelona,  under  date  of  15th  of  November  1492,  is  the  follow 
ing  entry :  i  The  king,  queen,  and  primogenito,  entered  to-day 
the  city,  and  lodged  in  the  palace  of  the  Bishop  of  Urgil  in  the 
Calle  Ancha.'  This  is  followed  by  a  description  of  the  festivities 
which  ensued  :  '  1493,  4th  February,  king  and  queen  went  to 
Alserat.  14th,  king  and  queen  returned  to  Barcelona.' " 

Thus  is  another  popular  error  exploded  upon  which  sensa 
tional  historians  have  drawn  so  largely  for  their  most  striking 
chapters.  Few  of  our  readers  will  perhaps  thank  us  for  thus 
stripping  Truth  of  the  gay  garments  wherewith  she  has  been 
decked  for  their  greater  delectation  and  amusement,  but  the 
truth,  naked  and  prosaic,  appears  to  have  been  that  Columbus 
was  received  by  the  king  and  queen  at  the  Calle  Ancha,  and 
allowed  to  sit  in  their  presence  while  he  gave  the  history  of 
his  voyage. 

He  assured  their  majesties  that  those  whom  he  had  left  in 
the  island  could  not  fail  to  collect  a  ton  of  gold  before  his  re 
turn.  He  dwelt  upon  the  riches  he  professed  to  have  heard  of 
from  the  natives,  and  talked  largely  of  being  soon  able  to  raise 
such  an  army  as  should  release  the  Holy  Sepulchre  from  the 
grasp  of  the  infidel.  Wealth,  he  declared,  was  to  be  gathered 
without  cost  and  without  labor.  The  riches  of  Asia  were  at 
the  command  of  Spain.  Upon  these  representations  (how  false 
we  need  not  repeat)  of  the  glowing  success  of  his 'expedition, 
the  title  of  admiral  was  confirmed  to  him  by  royal  edict,  as  well 
as  the  privileges  enumerated  at  length  in  the  act  granting  him 
that  rank. 

An  order,  dated  Barcelona,  30th  of  May,  1493,  after  the 
usual  wordy  preamble,  reads  as  follows : 

"  To  honor  and  promote  you  and  your  descendants  and 
lineage  in  perpetuity,  we  have  thought  proper,  and  it  is  our  de 
sire,  and  we  give  you  authority  to  bear  on  your  shield  of  arms, 
a  castle  and  a  lion,  which  we  give  you  for  arms  ;  that  is  to  say, 
the  castle  or,  on  a  field  vert,  in  the  dexter  quarter ;  and  in  the 
sinister  quarter,  a  lion  purpura,  rampant,  on  a  field  argent; 
and  in  the  dexter  base  quarter,  some  islands  or,  in  waves  of  the 
sea,  and  in  the  sinister  base  quarter  the  arms  which  you  are 
accustomed  to  bear ;  which  above  said  arms  shall  be  acknowl 
edged  as  yours,  and  those  of  your  descendants  in  perpetuity 
hereafter." 


ARMORIAL  FICTIONS. 


225 


"We  have  read  much  of  the  motto — 
"  A  Oastilla  y  a  Leon 
Nuevo  mundo  dio  Colon  " — 

and  of  its  being  awarded  to  Columbus  by  the  sovereigns,  that  he 
might  bear  it  on  his  arms  as  some  recompense  for  his  mighty 
deeds ;  we  find  it,  moreover,  inscribed  on  the  existing  coat-of- 
arms  of  the  family,  by  Captain  Galardi,  in  the  fulsome  dedica 


tion  from  which  we  have  already  quoted,  and  from  which  we 
take  the  above  engraving.  It  is  therefore  with  some  surprise 
that  we  find  no  mention  of  any  such  motto,  not  only  in  the 
above  act  granting  the  coat-of-arms,  nor  in  any  of  the  authentic 
documents  in  which  the  transactions  between  our  hero  and  the 
crown  are  recorded.  Nor  is  it  once  alluded  to  by  Columbus ; 
vanity  would  undoubtedly  have  prompted  him  to  dwell  largely, 
in  the  latter  part  of  his  life,  when  he  had  fallen  into  disgrace, 


226  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

and  was  vainly  seeking  to  secure  some  prestige  at  court,  upon  so 
striking  and  public  an  acknowledgment  on  the  part  of  the 
sovereigns. 

One  of  the  early  historians  speaks  of  the  coat-ot-arms,  as 
above,  and  says :  "  To  this  he  "  (Columbus)  "  afterward  added 
the  motto — 

'  To  Castile  and  to  Leon 
A  ne\v  world  gave  Colon.'  " 

Fernando  does  not  even  pretend  that  the  device  existed  in  the 
lifetime  of  his  father,  but  speaks  of  it  as  having  been  placed  on  a 
magnificent  tomb  erected  to  his  memory  at  Seville.  ~No  such  in 
scription  or  tomb  is  there  to  be  found,  and  as  the  reputation  of 
Columbus  has  increased,  or  rather  its  glory  been  wholly  created, 
since  his  death,  we  may  safely  presume,  had  such  an  inscription 
existed  when  Fernando  wrote  the  history  of  his  father,  it  would 
have  been  preserved  to  our  time.  Of  this,  however,  we  will 
speak  more  at  length  in  due  season  (see  Chapter  XXYIIL). 

That  the  motto  in  question  was  never  granted  .  Columbus  as 
the  legend  of  his  coat-of-arms,  is  certain  ;  whether  it  was  the 
invention  of  Christopher,  or  Fernando  Columbus,  we  cannot 
determine  ;  but  that  it  emanated  from  the  fertile  brain  of  one  or 
the  other  is  evident,  for,  had  it  been  granted  him  officially,  there 
would  either  be  some  mention  of  it  in  the  act  granting  him  a 
coat-of-arms,  or,  if  it  were  afterward  added,  some  formal  state 
ment  to  that  effect  would  exist ;  but  such  a  statement  is  not  to 
be  found. 

With  his  too  evident  desire  to  mystify  in  all  matters  where 
the  truth  might  belittle  Columbus,  Irving,  speaking  of  the  coat- 
of-arms,  vaguely  adds:  "To  this  was  afterward  added  the 
motto,  <  A  Castilla,' "  etc. 

He  does  not  say  it  was  granted  by  the  sovereigns,  but  such 
would  be  the  inference  of  every  reader  unacquainted  with  the 
truth. 

The  item  of  the  grant  which  authorized  Columbus  to  bear 
his  own  arms  on  the  lower  sinister  quarter  of  the  escutcheon 
was  somewhat  superfluous,  though  none  of  his  biographers  men 
tion  the  fact.  A  coat-of-arms  was  an  ensign  of  nobility,  and 
Columbus' s  most  zealous  advocate,  -  Spotorno,  admits  that  he 
must  have  been  of  ignoble  birth,  very  rationally  adding  that,  had 
it  been  otherwise,  "he"  (Columbus)  "would  most  certainly  have 


ARMS   OF  COLUMBUS. 


227 


boasted  of  the  fact  to  the  haughty  Spanish  nobles,"  who  could 
never  consider  the  pirate  admiral  their  compeer.100  It  is  evident 
that  he  possessed  no  arms,  as  the  quarter  allotted  to  them  was 
filled  with  several  anchors ;  this  goes  far  to  prove  that  the  much- 
talked-of  coat-of-arms  was  granted  rather  from  necessity  than 
as  a  reward.  The,  Admiral  of  Spain  could  not  be  other  than 
noble;  none  were  noble  who  bore  no  escutcheon;  when,  there 
fore,  the  rank  of  admiral,  which  gave  him  a  place  among  the 
high-born  of  Spain,  was  confirmed  to  Columbus,  the  insignia  of 
nobility  was  of  necessity  added. 

100  Spotorno,  "  Int.,"  pp.  xciii.,  xciv. 


THE  MANATI,  AS  REPRESENTED  IN  PHILOPONO. — See  Appendix. 


CHAPTER  XY. 

SECOND   VOYAGE   OF   COLUMBUS. 

THE  golden  falsehoods  of  Columbus  fired  the  cupidity  not 
only  of  the  sovereigns,  but  of  many  of  the  Spanish  hidalgos ; 
with  all  haste  a  dispatch  was  sent  to  the  Pope  (Alexander  VI.), 
requesting  a  grant  of  the  lands  discovered,  which  was  imme 
diately  granted.  The  promptitude  with  which  the  sovereign 
pontiff  deeded  a  continent  of  unknown  limits  to  Spain,  can  only 
be  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  he  was  himself  a  Spaniard  by 
birth,  and  that,  in  her  zeal  for  the  Church  and  vigorous  prosecu 
tion  of  the  Inquisition,  Isabella  might  be  termed  the  right  arm 
of  the  Church. 

No  sooner  was  the  papal  grant  received,  than  a  fleet  of  seven 
teen,  according  to  some — eighteen  vessels,  according  to  others — 
was  forthwith  equipped ;  and  so  many  of  high  and  low  degree 
were  anxious  to  form  part  of  the  expedition,  that  this  time  it 
was  not  a  question  of  compelling  an  unwilling  crew  to  undertake 
the  voyage,  but  of  inducing  equally  unwilling  citizens  to  remain 
behind. 

On  the  25th  of  September  the  fleet,  well  freighted  with  all 
the  necessaries  for  colonization,  and  with  about  fifteen  hundred 
Spaniards  of  all  ranks,  eager  for  the  wealth  Columbus  had  prom 
ised,  left  the  port  of  Cadiz.  They  proceeded  to  the  Canary 
Islands,  on  leaving  which,  Columbus  gave  to  the  captain  of  each 
ship  sealed  instructions  containing  directions  as  to  the  route  he 
was  to  pursue ;  these,  however,  were  only  to  be  opened  in  case 
the  ships  became  separated  from  Columbus  by  adverse  weather ; 
"for,"  says  Fernando,  "he  did  not  wish  the  route  to  be  known, 
unless  there  was  great  need" — another  evidence  that  he  regarded 
the  enterprise  as  a  secret  which  had  fortunately  come  into  his 


SAN  DOMINGO— CANNIBAL  SLAVES.  229 

possession  for  his  own  advancement,  and  not  as  the  means  of 
benefiting  humanity  or  the  kingdom  of  Spain. 

Remembering  the  current  which  the  unfortunate  Pinzon  had 
been  the  first  to  discover  on  the  previous  voyage,  this  time 
Columbus  pursued  a  straight  course,  and,  after  twenty  days' 
sailing,  arrived,  on  the  3d  of  November,  at  an  island  which  he 
named  San  Domingo,  after  the  day  of  the  week,  which  was  Sun 
day.  No  inhabitants  were  seen.  Another  island  was  passed, 
and  named  Mari-galante,  after  the  admiral's  ship ;  the  next, 
G-uadalupe,  after  a  monastery  in  Spain  ;  this  island  was  large, 
and  on  the  shore  they  found  a  village,  or  settlement,  the  inhab 
itants  of  which  had  fled,  leaving  only  children.  Among  various 
things  which  Columbus  reports  as  having  been  found  in 'this  vil 
lage,  he  speaks  of  an  iron  pan.  Fernando,  probably  aware  at 
the  period  in  which  he  wrote  his  history  that  iron  utensils  were 
unknown  among  the  natives,  makes  more  explanation  than  the 
case  would  seem  to  require,  unless  he  considered  his  father's 
reputation  for  veracity  in  peril.  He  conjectures  that  it  might 
have  been  stone  that  resembled  iron,  that  it  might  have  come 
from  the  settlement  at  Hispaniola,  or  from  the  wrecked  ships  ; 
he  seems,  in  fact,  most  eager  to  prove  his  father  truthful — a  false 
hood  notwithstanding. 

It  is  a  matter  of  wonder  to  the  reader  of  the  history  of  Colum 
bus,  that  he  did  not,  upon  arriving  at  the  islands,  at  once  pro 
ceed  to  the  relief  of  the  colony  he  had  left  at  Navidad  ;  but  the 
reason  soon  becomes  apparent  when  we  read  that  at  Guadalupe 
the  admiral  sent  a  boat  ashore  on  the  5th  of  November,  "  to  take 
somebody  to  inform  him  of  his  whereabouts,  and  which  way 
Hispaniola  lay."  101  A  youth  and  six  women  were  accordingly 
taken,  and  from  them  Columbus  professes  to  learn  that  they  are 
prisoners  of  a  race  of  cannibals,  who  enslaved  the  women  and 
devoured  the  men  they  captured  in  war. 

This  is  the  first  time  the  grave  charge  of  cannibalism  is  pre 
ferred  against  the  natives  of  the  New  World,  a  charge  which  in 
vestigation  and  the  laws  of  Nature  alike  show  to  be  false.  The 
Indians  in  those  islands,  on  the  showing  of  Columbus  himself,102 

101  "  Historia  del  Amirante,"  chapter  xlvii. 

102  In  the  bull  of  Pope  Alexander  VI.,  deeding  the  lands  to  Spain,  which  is  affirmed 
to  have  been  granted  solely  on  the  testimony  of  Columbus,  the  inhabitants  of  the  islands 
are  described  as  "numerous,  live  peaceably,  and,  as  it  is  affirmed,  go  naked,  and  feed 
not  upon  jfosA." 


230  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

lived  chiefly  upon  the  nutritious  roots  which  grow  in  their  fer 
tile  homes,  a  diet  which  they  varied  with  the  fish  which  were 
found  in  such  abundance  in  their  rivers  and  along  their  shores. 
Nothing  in  the  temperature  of  that  region,  or  the  temperament 
of  the  natives,  would  lead  them  to  such  a  practice. 

What,  then,  were  the  reasons  which  induced  Columbus  to 
prefer  against  them  so  monstrous  a  charge  ? 

They  are  obvious.  His  enterprise,  unless  the  means  of  en 
riching  Spain,  would  avail  him  nothing  in  the  eyes  of  that  king 
dom  or  its  sovereigns  ;  the  gold  he  had  promised  so  largely  was 
only  forthcoming  in  the  smallest  quantities  ;  the  spices  of  Asia 
were  not  to  be  found  at  all ;  he  then  turned  his  thoughts  toward 
the  gentle  natives,  who — the  reminiscences  of  his  experience  in 
the  Guinea-trade  present  in  his  mind — suggested  themselves  as 
a  source  of  wealth.  It  was  his  intention  to  enslave  them  from 
the  first,  as  is  manifest  in  his  letter  to  Santangel,  written  on  his 
return  from  his  first  voyage,  and  in  which  he  speaks  of  the  facili 
ties  which  the  port  of  Navidad  offers  for  the  export  of  slaves. 
He  may  have  spoken  of  this  to  Queen  Isabella,  who,  to  do  her 
justice,  was  unwilling,  at  the  outset,  when  she  expected  to 
acquire  wealth  of  a  different  nature  from  these  islands,  to  treat 
her  new  subjects  thus  outrageously. 

Columbus,  still  bent  upon  the  establishment  of  slavery, 
sought  some  excuse,  therefore,  and  the  most  plausible  was,  to 
represent  his  victims  as  monsters,  feeding  upon  human  flesh, 
whom  to  enslave  was  to  civilize.  The  story,  moreover,  would 
appear  as  a  corroborative  proof  that  he  was  in  Asia,  as  many 
fables  were  then  current  reporting  the  existence  of  man-eaters  in 
the  extreme  east  of  the  continent ;  he  would  thus  accomplish  a 
double  object. 

Accordingly,  on  his  return  to  the  islands  on  his  second  voy 
age,  he  prefers  the  charge ;  and  the  document  he  dispatched  to 
the  sovereigns  during  his  second  sojourn  in  Hispaniola,  with  the 
comments  they  made  on  his  propositions,  show  alike  his  motive 
and  the  objections  he  strove  to  subvert. 

The  first  part  of  this  document  relates  to  the  necessary  pro 
vision  for  the  colony,  and  contains  excuses  for  not  sending  gold, 
together  with  a  request  for  permission  to  build  a  fortress,  and  to 
all  this  the  sovereigns  affix  approbatory  remarks.  In  the  seventh 
paragraph  Columbus  boldly  launches  into  a  proposal  to  enslave 


SLAVES  IN  EXCHANGE  FOR  CATTLE.  931 

the  Indians ;  he  tells  their  highnesses  he  sends  therewith  some 
cannibals  as  slaves,  to  be  converted,  and  taught  the  Spanish 
language,  that  they  may  act  as  interpreters.  He  omits  no  argu 
ment  that  might  tend  to  hide  the  venu  of  his  proposition ;  he 
affirms  that  the  Indians  of  the  other  islands  will  greatly  rejoice  at 
the  capture  of  their  enemies.  But  the  sovereigns  are  not  thus  to 
be  blinded,  and  to  this  paragraph,  adverting  to  the  proposed  con 
version  of  the  Indians  to  the  Christian  faith,  they  affix  this 
comment  f  "  This  is  well,  and  so  it  must  be  done,  but  let  the 
admiral  see  whether  it  could  not  be  managed  there,  that  they 
should  be  brought  to  our  holy  Catholic  faith,  and  the  same 
with  the  Indians  of  the  islands  where  he  is." 

In  the  next  paragraph,  Columbus  systematizes  his  project. 
After  enlarging  on  the  benefits  which  will  accrue  to  the  souls  of 
these  monstrous  devourers  of  human  flesh,  by  their  enslavement, 
he  shows  that  the  islands  being  in  need  of  cattle  and  other  do 
mestic  animals,  a  regular  system  of  barter  might  be  established, 
and  ships  coming  to  the  colony  laden  with  oxen,  mules,  etc., 
might  return  to  Spain  with  a  cargo  of  human  live-stock,  always 
from  the  cannibal  portion  of  the  population. 

"  These  cattle,"  he  writes,  "  might  be  sold  at  moderate 
prices,  for  the  benefit  of  the  bearers,  and  the  latter  might  be  paid 
with  slaves  taken  from  among  the  Caribs,  who  are  a  wild  people, 
fit  for  any  work ;  well  proportioned,  and  very  intelligent ;  and 
who,  when  they  have  got  rid  of  the  cruel  habits  to  which  they 
have  become  accustomed,  will  be  better  than  any  other  slaves." 

In  his  eagerness  to  show  the  value  of  this  live-stock,  he  for 
gets,  or  is  unaware  that,  in  praising  their  intelligence,  he  fur 
nishes  a  powerful  argument  against  the  truth  of  his  imputation 
that  they  ate  human  flesh,  for,  wherever  the  disgusting  practice 
has  been  found  to  exist,  it  has  always  been  among  human  beings 
of  the  lowest  order  of  intellect,  scarce  removed  from  brutes. 
"  When  they  lose  sight  of  their  country,"  continues  the  admiral, 
"  they  will  forget  their  cruel  practices."  This  was  evidently  said 
in  order  that,  when  the  gentle  harmlessness  of  the  poor  slaves 
should  surprise  the  Spaniards,  they  should  believe  they  had  only 
become  thus  gentle  and  harmless  since  they  left  their  island- 
homes.  He  further  adds,  as  a  tempting  suggestion  to  the  sov 
ereigns  :  "  Their  highnesses  might  fix  duties  on  the  slaves  that 

might  be  taken  over,  upon  their  arrival  in  Spain." 
16 


232  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

Never  was  the  establishment  of  slavery  more  deliberately 
planned  and  proposed.  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  at  once  per 
ceived  the  enormity  of  the  proposition,  and  to  this  paragraph 
they  answer :  "  As  regards  this  matter  it  is  suspended  for  the 
present,  until  there  come  some  other  way  of  doing  it "  (convert 
ing  the  heathen  there),  "and  let  the  admiral  write  what  he  thinks 
of  this."  A  comment  which  disappointed  but  did  not  discourage 
Columbus.  He  knew  the  character  of  his  royal  mistress  too 
well  not  to  be  assured  that,  when  the  natives  should  prove  to  be 
the  only  means  of  procuring  wealth  in  the  islands,  she  would 
herself  consider  their  enslavement  necessary  for  the  salvation  of 
their  souls;  and,  in  effect,  though  she  will  never  consent  to 
their  exportation,  yet  by  her  order  of  1503  she  will  compel 
them  to  work,  as  slaves  only  are  compelled. 

But  to  return  to  Columbus.  From  the  six  women  and  boy 
he  captured,  he  asked  information  as  to  his  whereabouts ;  not, 
according  to  his  son,  that  he  did  not  know  the  exact  situation  of 
Hispaniola,  but  merely  because  he  wanted  to  hear  what  they 
had  to  say  about  it.  He  was  now  anxious  to  leave  G-uada- 
lupe,  but,  nine  of  the  men  having  gone  ashore  without  his  per 
mission,  he  sent  Alonzo  de  Ojeda  and  forty  men  to  seek  them. 
These  returned,  after  a  fruitless  search,  with  marvelous  accounts 
of  the  vegetable  productions  they  had  seen ;  and  moreover 
affirmed,  according  to  Columbus,  that  in  traversing  six  leagues 
they  crossed  twenty  rivers,  an  exaggeration  which  is  so  apparent 
to  Fernando  that  he  seeks  to  palliate  his  father's  statement  by 
suggesting  that  they  might  have  crossed  the  same  river  several 
times.  The  truants  found  their  way  back  to  the  ship,  and  so 
greatly  was  our  humane  admiral  incensed  at  their  having  lost 
their  way,  that  he  ordered  them  put  in  irons,  and  their  allow 
ance  of  food  retrenched ! 

They  now  set  sail,  and  passed  several  islands,  where  they 
found  coral  and  other  curious  productions.  "  Though  the  admi 
ral,"  says  his  son,  "  was  very  desirous  to  know  every  thing,  yet 
he  resolved  to  hold  on  his  course  to  Hispaniola ;  but,  the 
weather  being  bad,  he  came  to  anchor  on  Thursday,  the  13th  of 
November,  in  an  island,  where  Tie  ordered  some  Indians  to  l)e 
taTcen,  to  know  whereabouts  he  was" 

He  did  not  finally  arrive  at  Hispaniola  till  the  21st  of  No 
vember  ;  thus,  notwithstanding  his  anxiety  to  visit  his  colony, 


INDIANS   CAPTUEED   TO  DIRECT  COLUMBUS. 


233 


and  his  perfect  knowledge  of  its  situation,  he  was  nearly  a  month 
from  the  time  he  arrived  at  San  Domingo  before  he  reached  the 
same  ;  he  would  not  stop  to  examine  the  productions  of  the  va 
rious  islands,  yet  was  continually  stopping  to  capture  Indians, 
of  whom  to  inquire  his  latitude  and  longitude,  of  which,  says 
the  son,  he  was  well  aware.  Such  conduct  would  have  been  ab 
surd.  "We  will  believe  that  Columbus  was  anxious  to  rejoin 
those  he  had  left,  but  the  means  employed  show  him  to  have 
been  totally  ignorant  of  the  location  of  the  island. 

With  the  assistance  of  the  natives,  he  at  length  succeeded  in 
reaching  it.     He  found  the  fortress,  which,  he  had  assured  the 


INDIAN  WIDOWS  DECORATING  THE  GRAVES  OF  THEIB  SLAUGHTERED  HUSBANDS  WITH  THETB 
HAIR.— (From  De  Bry's  "  America.") 

sovereigns,  was  strong  enough  to  keep  the  whole  island  in  sub 
jection,  destroyed,  and  the  entire  colony  massacred. 

The  good  Guacanagari  averred  their  destruction  to  be  the 
work  of  a  neighboring  tribe,  that  of  the  powerful  Cazique  Cao- 
nabo ;  but  he  and  all  the  Indians  with  one  accord  proclaimed  the 
Spaniards  to  have  made  themselves  objects  of  fear  and  hatred 
throughout  the  island  by  their  insolence  and  licentiousness ;  they 
also  reported  them  as  having  quarreled  among  themselves,  and 
dispersed,  plundering  native  villages  in  small  bands,  so  that 


234  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

their  destruction  was  regarded  as  an  act  of  self-defense  by  the 
Indians. 

Thus  ominously  did  the  first  colony  of  Spaniards  in  the 
Western  Hemisphere  inaugurate  their  relations  with  the  natives. 
Their  fate  was  a  terrible  one,  a  violent  death  in  a  far-off  land, 
where  cries  for  assistance  could  reach  no  friendly  ear,  and  would 
only  bring  around  them  their  enemies  in  greater  numbers  ;  ene 
mies  so  numerous  that  their  little  band  dissolved  before  them 
like  snow  beneath  a  summer  sun.  But,  terrible  as  was  their 
death,  they  had  brought  it  upon  themselves ;  their  enemies  were 
the  once  friendly  natives,  whom  they  cruelly  wronged,  and  who 
avenged  the  injuries  heaped  upon  them  by  the  stranger  who  in 
vaded  their  homes,  and  made  them  desolate. 


CHAPTEK  XYI. 

SETTLEMENTS   IN    HISPANIOLA. 

COLUMBUS  was  apparently  not  so  much  concerned  at  the  loss 
of  his  men  as  he  was  eager  to  find  the  gold  which  he  hoped  they 
had  collected.  He  had  left  orders  that,  in  case  they  were  attacked, 


CnRiSTOPHEK  COLUMBUS.— (From  De  Bry's  "  America.") 

they  should  throw  all  the  treasure  they  might  have  amassed  into 
a  certain  well.  This  was  now  carefully  searched,  but  to  no  pur 
pose — not  a  particle  of  gold  was  found.  Columbus,  being  thor- 


236  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

oughly  disgusted,  his  opinion  of  the  port  of  Navidad  underwent 
a  most  radical  change.  Where  before  he  saw  a  splendid  harbor, 
whose  situation  afforded  every  advantage  for  the  establishment 
of  a  flourishing  colony  and  the  building  of  an  opulent  city,  he 
now  perceives  only  flat,  unhealthy  ground,  where  to  remain 
would  be  to  perish.  This  fickleness  is  apparent  throughout  Co 
lumbus' s  transactions  ;  he  never  attempted  to  represent  matters 
as  they  were,  but  rather  to  make  such  statements  as  should  se 
cure  favor  for  his  projects.  Hence,  in  the  first  place,  he  grossly 
exaggerates  the  advantages  of  Navidad  as  a  seaport  (particularly 
when  he  dwells  upon  its  convenience  for  trade  with  Asia) ;  and, 
in  the  next,  he  as  grossly  magnifies  the  disadvantages  of  the 
same  place,  that  his  abandonment  of  it  might  appear  the  more 
reasonable. 

The  site  he  next  chose  for  a  settlement  was  on  the  north  side 
of  the  island.  Here  he  resolved  to  build  a  town,  as  the  situa 
tion,  he  declared,  was  unexceptionable.  He  therefore  caused  the 
ships  to  be  unloaded,  and  proceeded  to  lay  out  a  town,  which  he 
named  Isabella. 

Already  the  fatal  effects  of  his  falsehoods  became  manifest : 
here  were  hundreds  of  Spain's  noblest  sons,  who  had  left  civ 
ilized  life  and  luxurious  homes,  allured  by  the  tales  of  gold  and 
Asiatic  treasure  to  be  gathered  at  will  in  a  land  as  fair  as  Eden. 

Upon  landing  at  Isabella,  provisions  began  to  fail ;  the  Span 
iards  were  without  a  roof  to  protect  them  from  the  heavy  and 
unwholesome  night-mists  which  pervade  those  countries.  Change 
of  climate,  scantiness  of  food,  and  exposure,  brought  sickness 
and  death,  while  the  gold  was  nowhere  visible.  The  land  was, 
indeed,  fertile  ;  and  in  a  few  years  might  be  capable  of  sustain 
ing  thousands ;  but  it  was  uncultivated,  and  the  roots  which 
served  the  simple  natives  as  food  were  insufficient  in  quantity  to 
sustain  the  large  colony  Columbus  had  brought  out,  even  if 
the  dainty  palates  of  Castilian  nobles  could  have  accustomed 
themselves  to  such  rude  fare.  Want  and  exposure  spread  sick 
ness  among  all,  particularly  among  the  high-born.  The  first 
steps  taken  by  Columbus  toward  building  the  new  city  were  by 
no  means  calculated  to  alleviate  the  sufferings  of  his  followers. 
He  proceeded  to  build  a  church,  a  magazine,  and  a  house  for  him 
self™*  a  triad  which  illustrates  the  ruling  traits  of  his  character 

103  Herrera,  "  Decade  I.,"  chapter  xl. 


SPANIARDS  SICK  AND   OPPRESSED. 


237 


hypocrisy,  avarice,  and  selfishness.     The  latter  is  particularly 

apparent,  in  that  he  built  shelter  for  himself  before  taking  steps 
to  secure  greater  comfort  for  hundreds  higher  born  and  gentler 
bred  than  he,  who  were  dying  from  the  etiects  of  the  hardships 
they  endured,  whom,  sick  and  famishing,  he  compelled  to  labor 
in  the  erection  of  this  very  house.  What  wonder  that,  amid 


Ho\J8E  OF  COLTJMBTTS  IN  EUIN8. 

such  a  scene  of  disappointment,  want,  and  sickness,  murmurs 
became  audible  and  discontent  apparent  I  Historians  are  unani 
mous  in  their  expressions  of  contempt  for  these  Spaniards  who 
expected  to  find  in  the  ISTew  World  the  comforts  of  the  regions 
they  had  left,  and  wealth  beyond  measure  at  their  disposal  be 
sides.  They  represent  Columbus  as  the  much-injured  victim  of 
these  visionaries,  who  reproached  him  with  having  allured  them 
by  inspiring  false  hopes  ;  but  these  historians  forget  how  rightly 
these  reproaches  were  addressed  to  Columbus.  He  had  not  pre 
pared  his  colonists  for  the  hardships  they  were  to  endure.  If 
they  had  indulged  in  golden  visions,  as  delightful  as  illusive,  Co 
lumbus  was  the  magician  who  had  conjured  up  such  visions.  He 


238  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

had  declared  the  wealth  of  the  islands  to  be  so  great  that,  in  a 
short  time,  sufficient  could  be  procured  to  raise  an  army  and  free 
the  Holy  Sepulchre.  The  few  men  he  had  left  were  to  have  col 
lected  at  least  a  ton  of  gold  before  his  return,  and  this  without 
labor  or  expense  save  that  of  a  few  worthless  bawbles  which 
they  gave  the  natives  in  exchange  for  the  precious  metal. 

Nor  did  he  represent  the  country  as  a  new  one.  Asia,  with 
its  rich  civilization,  was  within  a  few  days'  journey ;  the  land 
was  so  beautiful,  the  natives  so  gentle,  that  paradise  itself  could 
scarce  have  been  a  more  delightful  sojourn.  Such  was  the  tale 
by  which  he  secured  the  wealth  of  Spain — the  flower  of  her 
nobility — for  his  enterprise.  And  what  was  the  reality  ?  They 
reach  the  western  shore  to  find  their  countrymen  massacred ; 
the  lands,  though  a  valuable  acquisition  to  the  crown,  could  only 
be  made  such  by  labor  ;  the  farmer  and  the  mechanic,  rude  sons 
of  the  soil,  and  the  poor  inured  to  hardships — not  noble  cavaliers 
— should  have  been  the  first  to  people  them.  So  would  it  have 
been,  but  for  the  base  manner  in  which  Columbus  deceived  the 
sovereigns  of  Spain  and  their  subjects.  Had  he  represented  the 
necessity  of  labor  ;  had  he  not  been  eager  to  increase  his  impor 
tance  and  wealth  by  borrowing  from  the  tales  of  Marco  Polo, 
that  he  might  appear  to  have  visited  the  countries  of  Asia,  which 
Spain  and  Portugal  so  longed  to  reach ;  had  he  not,  we  say, 
practised  the  grossest  deception  (we  have  shown  how  impossible 
it  was  that  he  could  have  been  deceived),  a  very  different  crew 
would  have  emigrated  with  him — smaller  in  numbers,  of  the 
lower  ranks,  looking  forward  to  a  life  of  trial — and  the  sufferings 
of  this  unhappy  multitude  would  never  have  existed. 

When  the  building  of  the  town  was  fairly  under  way,  twelve 
ships  were  dispatched  to  Spain,  and  with  them  Antonio  de  Tor 
res,  the  bearer  of  the  dispatches  before  mentioned,  in  which 
Columbus  develops  his  system  of  slave-trade.  These  ships  set 
sail  on  the  2d  of  February,  1494.  Many  a  sad  eye  watched 
them  wistfully  as  they  disappeared  ;  many  a  sad  heart  sank  into 
deeper  gloom,  as  the  last  white  sail  vanished  beneath  the  horizon. 

As  the  unhappy  Spaniards  awakened  from  their  dreams  of 
splendor  to  the  reality  of  a  country  in  which  was  found  neither 
food  nor  shelter,  dissatisfaction  daily  increased ;  hatred  for  the 
pirate-admiral,  who  had  so  craftily  allured  them  to  destruction, 
became  more  and  more  apparent ;  nor  were  the  harsh  measures 


REBELLION"  OF  BERtfAL  DIAZ.  239 

and  tyrannical  conduct  of  Columbus  calculated  to  conciliate.  At 
this  early  stage,  bitter  complaints  are  made  against  him  ;  his  dis 
respect  of  the  Spanish  gentlemen,  his  cruelty  to  the  lower  class 
es,  the  small  pretenses  upon  which  he  reduced  the  rations  of  all 
ranks — all  create  ever-increasing  indignation  ;  and  the  disaffec 
tion,  with  which  he  now  commenced  to  be  regarded,  will  hence 
forth  continue  throughout  his  career. 

This  disaffection  soon  became  more  serious,  and,  at  last,  un 
able  longer  to  restrain  their  indignation,  many  of  the  Spaniards 
organized  a  resistance  against  the  tyranny  of  Columbus.  Bernal 
Diaz  de  Pisa,  who  was  controller  of  the  expedition,  and  had 
occupied  a  position  of  some  mark  at  court,  headed  the  disaffect 
ed.  The  fact  that  a  man  of  such  standing  protested  against  the 
conduct  of  Columbus,  should  cause  unprejudiced  writers  to  reflect 
whether  such  conduct  could  have  been  wholly  blameless.  This 
aspect  of  the  case  never  seems,  however,  to  present  itself  to  the 
biographers  of  our  hero.  They  record  the  falsehoods  fabricated 
by  him  ;  they  recount  the  disappointment  and  disaster  which 
these  falsehoods  engendered ;  yet,  when  speaking  of  the  just 
indignation  of  the  deceived,  they  term  it  mutiny — rebellion, 
which  could  scarcely  be  punished  too  severely.  Bernal  Diaz 
wrote  a  detailed  account  of  the  misrepresentations  perpetrated 
by  Columbus ;  this  was  discovered,  and  we  are  called  upon  to 
admire  the  leniency  of  the  latter,  who  merely  confined  Diaz  on 
board  a  ship,  to  be  sent  to  Spain  for  trial.  The  gentle  narrators 
seem  to  think  death  itself  would  hardly  have  been  too  severe  a 
penalty  for  so  heinous  an  offense.  It  was,  indeed,  unheard-of 
audacity  for  any  to  presume  so  far  as  to  assert  that  "  the  admi 
ral"  had  exaggerated.  Fernando  writes  :  "Many  had  gone  on 
that  voyage  upon  the  belief  that,  as  soon  as  they  landed,  they 
might  load  themselves  with  gold,  and  so  return,  rich,  home." 

Such  was  indeed  the  case.  But  the  falsehoods  of  Columbus 
had  engendered  that  belief — a  fact  which  seems  to  have  escaped 
the  notice  of  most  writers  upon  this  subject. 

This  rebellion  being  quelled,  Alonzo  de  Ojeda,  with  a  com 
pany  of  men,  was  sent  to  the  district  of  Cibao  to  verify  the  report 
of  there  being  gold-mines  in  that  vicinity.  He  returned  with 
such  favorable  accounts,  that  Columbus  went  thither  and  founded 
the  fort  of  San  Tomas,  and  established  mining  operations. 

His  progress  through  the  country  on  this  expedition  was 


2±0  LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

characteristic :  his  band  was  sickly,  weary,  and  disheartened ; 
yet  he  must  needs  enter  every  Indian  hamlet  with  trumpets 
sounding  and  banners  flying,  so  irrepressible  were  his  vanity  and 
delight  in  exhibiting  his  newly-acquired  rank. 

During  this  journey,  the  Spaniards  beheld,  for  the  first  time, 
that  glorious  plain  which  they  named  the  Yega  Eeal,  and  which 
was  to  become  the  theatre  of  so  many  tragic  scenes.  The  expe 
dition  to  Cibao,  prompted  by  Columbus' s  impatience  to  acquire 
treasure,  was  premature,  and  a  gross  error  on  his  part.  The  in 
fant  town  of  Isabella  should  have  presented  a  somewhat  more 
prosperous  appearance  before  he  attempted  further  settlement ; 
the  colony  should  have  become  somewhat  acclimated,  its  health 
restored,  before  mining  operations  were  commenced  in  the  sterile 
mountains  of  Cibao.  The  consequence  of  this  premature  jour 
ney  was,  that  but  little  advantage  accrued  to  the  Spaniards  from 
mining  which  was  commenced  under  such  adverse  circumstances. 

The  fort  of  San  Tomas  being  built,  it  was  garrisoned  with 
fifty  men,  under  Don  Pedro  Margarite,  a  gentleman  who  pos 
sessed  the  confidence  of  both  the  sovereigns,  and  whom  Colum 
bus  himself  professed  greatly  to  esteem.  The  latter  then  set  out 
on  his  return  to  Isabella  ;  he  found  that  colony  languishing  and 
perishing  fast,  for  lack  of  provisions  and  the  unhealthiness  of  the 
situation.  He  seems  to  have  been  singularly  infelicitous  in  his 
selection  of  locations ;  for  this  same  town  of  Isabella,  though 
Columbus,  in  his  letters  to  the  sovereigns,  had  dwelt  largely 
upon  the  advantages  of  its  situation,  was  afterward  abandoned, 
and,  when  deserted,  became  an  object  of  dread  and  horror,  not 
only  on  account  of  its  extreme  unhealthiness,  but  also  of  the  ter 
rible  cruelties  and  crimes  which  had  been  perpetrated  against 
the  Spaniards  within  its  walls.  So  great  was  the  horror  with 
which  it  was  regarded,  that  cries  and  groans  were  reported  to 
resound  through  its  deserted  streets,  while  visions  of  headless 
cavaliers  appeared  to  the  superstitious. 

To  quell  the  discontent  which  was  daily  increasing,  and  was 
wellnigh  turned  into  desperation,  Columbus  sent  four  hundred 
of  the  least  sickly  of  the  colonists  to  the  interior  ;  Ojeda  was  to 
replace  Margarite  in  the  superintendence  of  the  mines  of  Cibao 
and  in  the  command  of  Fort  San  Tomas,  while  the  latter  was  to 
lead  the  four  hundred  men  on  a  raid  through  the  country.  We 
are  told  that  Columbus  enjoined  justice  toward  the  natives,  and 


EAID  UPON  THE  NATIVES. 


241 


forbade  violence  ;  but,  when  we  read  that  he  instructed  Marga- 
rite  to  conduct  his  expedition  with  the  twofold  object  of  over 
awing  the  natives  and  of  feeding  his  men,  without  drawing  on 
the  colony  for  supplies,  while  they  were  to  use  every  means  in 
their  power  to  take  the  cazique  Caonabo  prisoner,  we  are  well 
assured  Columbus  never  proposed  the  raid  to  be  effected  without 
violence. 


SPANISH  CRUELTIES.— (From  De  Bry's  Las  Casas.) 


CHAPTEE  XVII. 

FURTHER   EXPLORATIONS. CUBA   DECLARED   TO   BE   ASIA. 

HAVING  as  he  supposed  insured  the  tranquillity  of  the  colony, 
Columbus  now  intrusted  its  government  to  his  brother  Diego  aa 
president,  with  Bishop  Boyle,  who  had  been  appointed  by  the 
Pope  apostolic  nuncio  to  those  regions,  and  others  as  council 
ors,  and  sailed  on  a  further  voyage  of  discovery  on  the  24th  of 
April,  1494. 

During  this  voyage  he  discovered  the  island  of  Jamaica,  and 
many  smaller  ones,  but  its  most  important  feature  was  his  coast 
ing  the  island  of  Cuba  under  the  impression  that  it  was  (or 
rather  with  a  determination  to  represent  it  as)  the  Continent  of 
Asia.  Here  his  interpreter  fails  him,  we  are  told ;  the  Cuban 
dialects  differing  from  those  of  the  other  islands. 

Historians  consider  this  as  some  excuse  or  palliation  for  the 
fables  which  our  hero  pretended  to  have  heard  from  the  natives, 
such  as  the  existence  of  men  with  tails,  who  wore  clothes  to  hide 
their  deformity;  and  of  a  mighty  monarch,  entitled  saint,  who 
never  spoke,  but  gave  forth  his  commands  in  signs ;  and  others 
equally  absurd.  It  is  said,  so  eager  was  Columbus  to  believe 
himself  in  Asia,  that  he  readily  misinterpreted  signs,  and  re 
garded  them  as  corroboration  of  his  opinion  that  he  was  in  the 
territory  of  the  grand-khan.  It  is  evident,  however,  that  these 
stories  were  invented  by  him,  that  he  might  appear  to  be  in 
those  regions  which  Sir  John  Mandeville,  Polo,  and  others, 
had  described,  and  near  the  dominion  of  the  fabled  and  saintly 
Prince  Prester  John. 

That  he  knew  he  was  not  in  Asia  is  evident  from  the  extraor 
dinary  measures  he  took  to  convince  the  world  he  had  reached 
that  continent. 


SUBORNATION  OF  PERJURY  BY  COLUMBUS.  243 

Had  he  been  assured  of  that  fact,  he  would  have  trusted  to 
further  investigation  to  establish  its  verity ;  on  the  other  hand, 
if  he  knew  he  was  practising  a  fraud,  he  would  endeavor  to  pro 
cure  as  much  testimony  as  possible  to  insure  that  fraud's  gain 
ing  credence. 

Which  was  the  case,  the  reader  may  judge  from  the  follow 
ing  passage  in  Irving' s  "  History  of  Columbus,"  which  scarcely 
needs  comment : 

"  The  admiral  was  determined,  however,  that  the  fact  should 
not  rest  merely  on  his  own  assertion,  having  had  recent  proofs 
of  a  disposition  to  gainsay  his  statements  and  depreciate  his 
discoveries.  He  sent  round,  therefore,  a  public  notary,  Fernand 
Perez  de  Luna,  to  each  of  the  vessels,  accompanied  by  four  wit 
nesses,  who  demanded  formally  of  every  person  on  board,  from 
the  captain  to  the  ship-boy,  whether  he  had  any  doubt  that  the 
land  before  him  was  a  continent,  the  beginning  and  the  end 
of  the  Indies,  by  which  any  one  might  return  overland  to 
Spain,  and,  by  pursuing  the  coast  of  which,  they  could  soon 
arrive  among  civilized  people.  If  any  one  entertained  a  doubt, 
he  was  called  upon  to  express  it,  that  it  might  be  removed.104 
On  board  the  vessels  were  several  experienced  navigators,  and 
men  well  versed  in  the  geographical  knowledge  of  the  times. 
They  examined  their  maps  and  charts,  and  the  reckonings  and 
journals  of  the  voyage,  and  after  deliberating  maturely  declared 
under  oath  that  they  had  no  doubt  upon  the  subject.  .  .  .  Lest 
they  should  subsequently,  out  of  malice  or  caprice,  contradict 
the  opinion  thus  solemnly  avowed,  it  was  proclaimed  by  the 
notary  that  whoever  should  offend  in  such  a  manner,  if  an 
officer,  should  pay  a  penalty  of  ten  thousand  maravedis  /  if  a 
ship-boy  or  person  of  the  like  rank,  he  should  receive  a  hundred 
lashes  and  have  his  tongue  cut  out.  A  formal  statement  was 
afterward  drawn  up  by  the  notary,  including  the  depositions  and 
names  of  every  individual." 

Here  Columbus,  not  content  with  speaking  and  writing  a 
falsehood,  is  guilty  of  subornation  of  perjury.  He  manufactures 
perjury  wholesale,  which  felony  he  would  perpetuate  by  the 
barbarous  means  of  scourging  and  cutting  out  the  tongues  of 
those  who  should  speak  the  truth.  Thus,  by  a  system  unknown 

104  Had  there  been  any  such  hesitation,  what  followed  renders  it  probable  that  any 
doubt  expressed  would  have  been  very  forcibly  removed. 


244:  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

to  Thales  and  Ptolemy,  original  if  not  scientific,  did  the  much- 
lauded  ncivigator  and  astronomer,  the  pious  and  humane  "  admi 
ral,"  determine  the  latitude  and  longitude  of  the  island  of  Cuba.105 
We  have  given  this  incident  in  the  language  of  Irving,  that 
it  may  be  seen  how  the  extreme  partiality  of  an  author  will 
so  blind  him  to  justice  that  he  can  record  a  deed  as  shameful 
as  the  above  without  pronouncing  one  word  of  censure  upon  its 
author. 


COLUMBUS  EXACTS  AN  OATH  FROM  HIS  CKEW  THAT  CUBA  is  ASIA. 

Having  thus  secured  his  reputation,  Columbus  turned  once 
more  toward  Hispaniola.  At  the  island  of  Saona,  an  eclipse 
took  place,  in  observing  which  he  made  a  mistake  of  more  than 
eighteen  degrees.109 

Near  the  island  of  San  Juan,  whither  he  was  going  to  cap 
ture  some  natives,  he  fell  into  a  lethargy,  which  deprived  him 
of  sense  and  memory,  an  attack  which  Las  Casas  declares  to 
have  been  sent  as  a  "  punishment  to  the  admiral  for  the  cruel 
manner  in  which  he  sought  to  propagate  Christianity."  We 

105  The  documents  containing  the  particulars  of  this  forced  perjury  are  to  be 
found  in  Navarrete,  "Colecc.  Dip.,"  vol.  i.,  p.  162. 

106  Irving,  "  Columbus,"  book  vii.,  chapter  vii. 


BARTHOLOMEW   COLUMBUS   ARRIVED. 


245 


should  rather  say,  for  the  cruel  manner  in  which  he  sought  to 
enrich  himself. 

On  arriving  at  Isabella,  and  recovering  from  his  illness,  he 
learned  that  his  brother  Bartholomew,  whose  voyage  to  Eng 
land  we  have  alluded  to,  had  arrived. 

On  this  brother,  who  afterward  so  ably  seconded  his  meas 
ures  of  cruelty  and  oppression,  he  immediately  conferred  the 
rank  of  adelantado,  or  lieutenant-governor,  a  stretch  of  authority 
which  the  sovereigns  resented,  as  they  only  had  a  right  to  con 
fer  titles. 


SPANISH  CBITELTIES.— -(From  De  Bry's  Las  Caeas.) 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

DISORDERS     IN     THE     ISLAND. MARGARITE     AND    BISHOP    BOYLE     RE 
TURN   TO    SPAIN,  BEARING   COMPLAINTS    AGAINST   COLUMBUS. 

THE  island  had  grown  more  and  more  disorderly  during  Co- 
lumbus's  absence ;  all  hope  of  peaceful  relations  between  the 
Spaniards  and  natives  had  forever  disappeared — as  no  doubt  he 
intended  should  be  the  case — for,  while  the  Indians  remained 
peaceable  and  friendly,  there  was  no  excuse  for  enslaving  them. 
The  expedition  of  Margarite  had  roused  them  to  hostility.  As 
the  Spaniards  marched  through  the  country,  they  seized  all  they 
could  lay  hands* on.  Their  avarice,  licentiousness,  and  brutality, 
exceeded  all  bounds  ;  the  principal  caziques,  with  the  exception 
of  the  faithful  Guacanagari,  joined  in  a  league  to  expel  the  ty 
rants  who  thus  violated  the  hospitality  which  had  been  so  gen 
erously  tendered  them.  Don  Pedro  Margarite,  placed  at  the 
head  of  a  hungry  band,  who  were  charged  to  march  through  the 
country  and  maintain  themselves  as  best  they  could,  found  it  im 
possible  to  enforce  discipline.  He  saw  with  dismay  the  grow 
ing  disorder  throughout  the  colony,  and  felt  that  it  should  be 
remedied  as  speedily  as  possible,  and  the  sovereigns  made  ac 
quainted  with  the  true  state  of  things,  that  they  might  enforce 
measures  for  the  proper  government  of  the  island. 

This  appears  to  have  been  the  motive  which  induced  Mar 
garite,  Bishop  Boyle,  and  several  Castilian  nobles,  to  return  to 
Spain  in  the  ships  which  had  brought  out  Bartholomew  Co 
lumbus. 

Bishop  Boyle  seems  to  have  had  peculiar  reasons  for  hasten 
ing  to  Europe.  He  had  been  constituted,  by  the  Pope,  apostolic 
vicar  and  head  of  the  Church  in  the  Western  lands.  In  this  ca 
pacity  he  had  remonstrated  with  Columbus  on  his  cruel  govern- 


BISHOP  BOYLE  STARVED   OUT.  247 

ment,  the  latter  paying  no  heed  to  ecclesiastical  censure  (by 
which  it  will  be  seen  how  sincere  was  his  profession  of  love  for 
the  Church).  Bishop  Boyle  excommunicated  him ;  whereupon 
he  refused  to  furnish  the  Pope's  vicar  and  his  attendants  with 
any  provisions,  and  they  were  literally  starved  out  of  the  island, 
or,  in  the  mild  words  of  one  author,  Columbus's  strong  advocate, 
"  Father  Boyle  was  forced  to  take  his  departure  the  first  oppor 
tunity,  carrying  with  him  heavy  complaints  against  the  justice 
of  the  admiral,"  m  with  some  reason,  we  should  judge.  His 
action,  however,  excites  great  indignation  among  historians,  as 
also  that  of  Margarite.  Irving  says  the  latter  "  and  Boyle  had 
hastened  to  Spain  to  make  false  representations  of  the  miseries 
of  the  island." 

Now,  these  miseries,  according  to  Irving  himself,  could 
scarcely  be  exaggerated.  Sickness  and  death  still  prevailed ; 
nobles  were  compelled  to  work  hard,  and  fare  scantily.  They 
rightly  considered  themselves  deceived,  and  their  indignation 
against  the  perpetrator  of  the  deception  was  excusable — nay, 
justifiable. 

We  can  readily  imagine,  however,  the  dismay  with  which  Co 
lumbus  heard  of  these  departures.  So  long  as  his  accounts  of 
the  islands  were  the  only  ones  to  reach  the  sovereigns,  he  could 
ever  invent  a  plausible  tale  to  win  their  approval.  Margarite, 
however,  with  no  inducements  to  misrepresent  facts,  would  ex 
pose  the  falsehoods  of  which  he  had  been  guilty,  and  our  hero 
was  not  unnaturally  alarmed. 

He  turned  his  attention,  however,  to  the  unhappy  Indians. 
Hearing  that  a  body  of  the  latter  was  advancing  on  Isabella,  he 
attacked  them,  taking  five  hundred  prisoners,  to  be  sent  as 
slaves  to  Spain.  Henceforth  he  will  no  more  speak  of  enslaving 
cannibals  only,  as  he  finds  prisoners  of  war  more  available. 

The  capture  of  Caonabo  was  now  his  great  object.  To  effect 
it,  he  employed  the  dauntless  Alonzo  de  Ojeda.  The  expedi 
tion,  no  doubt,  offered  more  peril  than  he  himself  was  willing  to 
encounter.  He  it  was,  however,  who  instructed  Ojeda  how  to 
proceed  ;  and  the  baseness  and  treachery  of  those  instructions 
are  well  worthy  of  their  author. 

Ojeda  appeared  in  the  dominion  of  the  cazique,  declaring 
that  he  came  on  a  friendly  mission  from  Columbus.  Caonabo, 

107  Spotorno,  "  Historia  Memoria,"  p.  86. 
17 


248  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

who  admired  the  bravery  of  Ojeda,  received  him  courteously. 
The  latter  carried  with  him  a  set  of  fetters,  highly  wrought  and 
polished.  These,  he  told  the  chief,  were  ornaments,  and  induced 
him  to  don  them  as  such,  and  to  mount  a  horse,  an  animal  of 
which  the  Indians  stood  greatly  in  awe.  Alonzo  persuaded 
Caonabo  that  all  this  was  done  to  honor  him.  The  latter  was 
delighted  to  exhibit  himself  thus  mounted  and  accoutred  before 
his  tribe,  but  Alonzo  suddenly  wheeled  round  with  his  little 
band  of  horsemen,  and  fled  rapidly  with  the  captured  chief. 
The  victim  of  this  fraud  ever,  we  are  told,  evinced  the  greatest 
contempt  for  Columbus,  refusing  to  rise  in  his  presence,  while 
he  did  so  deferentially  whenever  Ojeda  appeared,  thus  evincing, 
he  said,  his  respect  for  the  one  who  had  dared  to  execute  what 
the  other  had  only  basely  planned. 

Soon  after  these  events,  Antonio  de  Torres  returned  from 
Spain,  with  four  ships,  bearing  the  provisions  of  which  the  fam 
ishing  colony  stood  so  much  in  need.  He  brought  back  with 
him  Columbus's  dispatches  to  the  sovereigns,  and  the  comments 
which  the  latter  affixed  thereto,  in  which  they  approved,  as  we 
have  seen,  all  his  proposals,  except  those  relating  to  the  enslave 
ment  of  the  Indians. 

This  approbation  was  very  grateful  to  Columbus,  but  his  de 
light  must  have  been  considerably  embittered  by  the  knowledge 
that  they  approved  of  his  acts  as  he  had  represented  them ;  and 
that,  when  Margarite  and  Boyle  should  have  reached  Spain,  and 
informed  them  of  the  tyranny  he  practised,  their  praise  would 
change  to  censure. 

Thenceforth,  indeed,  the  falsehoods  of  Columbus  are  dis 
covered.  He  had  shown  how  miserably  incapable  he  was  to  gov 
ern,  and  the  sovereigns  lost  confidence  in  him  more  and  more ; 
nor  did  his  quarrels  with  every  one  with  whom  he  had  dealings 
serve  to  restore  him  to  favor — a  fact  which  cannot  surprise  us. 
A  governor  or  other  official  of  the  present  day,  who  should 
incur  the  enmity  of  all  his  colleagues,  collectively  and  succes 
sively,  would  not  be  regarded  with  much  confidence.  The  pub 
lic  would  be  apt  to  suppose  that,  where  all  were  so  unanimous  in 
disapproving,  there  must  have  been  some  matter  for  disapproval. 

Columbus  commenced  with  his  benefactor  Pinzon,  continued 
with  Margarite,  for  whom  he  had  first  professed  great  esteem  ; 
-with  Bishop  Boyle,  the  representative  of  the  Church  to  which 


FIVE  HUNDRED  INDIANS  TO  BE  SOLD  AS  SLAVES.        249 

he  professed  such  devotion  ;  and  thenceforth  he  disagreed  with 
every  one  who  took  part  with  him  in  the  affairs  of  the  island. 
.  The  ships  with  which  Torres  had  returned  were  immediately 
sent  back  to  Spain  with  all  the  gold  Columbus  had  been  able  to 
collect.  This,  however,  was  but  a  small  quantity ;  and,  as  he 
feared  Isabella's  displeasure  when  she  should  receive  no  pecu 
niary  profit  from  his  enterprise,  after  his  large  promises,  he  sent 
over  the  five  hundred  Indians,  to  be  sold  as  slaves,  hoping  that, 
when  he  declared  them  to  be  prisoners  of  war,  her  scruples 
would  be  allayed. 

He  must  indeed  have  possessed  great  confidence  that  the 
sovereigns,  when  they  found  the  Indians  likely  to  be  the  only 
source  of  wealth  to  be  derived  from  their  new  possessions,  would 
consent  to  their  enslavement ;  or  else  great  hardihood,  when  he 
dared  send  back  five  hundred  of  the  harmless  natives  of  His- 
paniola,  in  the  very  ships  which  had  brought  out  the  prohibition 
of  king  and  queen  against  the  enslavement  even  of  those  he  de 
clared  to  be  cannibals. 

"When  these  ships  had  departed,  hearing  that  the  natives 
were  collecting  in  large  numbers  in  the  Yega  Real,  Columbus 
sallied  out  to  attack  them.  It  is  not  said  that  they  were 
either  interfering  with  or  molesting  the  Spaniards,  but,  as  they 
did  not  answer  his  purpose,  and  procured  him  neither  gold 
nor  slaves,  he  suddenly  divined  hostile  intentions  on  their  part, 
and,  the  better  to  convert  this  heathen  people  to  Christianity — 
such  was  his  avowed  object — he  marched  an  army  of  Chris 
tians  (?)  with  their  horses  and  dogs  into  their  midst.  "  He  had 
with  him,"  says  Irving,  "  twenty  bloodhounds,  fearless  and 
ferocious;  when  once  they  seized  their  prey,  nothing  could 
compel  them  to  relinquish  their  hold."  The  horses,  urged  on  by 
their  cruel  riders,  bore  down  upon  the  unarmed  and  defenseless 
people,  striking  them  to  the  earth,  and  trampling  upon  them  ; 
the  horsemen  dealt  blows  on  all  sides,  with  spear  or  lance,  and 
the  blows  were  not  returned ;  none  of  these  butchered  and  ter 
rified  Indians  made  the  least  resistance,  while  the  bloodhounds, 
scarce  more  savage  than  their  masters,  sprang  upon  the  naked 
bodies  of  the  prostrate  and  the  fleeing,  dragging  them  to  the 
earth  and  tearing  out  their  bowels ;  those  who  escaped  the 
slaughter  were  sold  into  slavery  worse  than  death.108 

^  "  Columbus,"  book  viii.,  chapter  vi. 


250 


LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 


Leaving  the  hideous  and  ghastly  scene  of  butchery,  and  as 
suming  the  air  of  a  conqueror,  Columbus  now  traversed  the 
island,  and  proceeded  to  extort  an  immense  revenue  from  the 
unoffending  inhabitants.  Ever  greedy  for  gold,  he  required 
every  person,  above  the  age  of  fourteen  years,  to  pay  the  amount 
of  that  metal  which  would  fill  a  Flemish  hawk-bell  (about  fif 
teen  dollars)  every  three  months ;  the  chiefs  paid  a  much  larger 
quantity.  In  vain  the  poor  islanders,  crushed  by  this  imposi 
tion,  remonstrated  ;  in  vain  the  chiefs,  in  lieu  thereof,  offered  to 
cultivate  for  him  a  breadth  of  land  stretching  across  the  island 


SLAUGHTER  nr  THE  VEGA  EEAL, 

from  sea  to  sea — enough,  according  to  Las  Casas,  to  furnish  all 
Castile  with  bread  for  ten  years :  Columbus  was  inexorable ;  gold 
he  must  have,  if  it  cost  the  life-blood  of  every  Indian  in  the 
island  to  procure  it !  Herrera,  in  the  following  passage,  fur 
nishes  an  example  of  the  tenderness  with  which  the  biographers 
of  this  man  dealt  with  his  worst  crimes :  "  Columbus,"  he  writes, 
"  like  a  discreet  man,  being  sensible  that  the  wealth  he  sent 
must  be  his  support,  he  pressed  for  gold,  though  in  other  respects 
he  was  a  good  Christian  and  feared  God"  which  may  be  rightly 
interpreted  thus :  Columbus  was  cruel,  avaricious,  dishonest, 


TERRIBLE   OPPRESSION  OF  THE  NATIVES. 


251 


but  in  other  respects,  and  except  where  he  failed,  he  was  a  good 
Christian ! 

The  unfortunate  Indians,  reduced  by  Columbus  and  his 
brothers  to  the  most  abject  slavery  history  has  recorded,  filled 
with  despair,  and  seeing  no  prospect  of  relief  from  the  op 
pression  which  had  so  suddenly  and  terribly  fallen  upon  them, 
fled  from  their  homes,  which  were  homes  no  longer  ;  from  the 
haunts  of  the  Christian  to  the  mountains  and  caves ;  but  Colum 
bus  relentlessly  pursued  them,  and  would  have  compelled  them 


ENSLAVEMENT  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


to  return,  but  they  sought  refuge  in  the  wildest,  most  inaccessi 
ble  parts  of  the  island  ;  famished  mothers,  with  starving  children 
clinging  around  them  or  clasped  in  their  arms,  hid  themselves 
in  the  mountain  recesses,  or,  faint  and  broken-hearted,  died  by 
the  wayside.  The  men  dared  neither  hunt  nor  fish  to  appease  the 
wants  of  their  perishing  families,  lest  Columbus  and  his  blood 
hounds  should  be  upon  them.  Thousands  perished  ;  others,  van 
quished  by  hunger,  delivered  themselves  up  to  their  task-masters 
and  returned  to  die  in  the  mines  and  fields  under  the  cruel  lash 
of  the  Spaniard. 

Not  even  the  faithful  Guacanagari  was  exempted  from  trib 
ute  ;  he  found,  indeed,  that  the  day  in  which  he  had  assisted  the 


252  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

shipwrecked  Columbus,  lie  Lad  taken  a  serpent  into  his  bosom. 
He  and  his  followers  were  as  cruelly  oppressed  as  those  Indians 
who  had  been  hostile  to  the  Spaniards. 

This  method  of  exacting  tribute  and  labor,  inaugurated  by 
Columbus,  may  be  considered  the  origin  of  the  cruel  system  of 
repartimientos  which  afterward  prevailed  in  the  West  Indies. 

Columbus  had  not  been  mistaken  in  his  apprehensions  of 
the  effect  the  reports  of  Margarite  and  Boyle  would  have  at  the 
court  of  Spain.  The  story  of  the  tyranny  and  cruelty  practised 
by  their  admiral,  alarmed  the  sovereigns,  and  they  determined 
to  investigate  the  matter ;  but,  actuated  no  doubt  by  a  desire  to 
spare  Columbus  any  unnecessary  humiliation,  they  sent,  as  com 
missioner  for  this  investigation,  Juan  Aguado,  for  whom  the 
former  professed  the  strongest  friendship  ;  they  rightly  supposed 
this  friendliness  between  the  two  would  prevent  the  latter  from 
believing  accusations  blindly,  but  would  cause  him  to  be  certain 
they  were  well  founded  before  giving  them  credence.  Upon  his 
arrival,  his  investigations  more  than  corroborated  the  state 
ments  of  Margarite ;  on  all  sides,  from  noble  and  commoner, 
Spaniard  and  native,  rose  bitter  complaints  against  the  inhuman 
admiral  and  viceroy. 

Historians,  commenting  upon  this  fact,  say  that  an  unfortu 
nate  man  always  finds  accusers.  They  forget  that,  if  ever  Colum 
bus  was  prosperous,  these  were  the  days  of  his  prosperity.  The 
last  dispatches  from  the  Spanish  sovereigns  had  contained  ap 
proval  and  praise,  nevertheless  all  with  one  accord  rose  to  de 
nounce  him ;  such  unanimity  would  have  been  impossible,  had 
he  been  faultless. 

The  result  of  Aguado's  investigation  was  such,  that  in  pure 
justice  he  strove  to  redress  some  of  the  existing  wrongs;  by 
this  action  he  not  only  incurred  the  undying  enmity  of  Colum 
bus,  but  is  vilified  by  historians,  though  the  unfortunate  man's 
only  crime  seems  to  have  been  that,  when  sent  out  to  make  in 
vestigations,  he  performed  his  mission  conscientiously.  The  fact 
that  his  corroboration,  as  an  impartial  and  disinterested  party, 
of  the  accusations  so  universally  made,  \&  a  strong  evidence  of 
Columbus' s  guilt,  seems  to  escape  notice.  He  does  not  appear  to 
have  abused  his  authority  ;  he  collected  all  the  evidence  and  in 
formation  required,  and  then  proposed  to  return  to  Spain  and 
make  his  report. 


FLEET  DESTROYED   BY  HURRICANE. 


253 


Columbus  was  now  seriously  alarmed,  and  resolved  to  return 
thither  also,  and  make  what  defense  he  might.  A  tremendous 
hurricane,  however,  swept  over  the  island  and  destroyed  the  en 
tire  fleet,  which  lay  at  anchor,  with  the  exception  of  the  Nifla ; 
the  latter  had  to  be  repaired,  and  another  vessel  was  built  out  of 
the  wrecks ;  this  retarded  the  departure  alike  of  Columbus  and 
Aguado. 

During  the  delay,  Columbus  was  informed  of  the  discovery 
of  other  gold-mines,  more  productive  than  those  of  Cibao,  in  a 
beautiful  region  of  the  interior ;  they  were  discovered  by  a 
young  Spaniard  who  had  fled,  having,  as  he  supposed,  murdered 
a  comrade.  On  his  reappearance  with  tidings  of  gold,  Columbus, 
we  are  told,  not  only  pardoned  but  looked  upon  him  with  great 
favor,109  and  proceeded  to  explore  the  new  region,  being  desirous 
of  abandoning  Isabella,  which  he  now  considered  as  objection 
able  as  Navidad. 

109  Irving,  "  Columbus,"  book  viii.,  chapter  x.  The  gold  he  declared  potent  to 
save  from  the  pangs  of  purgatory,  he  thus  proved  to  be  equally  potent  in  averting 
the  gallows  and  the  penitentiary. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

RETURN   OF   COLUMBUS   TO   SPAIN. HIS   THIRD   VOYAGE. 

HAVING-  sent  his  brother  to  examine  the  situation  of  the 
mines,  who  returned  with  favorable  reports,  and  the  vessels 
being  now  ready  to  sail,  Columbus  embarked  in  one  and  Aguado 
in  the  other ;  as  many  of  the  Spaniards  as  could,  availed  them 
selves  of  this  opportunity  of  returning  to  their  native  land. 
The  voyage  was  a  long  and  disastrous  one  ;  the  crew  were  half 
famished  and  in  sorry  plight  when,  on  the  llth  of  June,  1496, 
they  entered  the  bay  of  Cadiz,  from  which  they  had  departed 
with  such  glowing  hopes.  "  Never  did  a  more  miserable  and 
disappointed  crew  return  from  a  land  of  promise,"  says  Irving. 
He  forgets  to  add,  whose  misrepresentations  were  the  cause  of  all 
this  misery  and  disappointment. 

A  month  elapsed  before  Columbus  received  a  summons  to 
appear  at  court,  and  his  guilty  conscience  made  him  greatly 
fear  for  his  reception  there;  his  abject  humility,  as  he  pro 
ceeded  to  Burgos,  contrasted  as  strikingly  with  his  vaunting 
return  from  his  first  voyage,  as  did  the  splendid  promises  he 
had  then  made,  with  the  miserable  reality  which  had  now  be 
come  apparent. 

Clad  in  the  garb  of  a  monk,  with  cringing  humility  apparent 
in  mien  and  gesture,  he  appeared  before  the  sovereigns.  They 
received  him  more  graciously  than  he  had  expected ;  some  his 
torians  declare  that  no  allusion  whatever  was  made  to  the  accu 
sation  of  Margarite  and  Boyle  ;  others  go,  so  far  as  to  say  that 
the  sovereigns  loaded  him  with  benefits  and  praise ;  all  agree, 
however,  while  making  these  assertions,  that  his  fortunes  are 
henceforth  under  a  cloud,  that  the  nation  ridiculed  him,  and 


COLUMBUS  IN  BAD  ODOR— GOLD  IN  BARS.  255 

that  the  confidence  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  was  shaken. 
Bossi  admits  that  it  was  intimated  to  him  that  he  had  best 
moderate  the  rigor  of  his  rule  in  the  islands ;  it  is  probable, 
therefore,  that  he  received  some  censure. 

In  vain,  to  recover  what  prestige  he  ever  possessed,  did  he 
announce  that  he  had  discovered  that  land  of  Ophir  whence 
Solomon  procured  his  gold ;  in  vain  did  he  dwell  upon  the  ad 
vantages  to  be  derived  from  his  visit  to  Cuba,  which,  he  averred, 
was  the  eastern  extremity  of  Asia.  His  disheartened  compan 
ions  told  a  different  tale.  He-  met  on  all  sides  with  derision, 
which  the  recollection  of  the  pompous  boasting  he  had  indulged 
in  on  his  return  from  his  first  voyage  only  served  to  increase  ; 
he  became  the  butt  of  well-earned  ridicule — an  example  of  how 
falsehood  and  fraud  will  oftentimes  turn  to  plague  the  inventor. 

Though  Isabella  may  have  refrained  from  publicly  disgracing 
the  admiral,  her  actions  show  plainly  what  credit  she  gave  his 
statements. 

For  a  year  and  a  half,  he  daily  represented  the  necessity  of 
sending  out  ships  and  provisions  to  Hispaniola.  At  the  end  of 
that  time,  two  caravels  were  sent,  under  one  Coronal;  but  he 
himself  could  not  procure  the  squadron  he  solicited,  with  which 
to  prosecute  his  discoveries — lack  of  funds  was  the  excuse  with 
which  he  was  put  off  from  day  to  day  and  month  to  month. 
Yet  this  excuse  can  hardly  be  considered  valid,  for,  at  that  very 
period,  a  magnificent  fleet  of  upward  of  a  hundred  vessels  (we 
believe,  a  hundred  and  twenty),  having  on  board  twenty  thou 
sand  persons,  convoyed  the  Princess  Juana  to  Flanders,  for  her 
marriage  with  the  Archduke  of  Austria. 

While  Columbus  was  importuning  for  a  fleet,  Pedro  Nino, 
who  had  left  Cadiz  for  Hispaniola  immediately  after  the  arrival 
of  the  former  in  that  port,  returned  to  Spain,  and  circulated  a 
report  that  he  had  on  board  much  gold,  in  bars,  the  fainting 
hopes  of  Columbus  revived.  He  was  instructed  by  the  crown 
to  defray  the  expenses  of  his  expedition  out  of  this  gold,  and 
an  appropriation  of  six  million  maravedis,  which  he  had  just 
with  difficulty  procured,  was  transferred  to  another  channel. 
"What,  then,  was  his  mortification,  when  he  discovered  that 
Nino  had  returned  with  a  cargo  of  Indians  to  be  sold  as  slaves 
— alluding  to  their  sale  for  gold,  and  to  their  present  imprison 
ment,  he  termed  them  gold  in  lars — satirically  implying  by 


256  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

this  jest  that  they  were  likely  to  be  the  only  gold  derived  from 
the  islands. 

If  the  boasting  lies  of  Columbus  had  been  derided  before, 
how  much  greater  did  the  derision  now  become  !  If  he  had  been 
hitherto  unable  to  procure  vessels,  how  much  less  willing  were 
the  sovereigns  now  to  make  an  outlay  which,  to  all  appearance, 
would  profit  them  nothing ! 

A  certain  pride,  however,  forbade  them  wholly  to  abandon 
an  enterprise  in  which  they  had  embarked ;  and,  to  silence  the 
importunities  of  Columbus,  they  ordered  that  such  vessels  as 
were  necessary  for  the  expedition  should  be  pressed  into  the 
service,  with  their  masters  and  pilots,  and  such  remuneration  to 
be  offered  the  owners  as  the  officers  of  the  crown  should  think 
fit ;  their  object  being  evidently  to  transfer  the  burden  of  the 
expenses  from  the  crown  to  its  subjects. 

About  this  time,  Columbus  made  his  will,  of  which  we  shall 
require  to  speak  more  at  length  hereafter.  He  also  succeeded 
in  obtaining  a  revocation  of  a  royal  order  which  had  been  ful 
minated  in  1495,  by  which  subjects  of  Castile  were  allowed  to 
make  voyages  of  discovery  at  their  own  expense  for  the  crown, 
a  permission  which  he  declared  was  in  direct  conflict  with  his 
interests,  and  supplicated  and  "begged  as  a  favor  that  it  should 
be  withdrawn.110 

Six  vessels  were  at  length  with  difficulty  procured.  Colum 
bus  received  permission  to  take  out  three  hundred  and  thirty 
persons  in  royal  pay,  to  colonize  the  islands ;  but  so  effectually 
had  the  Spaniards,  who  had  already  returned  thence,  succeeded 
in  demonstrating  the  falseness  of  his  representations,  that  it  was 
found  impossible  to  obtain  the  desired  recruits.  He  then  made 
a  proposition,  which  proves  alike  his  unprincipled  character  and 
the  extremities  to  which  he  was  reduced.  He  petitioned  that 
malefactors  might  be  released  from  their  prisons,  and  expiate 
their  offenses  by  a  sojourn  of  two  years  or  less  in  the  new  lands. 
To  this  proposition  Isabella  agreed,  to  her  lasting  dishonor;  and, 
in  so  doing,  effectually  contradicts  all  who  dwell  upon  her  kindly 
disposition  toward  the  unhappy  Indians  :  such  an  element  could 
hardly  work  for  the  good  of  their  souls.  The  conversion  in 
trusted  to  such  hands  must  surely  result  in  demoralizing,  rather 
than  elevating  them.  She  and  the  pious  admiral  well  knew  that 
»«  Navarrete,  "Colecc.  Dip.,"  vol.  ii.,  p.  224. 


THIEVES  AND   MURDERERS.  357 

lawless  criminals,  whom  society  had  deemed  unsafe  in  Spain, 
would  be  a  hundred-fold  worse  when  far  removed  from  restraint, 
and  turned  loose  upon  the  unhappy  natives.111 

Though  he  had  thus  procured  ships  and  crew,  Columbus  still 
had  great  difficulty  in  obtaining  supplies — difficulty  which  his 
quarrelsome  disposition  increased,  if  it  did  not  create.  Juan 
Rodriguez  de  Fonseca,  Bishop  of  Badajoz,  had  been  appointed 
head,  or  superintendent,  of  the  affairs  of  the  Indies.  He  is  one 
of  the  multitude  who  have  been  vilified  by  historians  because  he 
conscientiously  performed  the  duties  of  his  office,  instead  of  be 
coming  the  creature  of  Columbus.  Indeed  it  is  a  fact,  which  the 
careful  reader  cannot  fail  to  observe,  that,  in  order  to  make  a 
great  and  noble  man  of  the  latter,  his  biographers  are  obliged  to 
vilify  every  one  of  his  contemporaries  with  whom  he  had  any 
dealings  of  importance. 

Fonseca,  fortunately  for  the  crown,  opposed  the  extravagant 
demands  of  the  admiral.  The  quarrel  between  them  originated 
in  his  somewhat  reasonable  remonstrance  against  the  appoint 
ment  of  twenty  esquires  to  wait  solely  on  the  latter  on  his  sec 
ond  departure  for  the  primitive  regions  of  the  West.  Notwith 
standing  the  railings  of  Columbus  and  his  partisans,  there  is 
every  evidence  of  Fonseca's  having  been  an  efficient  officer  and 
meritorious  man.  Had  it  been  otherwise,  he  would  not,  as  he 
did,  have  retained  the  confidence  of  the  Spanish  sovereigns,  and 
remained  at  the  head  of  Indian  affairs  for  upward  of  thirty 
years,  despite  the  accusations  and  complaints  of  the  admiral. 
And  here  is  another  contradiction  of  that  sensational  fiction 
which  so  popularly  represents  Isabella  as  constantly  sympathiz 
ing  with  and  befriending  Columbus,  while  thwarted  by  her  hus- 

11  The  act,  or  order,  which  authorizes  this  exportation  of  criminals,  is  thus 
worded  :  "  .  .  .  We  will  and  ordain  that  all  and  every  person,  men  and  women,  our 
subjects  and  natives,  who  may  have  committed,  up  to  the  day  of  the  publication  of 
this  our  letter,  any  murders  and  offenses,  and  other  crimes,  of  whatever  nature  and 
quality  they  may  be  "  (heresy  and  others  are  excepted),  "  who  shall  go  and  serve  in 
person  in  the  island  of  Hispaniola,  and  shall  serve  in  it  at  their  own  expense,  and  in 
those  things  which  the  said  admiral  shall  command  and  specify  to  them  on  our  part ; 
namely,  those  who  have  incurred  the  punishment  of  death,  for  two  years,  and  those 
who  have  incurred  any  other  punishment,  although  it  may  be  the  loss  of  a  limb,  for 
one  year ;  shall  receive  a  pardon  for  every  crime  and  misdeed,  of  whatsoever  nature, 
quality,  or  gravity  it  may  be,  which  they  may  have  done  or  committed  up  to  the  day 
of  the  publication  of  this  our  letter,  excepting  the  cases  above  mentioned,  .  .  .  and 
we  reestablish  the  said  delinquents  in  their  former  good  fame,  and  in  the  state  in 
which  they  were,  before  they  had  done  and  committed  the  aforesaid  crimes." 


258  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

band  and  officials.  It  requires  but  a  moment's  reflection  for  the 
absurdity  of  this  view,  which  is  so  universally  entertained,  to 
become  apparent.  She  was  sovereign  of  Castile.  Her  husband's 
power  in  that  kingdom  was  merely  nominal.  His  influence, 
therefore,  would  have  been  ineffectual  in  injuring  Columbus,  had 
she  desired  to  patronize  him ;  and,  though  her  authority  was  not 
absolute,  yet  it  would  have  sufficed  to  remove  Fonseca,  who  is 
said  to  have  been  the  bitter  enemy  of  her  so-called  protege.  Had 
she  been  as  desirous  of  favoring  the  latter  as  is  represented,  she 
would  therefore  have  replaced  the  bishop  by  some  one  more 
friendly  to  his  interests. 

It  is  most  probable  that  the  queen,  now  thoroughly  under 
standing  the  grasping  character  of  her  admiral,  was  only  too 
glad  to  intrust  the  superintendence  of  his  expenditure  to  one  on 
whom  she  could  rely,  to  check  his  extravagance  and  expose  his 
frauds.  The  ill  repute  of  Fonseca,  like  the  fame  of  Columbus, 
has  been  chiefly  the  work  of  modern  times.  Irving  himself, 
who  brands  him  as  vile  and  despicable,  confesses  that  contem 
porary  historians  do  not  speak  unfavorably  of  the  bishop  ;  and, 
though  he  accounts  for  the  fact  by  supposing  that  prudence  re 
strained  them  from  expressing  their  true  opinion,  this  is  a  gratui 
tous  supposition  on  his  part. 

The  amiable  manner  in  which  our  admiral  comported  him 
self  toward  those  with  whom  he  came  in  contact  is  illustrated  by 
his  treatment  of  one  Ximeno  de  Breviesca,  the  treasurer  of  Fon 
seca.  Ximeno  had  some  business  with  him  just  before  his  de 
parture  on  this  third  voyage,  and,  having  occasion  to  protest,  or 
possibly  only  to  transmit  Fonseca's  protestation  against  some 
of  his  demands,  Columbus  knocked  him  down,  kicked  and  buf 
feted  him  in  a  most  brutal  manner.  As  one  more  example  of  how 
his  most  inexcusable  acts  receive  the  sanction  of  his  biographers, 
we  will  again  quote  Mr.  Irving,  who  seems  to  regard  such  con 
duct  as  far  from  blamable.  "  He  struck  the  despicable  minion 
to  the  ground,  and  spurned  him  repeatedly  with  his  foot,"  says 
Mr.  Irving,  relating  the  above  event,  "  venting  in  this  unguarded 
paroxysm  the  accumulated  griefs  which  had  long  rankled  in  his 
mind."  / 

De  Lorgues  thus  records  this  somewhat  equivocally  saint-like 
act: 

"  The  patriarch  of  the  ocean  made  a  step  toward  his  insulter, 


BRUTAL  ASSAULT  BY  THE  ADMIRAL  UPON  XIMENO.    259 

and  with  his  fist  dealt  a  blow  on  his  impudent  face.  The  mis 
erable  wretch  fell  down  stunned.  The  admiral  limited  him 
self  to  giving  a  few  kicks  to  this  vile  snarler,  who  fled  in  the 
midst  of  hootings,  concealing,  under  his  humiliation  and  forced 
tears,  his  secret  joy ;  for  from  that  moment  his  fortune  was 
made." 

But  De  Lorgues  denies  that  the  above  act  was  a  "  mark  of 
ungovernable  temper,"  and  declares  that,  in  perpetrating  it, 
"  Columbus  did  not  yield  to  hastiness,  or  to  the  excitement  of 
self-love,"  while  it  is  evident  that  he  desires  us  to  admire  the  le 
niency  of  his  hero,  who  limited  himself  to  giving  a  few  kicks  to 
his  prostrate  victim.113 

This  outburst  and  insult  to  a  public  officer,  which  exposed 
the  brutal  vindictiveness  of  the  man  in  all  its  violence,  went  far, 
as  may  be  supposed,  to  confirm  all  the  reports  of  his  cruelties 
and  insolence  toward  the  Spaniards  in  Hispaniola.  The  sov 
ereigns,  when  they  heard  of  this  outrage,  committed  within 
their  own  realm,  must  have  readily  conceived  how  the  perpe 
trator  would  act  when  far  removed  from  their  supervision,  and 
vested  with  supreme  authority. 

Leaving  the  remembrance  of  this  last  act,  and  the  impression 
it  must  inevitably  produce,  to  perform  their  work  in  Spain,  Co 
lumbus  set  sail  on  the  30th  of  May,  1498,  on  his  third  voyage,  in 
the  name  of  the  Holy  Trinity. 

At  the  Canary  Islands  he  divided  his  fleet,  and  sent  three 
vessels  direct  to  Hispaniola,  while  he  with  the  three  others  pro 
ceeded  to  the  Cape  Verde  Islands,  thence  to  sail  due  west  under 
the  equinoctial  line,  "  it  being  his  intention,"  says  Fernando,  "  to 
discover  the  continent."  Thus  we  perceive  at  once  that,  when 
in  the  island  of  Cuba  he  extorted  the  oath  from  his  men  that 
they  were  in  Asia,  he  was  perfectly  aware  of  the  perjury  which 
he  forced  them  to  commit ;  for,  had  he  then  supposed  he  had 
discovered  the  continent,  he  would  not  now  have  declared  that 
he  was  going  to  discover  it. 

His  voyage  lasted  two  months,  part  of  which  his  vessels  lay 
motionless  in  the  scorching  region  of  the  calm  latitudes  ;  and, 
though  he  desired  to  pursue  a  southwesterly  course,  the  condi 
tion  of  his  ships  forced  him  to  make  for  Hispaniola. 

On  -the  31st  of  July  of  this  year,  1498,  a  sailor  gave  the  cry 

112  De  Lorgues,  "  Christophe  Colomb,"  livre  ii.,  chapter  ix. 


260  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

of  land,  and,  shortly  after,  three  mountains  appeared,  which,  as 
the  ships  neared  them,  proved  to  be  united  at  their  bases.  This 
circumstance  Columbus  interprets  as  a  miracle,  intending  to  show 
how  acceptable  were  all  his  acts  to  the  Almighty.  He  had  sailed 
with  his  gang  of  thieves  and  murderers  in  the  name  of  the  Holy 
Trinity,  and  three  mountains,  symbolizing  that  Trinity,  are  the 
first  land  he  descries.  He  gave  the  island  (for  such  it  was)  the 
name  of  La  Trinidad,  which  it  bears  to  this  day.  He  then 
rounded  Cape  Galera,  which  brought  him  to  the  southern  side 
of  the  island ;  and  it  was  while  his  vessels  were  taking  in  water 
at  Point  Alcatraz,  the  low  lands  of  the  Orinoco  being  visible 
from  that  point,  that,  according  to  all  historians,  he,  on  the  1st 
of  August,  1498,  beheld  for  the  first  time  the  Continent  of 
America,  which,  in  the  preceding  year,  Amerigo  Vespucci  had 
visited,  and  coasted  from  the  gulf  of  Honduras  to  Chesapeake 
Bay.113  He  was  not,  however,  aware  that  the  land  before  him 
was  the  continent,  but  imagined  it  to  be  another  island. 

The  absurd  story  he  tells  of  the  sea  rising  like  a  high  moun 
tain,  threatening  to  submerge  the  ships,  is  said  by  over-indulgent 
writers  to  have  been  the  effect  produced  on  his  ardent  imagina 
tion  by  the  outpouring  of  the  waters  of  the  Orinoco  into  the 
ocean.  To  us  it  illustrates  his  character  :  the  truth  only  would 
not,  he  feared,  produce  wonder  enough.  In  his  efforts  to  give 
supernatural  semblance  to  all  that  occurred,  he  dealt  largely  in 
the  marvelous.  His  age  was  one  teeming  with  navigators,  yet 
none  of  his  contemporaries  record  such  storms,  such  calms,  such 
heat,  such  mutinous  crews,  such  huge  sea-monsters,  as  those 
which  he  imagined  or  invented. 

Having  escaped  from  this  huge  mountain  of  waters,  he 
emerged  from  the  northern  strait  which  divides  Trinidad  from 
the  continent,  and  which  he  named  Boca  del  Drago,  as  he  had 
already  named  the  southern  strait  which  formed  the  same  di 
vision  Boca  del  Sierpe. 

Still  in  ignorance  that  the  land  before  him  was  the  continent, 
he  coasted  Paria  in  search  of  some  outlet  to  the  sea  beyond. 
The  natives  received  him  kindly,  and  appeared  more  civilized 
than  those  he  had  found  in  the  islands.  Many  of  the  women 
wore  pearls,  and  he  obtained  a  quantity  of  costly  ones  in  ex- 

118  Cabot  had  also  preceded  Columbus,  and  reached  North  America  on  the  24th 
of  June,  1497. 


THE  EARTH  NOT  SPHERICAL— EARTHLY  PARADISE.     261 

change  for  the  merest  trifles.  At  length,  not  finding  the  desired 
outlet,  he  concluded  that  this  was  the  continent. 

The  description  of  this  voyage,  which  he  gives  in  a  letter  to 
the  sovereigns,  and  the  speculations  in  which  he  indulges  to 
rouse  their  flagging  interest,  is  certainly  a  valuable  production  as 
regards  originality,  and  as  a  proof  of  the  ignorance  and  absurdity 
of  the  man.  Here  he  gives  forth  that  truly  novel  theory  that 
the  earth  is  pear-shaped. 

"  I  have  always  read,"  he  writes,  in  a  letter  to  their  Catholic 
Majesties  on  his  return  from  this  voyage,  "  that  the  world,  com- 
•prising  the  land  and  the  water,  was  spherical,  as  is  testified  by 
the  investigations  of  Ptolemy  and  others,  who  have  proved  it  by 
the  eclipses  of  the  moon,  and  other  observations  made  from  east 
to  west,  as  well  as  by  the  elevation  of  the  pole  from  north  to 
south.114  But  I  have  now  seen  so  much  irregularity,  as  I  have 
already  described,  that  I  have  come  to  another  conclusion  re 
specting  the  earth — namely,  that  it  is  not  round,  as  they  de- 
cribe,  but  of  the  form  of  a  pear,  which  is  very  round,  except 
where  the  stalk  grows,  at  which  part  it  is  most  prominent." 

This  opinion  he  bases  upon  the  mildness  of  the  climate  in 
the  "Western  Hemisphere  near  the  equinoctial,  as  compared  with 
the  equatorial  regions  of  Africa.  This  mildness  he  attributes  to 
a  gradual  rise,  or  prominence,  like  a  great  mountain  or  upper 
portion  of  a  pear.  On  the  top  of  this  mountain,  or  excrescence, 
which  is  nearest  the  sky,  he  declares  the  earthly  paradise  to  be 
situated,  wrhich  he  proposes  to  add  to  the  other  possessions  of 
their  majesties.116  There  are  not  wanting  men  of  intellect  who, 

114  It  is  hereby  rendered  apparent  that  the  theory  of  the  earth's  sphericity,  which 
so  many  authors  describe  him  as  revealing  to  startled  and  incredulous  contempora 
ries,  was  in  his  time,  and  had  been  for  ages  before  it,  generally  accepted,  and,  in 
order  to  be  novel,  he  is  obliged  to  refute  that  theory. 

115  " ....  I  do  not  suppose  that  the  earthly  paradise  is  in  the  form  of  a  rugged 
mountain,  as  the  descriptions  of  it  have  made  it  appear,  but,  that  it  is  on  the  summit 
of  the  spot  which  I  have  described  as  being  in  the  form  of  the  stalk  of  a  pear,  the 
approach  to  it  from  a  distance  must  be  by  a  constant  and  gradual  ascent.  .  .  .  There 
are  great  indications  of  this  being  the  terrestrial  paradise,  for  its  site  coincides  with 
the  opinion  of  the  holy  and  wise  theologians  whom  I  have  mentioned  ;  and,  more 
over,  other  evidences  agree  with  the  supposition.  .  .  .  But  the  more  I  reason  on  the 
subject,  the  more  satisfied  I  become  that  the  terrestrial  paradise  is  situated  in  the 
spot  I  have  described.  .  .  .  May  it  please  the  Lord  to  grant  your  highnesses  a  long 
life,  and  health  and  peace  to  follow  out  so  noble  an  investigation  ! " — Columbus 's  Let 
ter  to  the  Sovereigns,  describing  his  Third  Voyage,  1498. 


LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

with  more  or  less  honesty,  have  defended  this  theory  as  plausi 
ble.  We  somewhat  doubt  that  honesty,  we  confess,  when  we 
find  that  enthusiastic  advocate  for  the  canonization  of  Columbus, 
M.  de  Lorgues,  asserting  that  in  the  above  absurd  speculation 
Columbus  shows  a  knowledge  of,  if  he  did  not  discover,  the  in 
flation  of  the  equator ;  we  fail  to  see  in  it  the  faintest  suspicion 
of  equatorial  inflation  round  the  whole  globe,  which  only  di 
verges  from  a  perfect  sphere  in  so  far  as  to  become  a  slightly 
flattened  one.  He  declares  a  prominence  or  excrescence  to  exist 
on  one  side  of  the  globe,  which  is  perfectly  round  on  all  other 
sides.  He  distinctly  contrasts  the  region  he  speaks  of  with  those 
of  Africa,  also  situated  on  the  equator.  He  also  declares  this 
excrescence  to  be  nearer  the  sky  than  other  parts  of  the  globe. 
This  totally  defeats  the  idea  of  uniform  inflation  around  its 
circumference,  which  evidently  never  for  a  moment  entered  the 
mind  of  Columbus. 

In  this  letter,  in  which  he  describes  in  glowing  colors  the 
country,  people,  and  productions  of  the  continent,  he  forbears  to 
speak  of  the  pearls  for  which  he  had  bartered  with  the  natives, 
having,  no  doubt,  a  desire  to  keep  them  for  himself  as  per 
quisites.  This  silence  will  hereafter  bring  him  into  trouble,  as 
his  men  were  well  aware  of  the  pearls  being  in  his  possession, 
and  proclaimed  the  fact  on  their  arrival  in  Hispaniola. 

He  now  determined  to  return  to  that  island.  He  had  an  in 
firmity  of  the  eyes,  which  nearly  deprived  him  of  sight,  and  suf 
fered  from  a  disease  which  is  reported  to  have  been  gout,  though 
how  that  fatal  consequence  of  ease  and  high  living  could  attack 
one  leading  such  a  life  as  his  requires  explanation. 

He  made  for  Isabella,  but  arrived  instead  at  San  Domingo, 
the  new  colony  on  the  south  side,  an  inexactitude  of  calculation 
which  is  among  the  least  perpetrated  by  "  the  admiral." 

On  his  arrival  he  was  met  by  the  adelantado.  Bartholomew 
Columbus,  who  gave  him  a  woful  account  of  the  condition  of 
the  island.  The  lands  were  uncultivated,  the  people  sick  and 
dying,  while  the  authority  of  his  brothers,  and  even  his  own, 
was  being  questioned. 


CHAPTEE  XX. 

REBELLION   OF   ROLDAN. CRUELTIES    OF   COLUMBUS. MURDER   OF 

MOXICA. 

THE  particulars  of  this  rebellion  form  one  of  the  most  dis 
graceful  pages  in  the  history  of  Columbus ;  it  illustrates  alike 
his  treachery,  cowardice,  and  inability  to  rule,  save  by  the  gross 
est  tyranny. 

After  his  departure  for  Spain,  his  brother  Bartholomew, 
whom  he  left  in  charge  of  the  government,  adopted  forthwith 
the  severest  measures,  constantly  traveling  from  one  part  of  the 
island  to  another,  allowing  the  unfortunate  Spaniards  neither 
rest  nor  quiet,  sternly  exacting  from  the  still  more  unfortunate 
natives  enormous  tribute ;  the  latter  revolted,  but  were  speedily 
vanquished,  their  leaders  put  to  cruel  deaths,  and  a  still  heavier 
tribute  imposed  upon  the  masses. 

Francisco  Roldan  had  been  appointed  by  Columbus  alcalde, 
mayor  or  chief-justice  of  the  island.  It  is  difficult  to  form  a 
just  estimate  of  this  man  from  the  perusal  of  the  histories  of 
Columbus  ;  nevertheless,  as  Fernando,  who  writes  in  his  father's 
interest,  says  that  he  (Roldan)  "  acted  from  a  pretense  to  further 
the  public  good,"  and,  as  through  all  his  proceedings  enough  is 
apparent  to  prove  that  this  was  at  least  one  of  his  motives,  if 
not  the  principal,  and  as,  moreover,  he  constituted  himself  the 
friend  and  protector  of  the  Indians,  we  may  infer  that  he  was 
really  far  more  meritorious  than  the  generality  of  those  who 
obtained  office  through  the  aid  of  Columbus.  It  soon  became 
apparent,  however,  that  he  did  not  intend  to  become  the  blind 
partisan  of  the  latter  by  disregarding  the  duties  of  his  office.  A 

manly  frankness  characterizes  his  dealings  with  Columbus  and 
18 


264  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

his  brothers  which  commands  respect.  Incensed  alike  by  the 
cruelties  practised  toward  the  Indians  and  the  hardships  imposed 
upon  the  Spaniards  by  the  harsh  and  restless  spirit  of  the  ade 
lantado^  and  discouraged  at  the  deplorable  condition  of  the 
island,  he  requested  that  a  certain  ship  which  the  adelantado 
had  built  might  be  fitted  out  to  convey  him  and  some  other 
cavaliers  to  Spain,  there  to  lay  their  grievances  before  the  sov 
ereigns.  His  request  was  denied,  upon  the  pretense  that  the  ship 
was  in  want  of  tackle.  This  can  hardly  have  been  true,  for  it 
had  but  just  returned  with  a  heavy  cargo  of  cotton,  etc.,  from 
the  district  of  Xaragua,  ruled  by  Anacaona,  widow  of  Caonabo, 
and  Behechio,  his  brother,  where  it  had  been  to  collect  tribute. 
Koldan  was  not  deceived  by  the  excuse  ;  he  represented  to  his 
friends  that  the  tyrannical  measures  of  the  adelantado  were  un 
lawful,  inasmuch  as  he  had  received  his  rank  from  the  admiral, 
who  had  no  right  to  confer  titles,  and  declared  that,  in  virtue 
of  his  office,  he  had  determined  to  release  the  oppressed  natives 
from  the  excessive  tribute  imposed  upon  them.  His  friends, 
who  appear  to  have  been  the  best  men  in  the  island,116  agreed  to 
sustain  him  in  these  measures.  He  received  particularly  ready 
assistance  from  Adrian  de  Moxica,  a  gentleman  of  wealth  and 
standing,  whose  kinsman,  Hernando  de  Guevara,  had  become 
enamored  of  and  desired  to  wed  a  daughter  of  Queen  Anaca 
ona,  and  therefore  ardently  sought  to  further  the  interests  of  her 
people. 

Koldan  and  his  followers,  determined  no  longer  to  recognize 
the  authority  of  the  adelantado^  left  Isabella.  So  great  was  the 
unpopularity  or  conscious  guilt  of  the  latter,  that  he  dared  not 
resent  this  proceeding,  but  sent  a  safe-conduct  to  Koldan,  peti 
tioning  for  an  interview.  Koldan  reiterated  his  demand  for  a 
vessel,  which  was  again  refused  upon  the  same  grounds.  He 
then  not  unnaturally  inferred,  what  was  probably  the  case,  name 
ly,  that  the  adelantado  was  by  no  means  desirous  that  an  account 
of  his  proceedings  should  reach  Spain.  He  strove  to  divest 
Koldan  of  his  office;  the  latter  very  justly  objected  that  their 
majesties  alone — to  whom  the  islands  belonged — or  their  accred 
ited  representative  could  remove  him ;  and  declared,  moreover, 

118  Fernando  tells  us  that  the  few  Spaniards  who  remained  with  the  adelantado, 
were  bribed  to  do  RO  by  the  promise  of  two  slaves  apiece,  to  be  given  them  if  they 
did  not  go  over  to  Roldan. — ffistoria  del  Amiranie,  chapter  Ixxv. 


EOLDAN   DEMANDS  THE  INDIANS'  RELEASE.  265 

that  the  sovereigns  did  not  wish  the  Indians  to  suffer  as  they 
did,  nor  the  Spaniards  to  be  so  oppressed.117 

He  prepared  to  leave  the  city  with  his  followers.  The  ode- 
lantado  refused  them  provision.  He  therefore  forced  open  the 
magazines  in  the  king's  name,  took  what  he  required,  and  pro 
ceeded  to  Xaragua,  releasing  the  Indians  on  his  way  from  trib 
ute,  and  assuring  them  that  all  their  Catholic  Majesties  required 
of  them  was  that  they  should  be  good  subjects.118 

When  Columbus  returned  to  Hispaniola,  and  was  made  ac 
quainted  with  these  events,  his  first  act  was  to  proclaim  Roldan 
and  his  followers  rebels  ;  but  he  seems  to  have  hesitated  in  be 
coming  openly  hostile  to  him  :  he  sent  one  Carvajal  to  offer  him 
a  safe-conduct  and  pardon  for  the  past,  if  he  would  return  to  his 
allegiance. 

Six  hundred  Indians,  who  had  been  made  prisoners  because 
their  cazique  had  failed  to  pay  tribute,  were  at  that  time  confined 
on  board  five  ships,  to  be  sent  to  Spain  as  slaves,  the  ships  only 
waiting  till  Columbus  should  be  able  to  write  that  affairs  in  the 
island  were  quiet,  before  sailing.  Roldan  therefore  made  an 
swer  to  Columbus's  envoy  that  he  desired  and  required  no  par 
don,  having  committed  no  offense,  but  he  merely  requested  that 
these  Indians,  whom  he  had  taken  under  his  protection,  should 
be  set  at  liberty  ;  that  he  was  acting  legally,  and  that  it  was  Co 
lumbus  who,  by  enslaving  them,  disobeyed  the  royal  commands. 
The  latter  refused  to  liberate  the  Indians,  but  sent  them  out  im 
mediately  to  Spain,  dwelling,  in  his  letter  to  the  sovereigns, 
upon  the  advantages  that  would  accrue  to  their  treasury  from 
the  sale  of  four  thousand  yearly,  at  the  same  time  reporting 
Roldan's  insubordination. 

Fear,  however,  or  the  conviction  that  his  own  cause  was  weak, 
induced  him  still  to  endeavor  to  come  to  an  understanding  with 
the  latter,  who,  thus  urged,  drew  up  articles,  and  promised,  on 
condition  of  Columbus  signing  them,  to  cease  hostilities.  This 
Columbus  refused  to  do,  saying  that,  were  he  to  sign,  he  would 
bring  himself,  his  brothers,  and  justice,  into  disrepute.119  As 
Roldan,  however,  remained  inexorable,  Columbus,  notwithstand 
ing  the  above  declaration,  acceded  to  all  his  requests,  which 
were,  in  substance,  that  two  good  ships  should  be  fitted  out,  in 

117  "  Historia  del  Amirante,"  chapters  Ixxv.,  Ixxvi. 

118  Idem.,  chapter  Ixxvi.      119  Idem.,  chapter  Ixxx. 


266  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

which  he  and  such  of  his  followers  as  wished  to  do  so,  might  re 
turn  to  Spain,  with  an  assurance  that  neither  the  admiral  nor 
his  friends  should  molest  them.  That  those  returning  to  Spain 
should  receive  certificates  of  good  conduct,  it  was  stipulated  that 
the  conditions  precedent  should  be  performed  within  ten  days 
after  the  signing  of  the  contract,  or  the  agreement  was  to  become 
void,  Roldan,  on  his  part,  pledging  himself  to  depart  within 
fifty  days  after  receiving  the  vessels. 

Throughout  all  these  proceedings,  Columbus  had  been  the 
suitor,  Roldan  the  sued,  which  appears  inconsistent  with  the  re 
ports  of  his  bad  behavior.  Had  he  really  been  so  blamable, 
Columbus  would  not  have  been  so  desirous  to  come  to  terms  with 
him,  but  would  have  trusted  to  the  royal  power  for  bringing  him 
to  subjection.  He  knew  that  Roldan,  in  his  protection  of  the 
Indians,  and  his  remonstrances  against  the  tyranny  of  himself 
and  his  brothers,  was  essentially  in  the  right,  and  would  be  so 
regarded  by  the  crown  when  the  truth  should  be  learned. 

The  agreement  was  signed  November,  1498.  It  was  not  till 
the  following  April  that  two  ships  were  furnished  Roldan.  He 
and  his  followers  refused  to  embark,  not  so  much  because  they 
had  not  arrived  within  the  prescribed  time,  as  because  they  were 
worm-eaten  and  insufficiently  furnished  with  provisions,  two 
somewhat  awkward  impediments  to  a  long  sea-voyage  ;  he 
therefore  declared  his  intention  of  seeking  redress  from  the 
crown.  This  alarmed  Columbus.  He  sent,  in  haste,  another 
safe-conduct,  and  requested  Eoldan  to  come  and  treat  with  him. 
The  latter  accepted  his  invitation,  and,  fearlessly  going  on  board 
the  admiral's  fleet,  obtained  the  following  terms  : 

All  his  followers  who  desired,  should  return  to  Spain  by  the 
first  ships ; 

That  those  remaining  behind  should  receive  lands  and 
houses ; 

That  a  proclamation  should  be  made,  that  Roldan  and  his  fol 
lowers  had  been  forced  to  act  as  they  had  by  the  fault  of  bad  men  ; 

That  Roldan  should  be  reappointed  perpetual  chief-justice, 
with  power  to  appoint  all  subordinate  justices. 

Thus  did  the  admiral  reward  the  man  whom  he  had  accused 
of  rebellion,  attempted  murder,  treason,  and  robbery,  by  con- 
ferring^upon  him  the  highest  office  at  his  disposal. 

If  he  were  indeed  guilty  of  the  crimes  imputed  to  him,  noth- 


DUPLICITY  AND  COWARDICE  OF  COLUMBUS.  267 

ing  can  excuse  the  dastardly  conduct  of  Columbus  in  thus  pro 
moting  him  ;  if,  on  the  other  hand,  he  had  only  justly  taken  up 
arms  against  the  tyranny  and  incompetency  to  rule  of  Columbus 
and  his  brothers,  their  cruelty  and  duplicity  stand  revealed. 
These  transactions,  therefore,  whatever  view  we  may  take  of 
them — whether  we  regard  Roldan,  as  do  the  majority  of  histo 
rians,  as  a  lawless  rebel,  or,  what  is  more  probable,  as  one  who 
fearlessly  and  perseveringly  stood  up  for  the  rights  of  his  coun 
trymen  and  the  oppressed  Indians — the  part  played  by  Colum 
bus  is  alike  despicable  and  revolting. 

Not  only  did  he  give  this  so-called  rebel  office  and  justifica 
tion,  but  conferred  on  him  lands  and  other  favors.  When  he, 
however,  asked  to  visit  these  lands  (a  not  unnatural  request,  it 
would  seem),  we  are  told  that  the  admiral  reluctantly  consented. 

On  his  way  to  Xaragua,  Roldan  appointed  one  of  his  friends 
alcalde,  or  justice.  This  appointment,  though  of  no  material  im 
portance,  yet  furnishes  another  proof  of  how  modern  authors 
have  strayed  still  farther  from  the  truth  in  their  attempts  to  make 
Columbus  immaculate,  than  contemporary  writers.  Mr.  Irving 
says  Columbus  was  justly  indignant  at  this  appointment,  Roldan 
having  no  power  to  appoint  associate  justices.  Fernando  Colum 
bus,  who,  as  has  been  shown,  does  not  always  adhere  strictly  to 
the  truth,  and  who  may  justly  be  supposed  to  represent  his 
father  in  as  favorable  a  light  as  possible,  and  not  to  palliate  the 
faults  of  his  father's  enemies,  allows  that  in  the  matter  of  this 
appointment  Roldan  was  right.  He  says  the  latter  "  appointed 
Riquielme  alcalde,  it  ~being  a  part  of  his  grant  to  appoint  other 
alcaldes."  12° 

How,  then,  can  it  be  asserted  that  Columbus  was  justly  indig 
nant  at  an  officer's  properly  exercising  the  functions  of  his  office  ? 

Two  ships  finally  set  sail  for  Spain  in  October,  1499,  bearing 
thither  many  of  Roldan's  adherents,  whom  Columbus  had  pre 
sented  with  slaves  and  certificates  of  their  good  character  and 
conduct  on  the  island.  These,  however,  he  privately  contra 
dicted  by  secreting  on  board  of  one  of  the  very  ships,  in  the  keep 
ing  of  one  of  his  confidants,  a  letter  to  the  sovereigns,  wherein 
he  accused  Roldan  of  the  most  heinous  crimes,  begged  them  not 
to  give  credence  to  the  certificates  of  good  character,  as  the  men 
to  whom  he  had  furnished  them  were  murderers,  rebels,  and 

120  "  Historia  del  Amirante,"  chapter  Ixxxiii. 


268  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

thieves,  whom  he  advised  their  majesties  to  have  seized  imme 
diately  on  their  arrival,  stripped  of  their  possessions,  and  severely 
punished.  It  is  difficult  to  imagine  conduct  at  once  more  treach 
erous,  despicable,  and  pusillanimous,  than  this.121 

He  also  requested  that  a  judge  should  be  sent  to  administer 
justice  in  the  island,  said  judge  to  be  paid  by  him,  and  whose 
duties  were  to  be  so  specified  that  they  should  not  interfere  with 
his  prerogatives.122  Such  a  justice,  powerful  to  do  the  will  of 
Columbus,  but  powerless  against  him,  would  have  been  a  sorry 
acquisition  for  Hispaniola. 

It  was  in  this  year,  1499,  that  Amerigo  Vespucci,  on  his 
return  from  his  second  voyage,  provisions  falling  short,  put  in  at 
Hispaniola  upon  the  suggestion  of  Alonza  de  Ojeda.  Columbus 
immediately  sent  Roldan  to  express  his  indignation  at  their  hav 
ing  landed  without  his  permission.  The  latter  found  a  party  of 
the  ship's  crew  busily  engaged  in  making  cassava-bread  in  an 
Indian  village,  thus  demonstrating  the  innocence  and  necessity 
of  their  visit. 

Alonzo  de  Ojeda  was  the  nominal  commander  of  the  expedi 
tion,  as  the  grant,  allowing  citizens  to  prosecute  discoveries  at 
their  own  expense  for  the  crown,  only  extended  to  subjects  of 
Castile.  Yespucci  was  an  Italian,  in  the  service  of  the  King  of 
Aragon.  It  was  Ojeda,  therefore,  who  showed  Roldan  the 
papers  authorizing  the  expedition,  duly  signed  by  Fonseca,  head 
of  the  affairs  of  the  Indies.  This  was  unanswerable  ;  but  Ojeda, 
with  more  generosity  than  judgment,  is  said  to  have  declared 
himself  the  patron  of  the  many  Spaniards,  who,  remembering  his 
impulsive  bravery,  flocked  around  him,  telling  him  their  griev 
ances — representing  that  they  had  received  no  pay  since  their 
arrival  in  the  island,  though  the  crown  provided  for  their  remu 
neration. 

Ojeda  promised  to  redress  their  wrongs,  and  to  compel 
Columbus  to  pay  them ;  at  the  same  time  bidding  them  put  no 
faith  in  the  promises  of  the  latter,  as  he  would  only  fulfill  them 
so  long  as  necessity  compelled  him  to  do  so.123 

He,  moreover,  informed  them  of  what  was  soon  to  become 
apparent— namely,  that  the  admiral  was  far  from  being  in  favor 

121  Irving,  book  xii.,  chapter  v 

112  Letter  of  Columbus  to  DoBa  Juana  de  la  Torres. — Irving,  book  tii.,  chapter  T. 

123  "  Historia  del  Amirante,"  chapter  Ixxxiv. 


GUEVARA,   OJEDA,   MOXICA.  269 

at  the  court  of  Spain,  where  only  unfavorable  reports  of  him  had 
been  received.  He  predicted,  not  without  reason,  as  will  be 
seen,  the  speedy  and  total  downfall  of  the  tyrant. 

Holdan  met  the  expedition,  at  the  head  of  which  Ojeda  had 
placed  himself.  The  latter  remembering,  perhaps,  that  he  had 
been  sent  upon  a  voyage  of  discovery,  and  not  to  enforce  justice, 
retired  to  his  ship,  and,  after  some  further  skirmishing  and  par 
leying,  set  sail  for  Spain. 

We  have  mentioned  the  young  Fernando  de  Guevara,  who 
was  desirous  of  wedding  the  daughter  of  Anacaona.  That  a 
young  Spanish  cavalier  should  become  the  lawful  husband  of  an 
Indian  maiden  would  be  a  dangerous  blow  to  the  policy  of  Co 
lumbus,  which  was  to  degrade  and  enslave  the  natives.  He  fore 
saw  this  would  become  impossible  when  these  unfortunates 
should  acquire  allies  among  the  Spaniards  united  to  them  by  the 
strong  ties  of  blood.  Guevara  was,  therefore,  forbidden  to  marry 
the  young  princess,  and  ordered  to  leave  the  island  in  Ojeda's 
ships.  When  we  remember  that  Columbus  had  instructed  Rol- 
dan  to  drive  Ojeda  from  the  island  as  a  pirate,  his  presumption 
in  sending  a  passenger  for  transport  on  board  an  enemy's  ship, 
while  a  monstrous  wrong  to  Guevara,  was  strictly  in  keeping 
with  his  general  line  of  conduct.  Finding  that  Ojeda  had  al 
ready  departed,  and  feeling  the  injustice  and  cruelty  with  which 
he  was  treated,  Guevara  resolved  to  persevere,  and  to  marry  the 
Indian  princess.  He  therefore  secreted  himself  in  the  house  of 
her  mother,  and  sent  for  a  priest  to  baptize  his  bride.  He  was 
discovered  and  driven  out  by  the  authorities,  but  with  touching 
persistency  returned  once  more,  when  he  was  made  prisoner  and 
conducted  to  the  fortress  of  San  Domingo,  there  to  await  the 
punishment  of  so  heinous  a  crime  as  that  of  loving  faithfully  and 
honestly  an  Indian  maiden.  This  persistent  and  lawful  attach 
ment,  in  the  face  of  tyranny  and  persecution,  is  termed  by  Co 
lumbus  a  rebellion;  and  because  Adrian  de  Moxica,  kinsman  to 
the  unfortunate  youth,  remonstrated  against  his  imprisonment, 
he  was  accused  of  "joining  in  the  rebellion."  After  requesting 
the  release  of  Guevara,  and  being  refused,  he  set  out  with  six 
or  seven  followers,  to  endeavor,  it  is  said,  to  liberate  him.  Co 
lumbus,  hearing  of  this,  with  his  accustomed  treachery  came 
upon  the  little  band  unawares  in  the  night,  and  made  them  pris 
oners. 


270 


LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 


On  all  sides,  we  are  told,  murmurs  of  disaffection  and  hatred 
were  heard  against  the  admiral.  He  was  aware  of  the  utter  de 
testation  in  which  he  was  held,  but  hoped,  by  inspiring  terror, 
to  prevent  an  outburst  against  himself.  Adrian  de  Moxica  was 
in  his  power.  He  determined  to  put  him  to  death,  and  thus  in 
timidate  all  who  should  thereafter  dare  to  oppose  his  wishes,  or 
remonstrate  against  his  tyranny.  Without  legal  authority,  and 


COLTTMBITS  KICKS  MOXICA  FROM  THE  BATTLEMENTS. 

with  scarce  the  form  of  a  trial,  Moxica  was  condemned  to  instant 
death.  He  requested  to  be  allowed  to  confess — a  demand  which 
was  grudgingly  granted  by  the  saintlike  Christopher.  So  great 
was  his  thirst  for  vengeance,  that  even  this  pious  delay  was  more 
than  he  could  brook.  A  priest  being  summoned,  Moxica,  in 
those  last  moments — we  read  in  an  old  work — "  confessing,  de 
laying,  and  then  beginning  again,  accused  Columbus  of  having 
caused  the  troubles,  whereupon  he,  indignant  at  his  audacity, 
spurned  him  from  the  battlements."  Some  writers  represent 
Moxica  as  delaying  death  as  long  as  possible  by  prolonging  his 
confession,  at  which  Columbus,  becoming  indignant,  ordered 
him  to  be  thrown  from  the  battlements.  But  from  all  we  can 


MOXICA  KICKED  FROM  THE  BATTLEMENTS. 


271 


gather,  he  met  his  fate  fearlessly,  and,  in  that  last  solemn  mo 
ment,  accused  Columbus  of  the  crimes  which  had  brought  misery 
upon  the  island.  The  latter,  furious  at  being  unable  to  conquer 
the  spirit  of  his  victim  even  in  death,  in  an  outburst  of  passion, 
similar  to  that  he  gave  vent  to  in  Cadiz  toward  Fonseca's  treas 
urer,  kicked  the  manacled  prisoner  from  the  high  walls  of  the 
fortress  into  the  fosse  below. 

Such  is  the  atrocious  act  which  historians  record,  yet  seem 
blind  to  the  horror  it  must  inspire  in  all  humane  breasts  ;  they 
expend  their  choicest  pathos,  and  would  move  their  readers  to 


SPANIARDS  EXECUTED  BY  BARTHOLOMEW  COLUMBUS. 

tears,  when  relating  the  misfortunes  (self-created)  of  Columbus, 
yet  recount  the  awful  murder  of  Moxica  in  terms  seemingly  un 
conscious  that  it  should  stir  up  any  other  feeling  than  that  of 
admiration  for  the  murderer. 

Irving  writes :  "  Columbus,  losing  all  patience,  in  his  mingled 
indignation  and  scorn,  ordered  the  dastardly  wretch  to  be  flung 
headlong  from  the  battlements." 

Does  it  not  surprise  the  reader  that  an  author  can  use  such 
language  in  describing  such  a  scene,  and  thus  make  himself  not 
merely  the  apologist,  but  the  approver  of  brutal  cruelty  ? 


272  LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

De  Lorgues,  wlio  seems  not  Very  unjustly  to  consider  this 
act  as  militating  somewhat  against  the  canonization  of  Colum 
bus,  which  he  so  strenuously  advocates,  denies  his  perpetration 
of  it,  and  lays  it  to  the  charge  of  Roldan,  a  violation  of  truth  too 
daring  for  any  former  historian  to  have  attempted,  as  even  the 
eulogists  and  most  ardent  admirers  of  Columbus  admit  his  part 
in  this  atrocious  crime.  Mufioz  circumstantially  relates  how 
Roldan  left  to  the  admiral  the  judgment  of  Moxica ;  how  the 
admiral,  in  the  dead  of  night,  made  the  latter  prisoner,  con 
ducted  him  to  the  fortress  of  Concepcion,  and  had  him  exe 
cuted.124 

The  murder  of  Moxica  was  but  a  commencement  of  the  sum 
mary  proceedings  of  Columbus.  He  and  his  brother  set  out 
upon  an  expedition  through  the  island,  taking  with  them  a 
priest.  Wherever  they  came  upon  a  disaffected  Spaniard,  he 
was  seized,  the  priest  confessed  him,  and  he  was  hanged  forth 
with  ;  this  was  done,  we  read,  "  that  the  Indians  might  be  again 
brought  to  pay  their  tributes,  to  the  end  that  their  majesties 
might  have  wherewith  to  defray  the  expenses  they  were  at,  and 
the  admirals  enemies  might  give  over  railing."  126 


From  PHILOPONO.    (Nova  Typis,  etc.) 

•  The  Indians  were  submissive,  dreading  the  admiral,  and  so  desirous   to  please  him   that  they 
readily  became  Christians  only  to  oblige  him."—"  Historia  del  Amirante,"  chapter  Ixxxiv. 

124  Muiioz,  "  Historia  del  Nuevo  Mundo,"  libro  vi.,  p.  338. 

125  Herrera,  "  West  Indies,"  Decade  I.,  book  iv.,  chapter  i. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

DISPLEASURE   OF    THE    SOVEREIGNS   AGAINST    COLUMBUS. THEY   SEND 

OUT    BOBADILLA   TO    INVESTIGATE    HIS    CONDUCT. ACTION    OF    BO- 

BADILLA. 

WHILE  Columbus  thus  outraged  decency  and  humanity  in 
the  island  of  Hispaniola,  his  downfall  was  impending  on  the 
other  side  of  the  ocean.  The  king  and  queen,  considering  the 
many  complaints  made  against  him,  as  also  the  evident  misrule 
prevailing  in  their  "Western  possessions,  the  persistent  export  of 
slaves  against  their  express  command,  and  his  repeated  false 
hoods  and  exaggerations,  wisely  resolved  that  his  rule  in  Hispa 
niola,  as  in  all  the  other  newly-found  lands,  should  cease.  They 
appointed  Francisco  de  Bobadilla  to  examine  into  the  complaints 
made  against  him,  also  into  the  rebellion  of  which  he  accused 
Roldan.  He  was,  in  their  name,  to  take  possession  of  all  for 
tresses,  ships,  and  other  property  of  the  crown,  to  assume  the 
rank  and  title  of  judge,  and  governor  of  the  island. 

As  his  biographers  reach  this  period  of  Columbus's  history, 
language,  of  whatever  country,  seems  scarce  to  contain  adequate 
terms  in  which  to  express  their  sympathizing  pity  for  the  martyr 
hero.  The  ingratitude  of  human  nature  in  general,  and  princely 
nature  in  particular,  is  dwelt  upon  in  strong,  if  not  exactly  origi 
nal  or  novel  terms. 

He,  however,  who  considers  the  facts  calmly  and  dispassion 
ately,  will  readily  agree  with  us,  that  the  sovereigns  did  not  deal 
harshly  with  Columbus.  They  acted  with  all  the  consideration 
he  could  expect,  and  with  far  more  leniency  than  he  deserved. 
They  had  long  doubted  his  efficiency  as  a  ruler,  and  the  disorders 
prevailing  in  Hispaniola,  and  his  utter  unpopularity,  confirmed 
this  doubt.  They  regretted  the  foolish  haste  with  which  they 


274  LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

had  intrusted  him  with  many  of  their  subjects.  His  enterprise, 
which  he  had  promised  should  so  largely  enrich  them,  had  cost 
much  and  paid  nothing  ;  ships  returned  to  Spain  from  the  distant 
islands  far  more  heavily  laden  with  complaints  against  Colum 
bus  than  with  the  gold  he  had  promised.  His  veracity  and  hon 
esty  appeared  in  a  doubtful  light,  when  no  substantial  corrobora- 
tion  was  forthcoming  of  the  wondrous  tales  he  had  circulated  of 
a  land  so  rich  in  gold  that  it  could  be  no  other  than  that  of 
Ophir.  Moreover,  hundreds  of  unfortunates  who  had  gone  out 
under  promises  of  royal  pay,  and  whose  salaries  Columbus  had 
withheld,  congregated  around  the  palace,  loudly  petitioning  for 
pay,  and  exhibiting  their  poverty  and  misery  wherever  the  king 
and  queen  showed  themselves,  exclaiming,  when  they  saw  the 
sons  of  Columbus  (Fernando  and  Diego)  in  royal  service,  "Be 
hold  the  sons  of  the  Admiral  of  Mosquito-land,  the  discoverer 
of  false  and  deceitful  countries,  to  be  the  ruin  and  burial-place 
of  Spanish  hidalgos  !  " — "  Which  made  us,"  observes  Fernando, 
in  his  history,  "  cautious  of  appearing  before  them." 

This  accumulated  evidence  against  Columbus  determined  the 
sovereigns  to  send  out  some  one  who  should  make  them  truthful 
reports  as  to  the  troubles  prevailing  in  their  new  possessions. 
They  chose,  as  we  have  stated,  their  commander,  Francisco  de 
Bobadilla,  and  on  March  21, 1499,  signed  a  commission,  ordering 
him  to  "  inquire  what  persons  had  risen  against  justice,"  and  to 
proceed  against  them  according  to  law.  Two  months  later  they 
seem  to  have  fully  resolved  that  Columbus  should  be  superseded ; 
and,  on  the  21st  of  May,  two  other  commissions  were  furnished 
Bobadilla.  The  first  gave  the  government  of  the  Indies  to  the 
commander,  Francisco  de  Bobadilla,  and  contains  the  following 
comprehensive  and  conclusive  clause  : 

"  It  is  our  will  that  if  the  commander,  Francisco  de  Boba 
dilla,  should  think  it  necessary  for  our  service  and  the  purpose 
of  justice,  that  any  cavalier  or  other  persons,  who  are  at  present 
in  those  islands — or  may  arrive  there — should  leave  them,  and 
not  return  and  reside  in  them,  and  that  should  come  and  present 
themselves  before  us,  he  may  command,  in  our  name,  and  oblige 
them  to  depart.  And  whomsoever  he  thus  commands,  we  hereby 
order  that  immediately,  without  waiting  to  inquire  or  consult 
us,  or  to  receive  from  us  any  other  letter  or  command,  and  with 
out  interposing  appeal  or  supplication,  they  obey  whatever  he 


BOBADILLA  SENT  TO  HISPANIOLA— HIS  POWERS.      275 

shall  say  and  order,  under  the  penalties  he  shall  impose  on  our 
part."  126 

All  possibility  of  disobedience  and  resistance,  or  excuse  there 
for,  seems  to  be  here  forestalled,  but  to  little  eifect,  as  the  conduct 
of  Columbus  will  prove. 

The  second  letter-patent,  or  commission,  commanded  Colum 
bus  and  his  brothers  to  deliver  up  to  Bobadilla  all  fortresses, 
ships,  arms,  etc.,  "  under  penalty  of  incurring  the  punishment  to 
which  those  are  subject  who  refuse  to  surrender  fortresses  and 
other  trusts  when  commanded  by  the  sovereigns."  m 

Nor  were  these  comprehensive  commissions  all.  Foreseeing, 
no  doubt,  the  reluctance  with  which  Columbus  would  resign  a 
position  for  which  he  was  so  unfit,  xthe  sovereigns  addressed  a 
letter  to  him,  which  they  intrusted  to  Bobadilla.  It  ran  thus  : 

"  To  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS,  out  Admiral  of  the  Ocean  Sea : 

"  We  have  ordered  the  commander,  Francisco  de  Bobadilla, 
to  acquaint  you  with  some  things  from  us ;  therefore  we  desire 
you  to  give  him  entire  credit,  and  to  obey  him. 

"  GIVEN  AT  MADRID,  May  21,  1499." 

These  commissions,  we  have  seen,  were  signed  in  1499,  with 
ill-timed  consideration.  The  sovereigns,  however,  still  refrained 
from  dispatching  Bobadilla.  Had  they  done  so  immediately, 
Moxica  might  have  escaped  his  awful  fate ;  and  many  others, 
who  were  put  to  death  without  trial,  might  have  been  spared. 

It  was  not  till  the  arrival  of  the  ships  containing  Roldan's 
followers,  and  the  slaves  presented  to  them  by  Columbus,  that 
the  indignation  of  the  queen  was  thoroughly  aroused.  "  What 
right,"  she  is  said  angrily  to  have  exclaimed,  "  has  my  admiral 
to  enslave  my  subjects  ?  "  She  immediately  ordered  a  proclama 
tion  to  be  made,  that  those  slaves  which  had  been  given  away 
by  Columbus  and  brought  to  Spain,  should  be  immediately  de 
livered  to  Bobadilla  (whom  she  determined  to  send  out  without 
further  delay),  and  restored  to  liberty  in  their  native  land.  Ac 
cording  to  Herrera  and  others,  the  penalty  imposed  upon  those 
not  delivering  up  the  said  slaves,  was  death. 

Invested,  then,  with  the  remarkably  full  and  unconditional 

126  Navarette,  "Collee.  Dip.,"  vol.  ii.,  p.  266. 

127  Idem.,  p.  267. 


276  LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

authority  as  contained  in  the  four  letters-patent  already  men 
tioned,  and  provided,  besides,  with  numerous  blank  letters, 
signed  by  the  sovereigns,  to  be  filled  up  as  he  thought  proper. 
Bobadilla  left  Spain  in  July,  1500,  to  arrive  in  Hispaniola  on  the 
23d  of  August  of  that  year. 

It  becomes  us  carefully  to  examine  this  episode  in  the  history 
of  Columbus.  Bobadilla  has  been  energetically  denounced.  Fer 
nando  is  foremost  among  those  who  accuse  him  of  obstinacy,  arro 
gance,  and  vindictiveness,  and  most  historians  have  followed  his 
example.  But  Fernando,  we  must  remember,  was  the  son  'of 
Columbus ;  and  most  of  his  biographers  are  his  admirers  and 
apologists,  quand  meme ;  their  opinions,  therefore,  should  be 
received  with  extreme  caution.  There  are,  however,  historians 
who  give  Bobadilla  credit  for  ability  and  integrity,  while  those 
most  bitter  against  him  have  never  impugned  his  incontestable 
personal  incorruptibility.  He  was  intrusted  with  as  high  powers 
as  a  sovereign  could  confer  upon  a  subject  and  agent,  yet  he  did 
not  abuse  that  power ;  and  there  is  no  evidence  that  the  extraor 
dinary  trust  reposed  in  him  was  ever  used  in  a  manner  deroga 
tory  to  his  own  honor,  or  detrimental  to  the  interests  of  the 
crown.  Regarded  from  a  humane  and  moral  point  of  view,  his 
conduct  was  praiseworthy,  while  legally  it  was  not  only  just  and 
equitable,  but  the  only  course  he  could  possibly  have  pursued  in 
justice  to  the  sovereigns,  and  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties. 

As  the  little  fleet  was  sighted  off  the  harbor  of  San  Domingo, 
a  canoe  was  sent  out  to  inquire  after  a  son  of  Columbus  who  was 
expected.  This  messenger  was  informed  by  Bobadilla  that  he 
had  come  out  as  commissioner  to  investigate  charges  touching 
the  late  rebellion.  The  master  of  the  ships  asked  news  of  the 
island,  and  was  told  that  seven  of  the  Spaniards,  into  whose  con 
duct  Bobadilla  came  to  inquire,  were  already  hanged,  and  that 
five  others,  among  them  young  Guevara,  awaited  a  similar  fate. 

As  soon  as  the  report  was  spread  that  a  commissioner  had 
arrived  to  investigate  the  charges  made  against  the  so-called  reb 
els,  there  was  much  commotion  in  the  island,  but  of  a  different 
character  from  what  might  have  been  expected  had  Columbus 
been  in  the  right.  His  brothers  and  adherents  evinced  manifest 
uneasiness,  while  the  accused  rejoiced  that  at  length  justice,  and 
not  despotism  and  personal  spite,  was  to  decide  their  fate. 

Bobadilla  remained  on  board  his  ship  during  the  day  sue- 


GIBBET  SCENES— THE  COLUMBOS  DISLOYAL.  277 

ceeding  liis  arrival ;  crowds  of  Spaniards  visited  him  bearing  but 
one  tale,  that  of  the  oppressions  and  wrongs  they  had  suffered  at 
the  hands  of  Columbus.  These  complaints,  bitter  and  innu: 
merable  as  they  were,  do  not  seem  to  have  influenced  Bobadilla, 
except  in  so  far  as  to  determine  him  to  assume  jurisdiction  over 
the  so-called  rebels  at  once,  and  so  retard  or  prevent,  as  justice 
might  demand,  the  executions  then  pending.  In  this  resolution 
he  was  strengthened  by  the  sickening  sight  which  met  his  eye 
as  he  entered  the  river;  on  either  bank,  the  dead  body  of  a 
Spaniard  swung  ghastly  from  a  gibbet ;  these  executions  had 
apparently  been  recent — Columbus  had  anticipated  his  arrival 
and  defeated  the  humane  intentions  of  the  sovereigns,  in  so  far 
as  these  victims  were  concerned. 

He  landed  the  next  morning,  attended  mass,  and,  after  that 
ceremony  (being  informed  that  Columbus  and  his  brother,  the 
adelantadoy  were  absent),  in  the  presence  of  Don  Diego,  who 
was  in  command  of  the  fortress,  of  Roderigo  Peroz,  the  servants 
of  the  admiral,  and  the  large  concourse  assembled,  ordered  his 
commission  (authorizing  him  to  investigate  the  rebellion,  and 
commanding  Columbus,  and  all  others  in  authority,  to  aid  him 
in  discharging  his  duties)  to  be  read. 

This,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  the  simplest  and  least  com 
prehensive  of  his  letters-patent.  He  commenced,  however,  by 
reading  it,  thinking  first  to  ascertain  the  causes  of  the  trouble, 
and  then,  if  necessary,  investigate  the  conduct  of  Columbus  and 
his  brothers,  and,  if  it  proved  blameworthy,  to  remove  them.  He 
therefore  demanded  that  the  persons  of  the  prisoners  should  be 
surrendered  to  him,  and  the  written  accusations  against  them  to 
be  given  into  his  keeping,  requiring,  at  the  same  time,  their  ac 
cusers  to  appear  before  him. 

The  daily  impending  execution  of  the  prisoners,  by  order  of 
Columbus,  rendered  it  necessary  that  their  persons  should  be 
placed  in  safety,  at  least  till  they  had  been  tried.  The  action  of 
Bobadilla  was,  therefore,  strictly  lawful.  Few,  with  any  knowl 
edge  of  law,  or  any  feelings  of  justice,  will  fail  to  perceive  that 
he  could  not  have  acted  otherwise. 

Don  Diego,  however,  refused  to  deliver  the  prisoners,  refused 
to  recognize  the  authority  of  Bobadilla,  and  alleged  that  Colum- 
bus's  power  was  superior  to  any  the  former  could  have  been  in 
vested  with. 


278  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

Bobadilla  regarded  this  as  perhaps  a  natural  and  excusable 
caution  under  the  circumstances ;  he  imagined  that,  of  course, 
when  Diego  should  learn  how  full  were  his  powers,  he  would  no 
longer  hesitate  to  obey  the  dictates  of  his  sovereigns.  He,  there 
fore,  the  next  morning,  before  the  assembled  multitude,  read  the 
second  commission,  which  created  him  governor  of  the  island, 
and  ordered  that  he  should  be  implicitly  obeyed,  without  demur 
or  appeal.  He  then  took  the  accustomed  oath  of  office,  and 
again  demanded  the  surrender  of  the  prisoners.  But  he  soon 
learned  that  he  was  to  encounter  nothing  but  opposition  and  de 
fiance  from  Columbus  and  his  brothers.  It  would  naturally  be 
supposed  that,  when  a  judge  arrived  whose  mission  was  to  try, 
and  to  treat,  according  to  their  deserts,  those  whom  he  had  ac 
cused  of  rebellion  and  heinous  crimes,  Columbus  and  his  broth 
ers  would  gladly  have  welcomed  that  judge,  and  assisted  him  to 
the  utmost. 

That  they  persisted  from  the  first  in  regarding  Bobadilla  as 
an  enemy  may  be  thus  explained :  They  knew  that  their  con 
duct  would  not  bear  investigation  ;  that,  if  it  was  once  brought 
to  light,  their  power  was  ended,  and  they  themselves  would  per 
haps  suffer  the  penalty  of  their  crimes,  while  the  innocence  of 
those  they  accused  would  be  revealed.  Columbus  had  indeed 
petitioned  for  a  judge,  but  for  one  subservient  to  him — in  his 
pay — whose  justice  should  be  what  he  willed.  Bobadilla,  coming 
with  power  superior  to  his  own,  received  from  the  sovereigns, 
was  not  what  he  bargained  for. 

Diego  Columbus  would  no  more  regard  the  second  commis 
sion  than  he  had  done  the  first,  and  still  refused  to  deliver  the 
prisoners. 

Bobadilla  now  perceived  something  more  serious  and  offen 
sive  than  caution  in  this  obstinate  resistance.  He  recognized  how 
wisely  ho  had  been  intrusted  with  a  letter  expressly  ordering 
Columbus  and  his  brothers  to  deliver  up  to  him  all  fortresses, 
etc.,  and  discovered  that  the  sovereigns  had  foreseen  the  opposi 
tion  he  was  to  encounter.  He  therefore  ordered  this  letter,  a 
death-blow  to  the  authority  of  Columbus,  to  be  read;  as  well  as 
another,  dated  May  30th,  ordering  him  to  pay  the  arrears  due  to 
those  persons  in  royal  service,  whom  Columbus  had  neglected  or 
refused  to  remunerate.  This  proclamation  was  received  with 
much  applause.  It  is  much  to  the  credit  of  Bobadilla,  and  a  proof 


EOYAL  OKDER  DISOBEYED.  279 

of  the  moderation  with  which  he  proceeded,  that  he  had  not 
sooner  read  what  was  to  render  him  and  his  mission  popular. 

Let  us  observe  the  wording  of  the  first  of  these  documents. 
It  reads  thus : 

"  Don  Ferdinand  and  Dona  Isabella,  by  the  grace  of  God, 
etc.  ...  to  you  Don  Christopher  Columbus,  our  admiral  of  the 
ocean,  and  to  you  the  brothers  of  the  said  admiral,  in  whose  power 
are  fortresses,  houses,  ships,  etc.,  we  send  for  our  governor  of  the 
islands,  the  commander  Francisco  de  Bobadilla.  ...  we  order 
you  to  deliver  the  said  fortresses,  houses,  etc.,  to  the  said  com 
mander,  or  the  persons  he  shall  appoint,  and  to  give  him  com 
plete  power  over  the  said  fortresses,  etc.,  all  of  which  we  com 
mand  you  to  do  under  pain  of  incurring  those  penalties  which 
those  persons  incur  who  refuse  to  deliver  fortresses,  or  other 
things,  when  ordered  to  do  so  by  their  sovereigns." 

This  would  appear  explicit  and  peremptory  enough.  Don 
Diego,  however,  still  refused  to  deliver  either  fortress  or  prison 
ers.  Bobadilla  then  repaired  to  the  fortress,  'and,  when  the  al 
calde  who  kept  it  appeared  on  the  battlements,  ordered  the  letter 
to  be  read  to  him,  and  the  seals  and  signatures  of  the  sovereigns 
to  be  held  up  to  his  view.  The  alcalde,  however,  having  doubt 
less  received  his  orders  from  Diego,  refused  to  admit  Bobadilla, 
who  then  appealed  to  the  people  and  demanded  their  assistance, 
but  urged  that  no  violence  should  be  employed  save  in  case  of 
resistance. 

The  fortress  was  easily  taken,  being  no  better  constructed 
than  most  other  public  works  erected  by  Columbus.  The  pris 
oners  were  discovered  loaded  with  irons.  Bobadilla  delivered 
them  to  an  alguazil. 

Irving  terms  this  conduct  arrogant  and  precipitate,  but  the 
accusation  is  totally  unfounded.  Had  the  prisoners  been  deliv 
ered  up  to  him,  and  his  first  commission  been  obeyed,  Bobadilla 
would  have  proceeded  first  to  the  examination  of  the  charges 
against  them ;  then,  if  necessary,  to  that  of  the  conduct  of  Colum 
bus.  The  refusal  to  obey  at  the  outset  created  the  necessity  of 
enforcing  his  authority  by  reading  the  other  letters,  which  had 
been  provided  him  to  meet  just  such  an  emergency,  and  without 
the  aid  of  which  he  was  powerless,  in  view,  of  Diego  Columbus' s 
insubordination,  to  perform  the  duties  of  his  mission. 

He  might  with  justice  have  imprisoned  Don  Diego  and  the 
19 


280  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

alcalde  who  held  the  fortress,  on  the  charge  of  treason,  as  they 
refused  to  obey  the  commands  of  their  sovereigns.  This  he  did 
not  do,  and  if  he  afterward  imprisons  the  three  Columbos,  it  was 
not  till  still  weightier  evidence  had  convicted  them  of  greater 
crimes,  and  rendered  it  necessary. 

To  relieve  in  a  measure  the  extreme  misery  into  which  the 
Spaniards  in  Hispaniola  had  fallen,  partly  from  the  non-pay 
ment  of  their  salaries,  which  had  been  withheld  by  Columbus, 
partly  from  the  wretched  state  of  the  colony,  Bobadilla  now 
published  a  license  allowing  all  to  search  for  gold  for  twenty 
years,  paying  only  one-eleventh  instead  of  one-third,  as  they  had 
done  till  now,  to  the  government.  This  proceeding,  though  cer 
tainly  humane  and  wise,  excited  the  indignation  of  Columbus, 
whose  tenth  of  the  revenues  would,  he  feared,  be  thus  materially 
diminished ;  he,  therefore,  immediately  on  hearing  of  it,  pub 
lished  a  proclamation,  in  which  he  declared  Bobadilla  to  have  no 
power  or  authority,  and  forbade  any  to  obey  him. 

The  latter  sent  an  alcalde,  bearing  a  copy  of  the  letters- 
patent,  to  acquaint  him  in  due  form  with  his  appointment  as 
governor,  but  forebore  as  yet  sending  the  peremptory  note  ad 
dressed  to  Columbus  only,  bidding  the  latter  obey  him.  But,  in 
the  face  of  all  the  letters  of  the  sovereigns,  which  proclaimed 
that  there  was  to  be  no  appeal  to  them  from  any  proceeding 
which  Bobadilla  might  think  fit,  Columbus  still  resisted ;  pub 
lished  and  proclaimed  that  Bobadilla's  powers  were  not  valid — 
that  his  own  were  greater.  He  declared,  however,  afterward, 
that  he  wrote  to  Bobadilla,  assuring  him  that  he  would  soon  leave 
the  island  entirely  to  his  government.  This  he  only  did,  how 
ever,  he  confesses  in  his  letter  to  the  nurse  of  Prince  John  (Dofia 
Juana  de  la  Torres),  which  contains  his  own  defense  of  his  con 
duct  in  these  proceedings,  to  gain  time,  that  their  highnesses 
might  perhaps  change  their  minds.  This  statement  clearly 
proves  his  guilt.  Had  he,  indeed,  believed  that  Bobadilla  was — 
as  he  had  publicly  proclaimed  throughout  the  island — acting 
without  due  authority,  he  would  not  have  desired  delay  in  order 
that  the  sovereigns  might  change  their  minds  ;  who,  if  they  had 
no  part  in  the  proceedings  of  Bobadilla,  and  were  unaware  of 
his  conduct,  could  not  have  altered  a  policy  which  they  had 
never  enjoined.  The  direct  opposition  to  the  royal  commands 
(which  directed  that  their  agent  was  to  be  obeyed  without  appeal 


TKEASON  OF  COLUMBUS— JUSTICE  OF  BOBADILLA.       281 

or  delay),  perpetrated  by  Columbus,  rendered  him  clearly  guilty 
of  no  less  a  crime  than  treason ;  and  he  and  his  brothers  "  in 
curred  those  penalties  which  those  persons  incur  who  refuse  to 
deliver  fortresses  or  other  things,  when  ordered  to  do  so  by  their 
sovereigns."  128 

It  is  absurd  for  historians  to  declare,  as  they  constantly  do, 
that  Bobadilla  overstepped  his  authority,  and  that  Isabella  never 
intended  him  to  supersede  Columbus,  but  merely  to  punish  those 
who  had  rebelled  against  the  latter.  If  this  had  been  the  case, 
why  was  he  provided  with  those  commissions  in  which  Colum 
bus  and  his  brothers  were  expressly  ordered  to  deliver  to  him  all 
things  pertaining  to  the  crown  ? 

Why  should  a  letter  have  been  written  addressed  solely  to 
Columbus,  commanding  his  obedience  to  and  belief  in  Boba 
dilla? 

The  continued  and  insolent  resistance  he  encountered  con 
vinced  the  new  governor  that  consideration  and  delicacy  were 
thrown  away  upon  such  a  man  as  Columbus.  He  therefore  sent 
to  him  Velasquez,  deputy-treasurer,  and  a  Franciscan  friar,  bear 
ing  the  last-named  letter.  This  document  made  Columbus  fear 
the  consequences  of  persisting  in  his  insubordination ;  and,  as  it 
was  accompanied  by  a  summons  from  Bobadilla  to  appear  before 
him,  he,  with  a  show  of  humility,  set  out  for  San  Domingo.  But 
rumors,  which  appear  not  without  foundation,  reached  Bobadilla, 
that  this  humility  was  only  feigned — that  he  was  in  reality  at 
tempting  to  rouse  the  native  inhabitants  of  the  Yega  to  aid  him 
in  opposing  the  new  governor.129 

Considering  that  the  conduct  of  Columbus  and  his  brother 
Diego  had  been,  up  to  this  time,  in  their  refusal  to  obey  the 
royal  mandates,  of  so  treasonable  a  nature  as  to  render  the  re 
ported  attempt  at  rebellion  probable,  and  justly  holding  that 
they  deserved  imprisonment  for  what  was  well  proved  against 
them,  as  well  as  for  their  resistance  of  the  sovereign  will  as 

128  See  ante,  extract  from  royal  mandate. 

159  "  It  is  also  said  that  the  new  governor  sent  letters  to  the  king,  written  with  the 
Admiralles  hande,  in  strange  and  unknown  sypherings,  to  his  brother,  the  Lieutenant, 
being  absent,  willing  him  to  be  in  a  readiness,  with  a  power  of  armed  men  to  come 
and  aid  him,  if  the  Governor  shquld  proffer  him  any  violence.  Whereof  the  Gov 
ernor  having  knowledge  (as  he  sayth),  being  also  advertised  that  the  Lieutenant  was 
goue  to  his  brother  before  the  men,  which  he  had  prepared  there  in  a  readiness,  ap. 
prehended  them  both  unawares,  before  the  multitude  came  together." — Peter  Marfyr, 
"Decade  I.,"  book  vii. 


282  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

vested  in  him,  Bobadilla  had  fhem  both  imprisoned  and  put 
in  irons  on  board  a  caravel  which  was  shortly  to  return  to 
Spain. 

"With  unpardonable  unfairness,  Irving,  alluding  to  the  im 
prisonment  of  Don  Diego,  says : 

"  The  admiral's  brother,  Don  Diego,  was  seized,  thrown  in 
irons,  and  confined  on  board  a  caravel,  without  any  reason  being 
assigned  for  Ms  imprisonment"  and  does  not  hesitate  to  write 
thus  after  enumerating  all  the  successive  efforts  of  Bobadilla  to 
obtain  obedience  to  the  orders  of  the  sovereigns,  whose  letters 
he  had  publicly  read  and  exhibited  ;  after  recording  Diego's  re 
peated  refusal  to  recognize  the  royal  authority ;  and  after,  in  the 
very  paragraph  in  which  the  above  sentence  occurs,  recording 
the  rumor,  as  he  terms  it,  of  Columbus  seeking  to  excite  the  na 
tives  to  rebellion. 

There  is  certainly  no  more  flagrant  act  of  treason  and  diso 
bedience  to  royal  commands  extant  than  the  insubordination  of 
Diego — indeed,  of  all  the  Columbos ;  yet,  while  he  records  these 
acts  of  insubordination  and  rebellion,  Mr.  Irving  still  has  the 
courage  to  write  that  Diego  was  imprisoned  without  any  reason 
being  assigned  for  his  imprisonment. 

As  for  Christopher  Columbus,  the  charges  against  him  were 
manifold.  It  was  alleged  that  he  ill-treated  and  abused  the  na 
tives,  refusing  to  let  them  be  baptized,  that  they  might  continue 
slaves ;  18°  that,  acting  as  a  kind  of  pawnbroker  and  money-lend 
er,  he  had  traded  upon  the  necessities  of  the  Spaniards — he  had 
inveigled  and  impoverished,  giving  them  barely  wherewithal  to 
keep  them  from  starvation,  then  enforcing  his  collections  through 
a  royal  gamashee.1*1 

Nor  was  this  all.  The  queen  called  him  to  account  for  dis 
honesty  in  office,  thus : 

"  The  said  admiral  having  farmed  out  the  offices  of  alguazil 
and  notary  in  the  island  of  Hispaniola,  for  a  certain  period,  we 
command  that  the  moneys  and  the  revenues  derived  from  the 
said  offices  be  divided  into  ten  parts,  nine  for  us  and  one  for  the 
admiral,  deducting  first  the  expenses  and  indemnifications  of  the 
aforesaid  offices."  13a 

la*  Irving,  "  Columbus,"  book  xiii.,  chapter  iv. 

131  Navarette,  vol.  ii.,  p.  222. 

132  Navarette,  "  Collec.  Dip."  vol.  ii.,  p.  308.     Columbus  complained  of  this  order, 


COLUMBUS  IN"  IRONS— HIS  GRACELESS  COOK.         283 

Peter  Martyr  thus  sums  up  the  accusations  made  against 
Columbus  by  the  Spaniards  in  the  island : 

"  They  accuse  the  admiral  and  his  brother  to  be  unjust  men, 
cruel  enemies,  and  shedders  of  the  Spanish  blood,  declaring  that 
upon  every  light  occasion  they  would  rack  them,  hang  them, 
and  head  them,  and  that  they  took  pleasure  therein ;  and  that 
they  departed  from  them  as  from  cruel  tyrants  and  wild  beasts, 
rejoicing  in  blood,  also  the  kings'  enemies ;  affirming,  likewise, 
that  they  well  perceived  their  intent  to  be  none  otfier  than  to 
usurp  the4  empire  of  the  islands,  which  thing  (they  said)  they 
suspected  by  a  thousand  conjectures,  and  especially  in  that  they 
would  permit  none  to  resort  to  the  gold-mines,  but  only  such  as 
were  their  familiars."  133 

All  the  above  charges  appear  to  have  been  substantiated ;  the 
proceedings  were  evidently  had  in  all  due  form.  Charlevoix  re 
lates  that  the  suit  against  Columbus  was  conducted  in  writing — 
that  written  charges  were  sent  to  him,  to  which  he  replied  in  the 
same  way.  This  was  undoubtedly  the  case,  as  Bobadilla  appears 
to  have  been  an  able  judge  and  a  discreet  lawyer ;  and  the  alle 
gation  of  many  historians  that  he  imprisoned  Columbus  without 
due  cause  or  investigation,  is  contradicted  in  their  own  accounts 
of  the  proceedings ;  witness  Irving  and  others. 

The  result  of  the  investigation  was,  as  we  have  seen,  the 
imprisonment  of  Columbus.  It  was  his  own  cook,  we  are  told, 
who  riveted  the  fetters,  "  with  as  much  readiness  and  alacrity,-'' 
quoth  Las  .Casas,  "as  though  he  were  serving  him  with  the 
choicest  viands." 

This  little  incident  is  not  without  import.  Columbus  might 
perhaps  have  been  unpopular  with  the  multitude,  and  yet  a 
good  man  ;  but  when  we  find  his  own  domestics,  who  owed 
place  and  living  to  him,  and  who  would  naturally  be  supposed 
to  regret  his  downfall,  rejoicing  instead,  we  cannot  but  believe 
the  man  to  have  been  thoroughly  contemptible ;  the  "  graceless 
cook  "  riveting  the  fetters  militates  far  more,  we  take  it,  against 
the  personal  character  of  Columbus,  than  of  his  culinary  menial. 

and  urged  his  right  to  fill  the  offices  with  his  servants,  requiring  them  to  perform  the 
duties  (poorly,  we  apprehend)  while  he  pocketed  the  proceeds ;  yet  we  are  continually 
called  upon  to  admire  the  exalted  and  glorious  opinions  he  entertained  of  his  office. 
133  Peter  Martyr,  Decade  I.,  book  vii. 


CHAPTEE  XXII. 

COLIJMBUS'S    DEFENSE    OF    HIS    CONDUCT   REVIEWED. 

IT  would  be  useless  to  attempt  a  further  refutation  of  the 
tirades  launched  against  the  new  governor  by  the  numerous  and 
partial  biographers  of  Columbus,  who  at  this  period  of  his  his- 


COLUMBCS. — (From  Mufloz,  u  Historia  del  Nuevo  Mundo.") 

tory,  couple  the  name  of  Bobadilla  with  every  opprobrious  epi 
thet  propriety  will  allow ;  and  the  more  modern  the  historian, 


COLUMBUS  MAKES  A  LAME  DEFENSE.  285 

and,  therefore,  the  farther  removed  from  the  scene  and  time  of 
action,  the  more  virulent  his  attacks,  as  also  his  sympathy  for  his 
hero  Christopher.  We  have  stated  what  was  the  course  pur 
sued  by  Bobadilla ;  and  even  when  the  simple  facts  are  related, 
without  comment  or  explanation,  it  is  plain  to  all  that  it  was  a 
just  and  equitable  one.  The  true  merits  of  the  case  can,  how 
ever,  be  easily  decided  and  established  by  leaving  historians, 
whether  partial  or  impartial,  and  proceeding  at  once  to  the 
fountain-head,  viz.,  to  what  Columbus  himself  has  to  say.  He 
certainly,  more  than  any  of  his  historians,  was  interested  in 
proving  his  innocence,  and  we  may  reasonably  suppose  that  he 
omitted  no  plea  which  could,  in  the  slightest  degree,  exculpate 
him,  and  refrained  from  no  charge  against  Bobadilla  wherein 
there  was  the  slightest  semblance  of  truth. 

Fortunately  for  us,  this  defense,  written  by  Columbus  to  the 
nurse  of  Prince  Juan,  no  doubt  with  the  intention  that  it  should 
be  shown  to  the  sovereigns,  still  exists ;  it  was  written  during 
his  voyage  to  Spain,  or  after  his  arrival  there. 

The  lame  and  bungling  explanation  of  his  conduct,  the  ridic 
ulous  character  of  the  charges  he  prefers  against  Bobadilla,  and 
above  all,  the  admissions  he  (no  doubt  unintentionally)  makes  in 
his  letter,  may  furnish  some  facts  which,  though  mixed  with 
much  falsehood,  may  enable  the  reader  to  judge  of  the  relative 
merits  of  the  accuser  and  the  accused. 

We  quote  the  passages  from  this  letter  which  relate  especial 
ly  to  the  question  before  us,  and  call  the  attention  of  the  reader, 
now  and  then,  to  the  absurdity,  falsehood,  or  self-inculpation,  they 
contain ;  for,  though  an  unbiased,  intelligent  mind  would  at 
once  perceive  all  this,  historians  have  so  persistently  declared 
Bobadilla  wrong,  and  Columbus  right,  that  an  unbiased  judg 
ment  will  not  easily  be  formed. 

Columbus  writes :  "...  In  the  mean  time  Bobadilla  arrived. 
.  .  .  The  day  after  his  arrival  he  created  himself  governor." 

Here  is  a  specimen  of  our  hero's  veracity.  Bobadilla  did  not 
create  himself  governor,  but  assumed  that  title  and  office  in  virtue 
of  the  full  and  comprehensive  letters-patent  from  Isabella,  who 
had  clothed  him  with  all  the  power  in  the  premises  the  crown 
could  devolve  upon  an  agent,  besides  commanding  Columbus  in 
a  special  letter  addressed  to  that  worthy  to  obey  him.  We  see, 


286  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

therefore,  the  insolence  of  the  falsehood  that  Bobadilla  created 
himself  governor. 

Columbus,  too,  would  have  it  appear  that  his  conduct  was 
most  precipitate.  TJie  day  after  his  arrival  he  created  himself 
governor.  It  will  be  remembered  that  Bobadilla  did  not  assume 
the  government  until  the  brother  of  Columbus  had  repeatedly 
refused  to  deliver  to  him  the  prisoners  he  had  been  sent  to  try. 
This  treasonable  effrontery  and  disregard  of  royal  orders  created 
the  necessity  for  Bobadilla  to  act  as  judge  and  governor,  and  act 
immediately,  for  those  of  the  prisoners  who  were  not  already 
hanged  were  liable  to  execution  at  any  moment,  in  violation 
alike  of  law,  justice,  and  the  royal  command.  There  was  cer 
tainly  no  undue  haste  on  the  part  of  Bobadilla.  An  oppression, 
worse  than  that  visited  upon  the  people  of  God  in  Egypt,  per 
vaded  the  island — robbery,  murder,  and  manslaughter,  were  prac 
tised  by  Columbus,  who  now  raised  himself  in  open  rebellion 
against  the  crown  as  personated  by  Bobadilla. 

The  ghastly  dead  swung  from  the  gibbets ;  the  blood  of  Span 
iards  and  of  Indians,  like  that  of  Abel,  cried  to  Heaven  from  the 
ground.  Had  he  not  moved  promptly  in  the  discharge  of  his 
duty,  he  would  have  deserved  the  odium  of  mankind,  as  well  as 
the  displeasure  of  his  sovereigns  ;  as  it  was,  he  resolved,  even  in 
San  Domingo,  to  magnify  the  law  and  make  it  honorable ;  and, 
having  used  the  mildest  measures,  and  assumed  the  least  of  the 
authorities  vested  in  him  without  success,  he  naturally  produced 
his  higher  authority  and  proceeded  to  more  vigorous  measures, 
and  seems  thereby  to  deserve  the  commendation  of  all  who 
prize  humanity  and  justice. 

The  letter  continues  thus  : 

".  .  .  .  He"  (Bobadilla)  "published  exemptions  from  the 
payment  of  the  gold  and  of  the  tithes,  and,  in  fine,  announced 
a  general  franchise  for  the  space  of  twenty  years." 

This  action  will  be  commended  by  the  humane.  Bobadilla 
did  much  to  relieve  both  natives  and  colonists  from  the  cruel 
tyranny  and  extortion  practised  by  Columbus. 

"  Having  brought  with  him  a  considerable  number  of  blank 
letters,  signed  by  their  highnesses,  he  filled  up  some  of  them  to 
the  alcalde  (Koldan)  and  his  consorts  full  of  favors  and  commen 
dations  ;  but  he  never  sent  either  letter  or  message  to  me,  nor 
has  he  done  so  to  this  day." 


FALSEHOOD  AND  TREASON  OF  COLUMBUS.  287 

The  possession  of  the  blank  letters  signed  by  the  sovereigns, 
constitutes  most  conclusive  evidence  of  the  confidence  they  re 
posed  in  Bobadilla.  They  seem  to  have  furnished  them  that  he 
might  silence  any  unanticipated  cavil  on  the  part  of  Columbus, 
and  be  able  to  impress  that  lawless  usurper  with  the  necessity 
of  respecting  and  obeying  the  man  thus  accredited  by  his  mas 
ters.  As  to  the  charge  made  by  Columbus  that  the  new  gov 
ernor  never  sent  him  "  either  letter  or  message,"  its  deliberate 
falsity  is  exposed  by  his  own  son  Fernando,  who  says,  in  his 
history,  that  Bobadilla  "  required  the  admiral  to  repair  to  him 
without  delay,  because  it  was  convenient  for  their  majesties' 
service  he  should  do  so ;  and,  to  lack  his  summons,  on  the  7th 
of  September  sent  him  the  king's  letter  by  Friar  Juan  de  la 
Sera,  which  was  to  this  effect." 

Then  follows  the  letter  addressed  to  Columbus  which  we 
have  already  quoted.  Yet,  in  the  face  of  these  facts,  Columbus 
unblushingly  asserts  that  Bobadilla  sent  him  neither  letter  nor 
message.  He  then  continues  : 

" .  .  .  .  No  sooner  was  I  informed  of  his  having  granted 
these  exemptions  ....  I  made  verbal  and  written  declaration 
that  his  powers  were  incompetent  to  do  so,  as  mine  were  the 
strongest." 

When  we  reflect  that  these  verbal  and  written  declarations 
were  made  by  Columbus,  when  fully  advised  of  the  ample  pow 
ers  vested  in  Bobadilla,  and  of  the  royal  command  that  he  and 
his  brothers  should  obey  him,  and  deliver  up  all  fortresses  to 
him,  it  will  not  be  necessary  to  argue  the  question  of  veracity  or 
treason  as  regards  the  action  and  assertion  of  Columbus.  He 
certainly  spoke  as  a  liar,  and  acted  as  a  traitor.  The  pretended 
motives  which  he  declares  to  have  prompted  his  misconduct  are, 
therefore,  but  aggravations  of  his  crime. 

" .  .  .  .  He  ordered  inquisition  to  be  made  respecting  me, 
with  reference  to  imputed  misdeeds,  such  as  were  never  invented 
in  hell." 

With  this  statement  fresh  from  his  pen,  he  will  not  hesitate 
to  affirm,  a  little  farther  on :  "  Upon  my  oath  I  declare  to  you  I 
have  no  idea  why  I  am  imprisoned."  He  was  as  well  aware  of 
the  character  of  his  crimes  and  the  charges  preferred  against 
him,  as  was  Guido  Faux,  or  any  other  criminal  that  has  suffered 
the  penalty  of  the  law. 


288  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS 

"  ....  In  saying  that  the  commander  "  (Bobadilla)  "  could 
not  grant  exemptions,  I  did  what  was  proper." 

He  fails,  however,  to  demonstrate  how,  when  overtly  disre 
garding  and  opposing  the  commands  of  his  sovereigns,  he  was 
doing  what  was  proper. 

"  If  their  highnesses  were  to  give  orders  for  a  general  inquiry 
here,  I  assure  you  it  would  discover  such  things  as  to  make  it 
wonderful  the  island  is  not  swallowed  up.  I  think  you  will 
remember,  madam,  that,  when  I  was  driven  by  a  storm  into 
Lisbon,  I  was  falsely  accused  of  going  to  the  king,  in  order  to 
deliver  up  the  Indies  to  him." 

When  he  enlarges  upon  the  iniquities  of  the  island,  and  won 
ders  it  was  not  swallowed  up,  he  should  have  remembered  that 
he  had  brought  it  into  its  present  state  of  degradation  and 
misery.  His  allusion  to  the  charge  of  treason  preferred  after  his 
visit  to  Portugal,  is  traveling  from  the  case  in  hand,  where  his 
guilt  is  evident,  to  one  where  it  appears  more  doubtful. 

"  However  ignorant  I  may  be,  nobody  can  suppose  me  to 
be  so  ignorant  as  not  to  know  that,  if  the  Indies  were  mine,  I 
should  not  be  able  to  keep  possession  of  them  without  the  aid 
of  a  prince.  Such  being  the  case,  where  should  I  find  greater 
support,  and  more  certainty  of  not  being  entirely  driven  from 
them,  than  in  the  king  and  queen,  our  lords,  who,  from  nothing, 
have  raised  me  to  such  high  honors  ?  " 

Notwithstanding  his  asseveration  that  he  knows  nothing  of 
the  charges  made  against  him,  he  here  seems  to  be  defending 
himself  against  one  of  them,  which  was  that  he  had  made  war 
upon  the  government,  for  the  purpose  of  ultimately  gaining  pos 
session  of  the  new  lands. 

That  Isabella  had  raised  him  from  nothing  to  a  position  far 
above  his  deserts,  all  will  agree ;  but  it  is  not  so  easy  to  discover 
the  pertinence  of  his  allusion  to  the  great  support  she  was  giving 
him  in  Hispaniola,  and  security  against  being  ultimately  driven 
from  it,  as  she  had,  in  a  solemn  and  formal  manner,  after  years 
of  deliberation,  removed  him  from  office,  and  subsequently  for 
bade  his  returning  to  Hispaniola. 

" .  .  .  .  What  I  have  now  unwillingly  stated  is  to  refute  a 
malicious  calumny  which  I  would  not  willingly  recall  even  in 
my  dreams,  as  the  behavior  of  Bobadilla  would  maliciously  give 
another  coloring  to  it ;  but  I  shall  be  able  to  prove  that  his  ig- 


FALSEHOODS   OF  COLUMBUS.  289 

norance,  extreme  cowardice,  and  inordinate  cupidity,  have  been 
the  cause  of  all  that  has  happened." 

This  charge  bears  falsehood  upon  its  face.  Are  we  to  believe 
that  the  advent  of  Bobadilla  in  the  island,  in  1500,  caused  all 
the  avarice,  cruelty,  falsehood,  and  murder,  perpetrated  by  Co 
lumbus  during  the  seven  years  preceding  that  advent  which  had 
converted  his  "paradise"  into  a  hell,  complaints  of  which  had 
caused  Bobadilla  to  be  sent  out  ? 

"  .  .  .  .  He  neither  spoke  to  me  himself  nor  permitted  any 
one  else  to  speak  to  me,  until  now;  and,  upon  my  oath,  I  declare 
to  you  that  "I  have  no  idea  why  I  am  imprisoned." 

This,  as  we  have  shown,  is  a  most  barefaced  falsehood.  He  first 
says  Bobadilla  caused  investigation  to  be  made  touching  crimes 
imputed  to  him,  the  like  of  which  were  never  invented  in  hell. 
He  attempts  to  defend  himself  against  some  of  these  charges, 
and  then  swears  he  knows  not  why  he  is  imprisoned. 

" ....  I  have  already  mentioned  that,  with  six  hundred 
thousand  maravedis,  I  should  have  paid  everybody,  without  in 
jury  to  any  person,  and  that  I  possessed  more  than  four  mill 
ions  of  tithes,  without  touching  the  gold." 

This  allusion  to  his  abundant  resources  does  not  come  with  a 
good  grace  when  we  remember  the  distress  and  suffering  he  had 
caused  in  the  island  (many  dying  of  starvation)  by  withhold 
ing  the  pay  of  those  who  had  labored  for  him,  as  well  as  for 
the  crown.  No  wonder  that  Bobadilla,  when  he  found  this  ac 
cumulation  of  gold  and  tithes,  upon  taking  up  his  abode  in 
the  government-house,  devoted  a  portion  to  the  payment  of 
what  was  so  justly  due  the  many  unfortunate  who  had  been 
defrauded. 

".'...  Would  to  God  that  their  highnesses  had  sent  Boba 
dilla,  or  any  other  person,  two  years  ago,  because  I  should  now 
be  free  from  this  scandal  and  infamy,  nor  should  I  have  been  de 
prived  of  my  honor  ! " 

He  no  doubt  would  have  had  fewer  crimes  to  answer  for,  such 
as  the  murder  of  Moxica,  the  secretion  of  the  pearls  from  the 
sovereigns,  etc. 

"  ....  I  aver  that  great  numbers  of  men  have  been  in  the 
islands  who  did  not  deserve  baptism  in  the  eyes  of  God  or  man." 

One  would  think  Columbus,  in  very  shame,  would  have  re 
frained  from  such  an  assertion,  when  he  remembered  that  he 


290  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

himself  had  requested  the  prisons  to  be  thrown  open  and  the 
convicts  let  loose  upon  the  island. 

" .  .  .  .  "When  he "  (Bobadilla)  "  heard  of  my  approach,  he 
caused  Don  Diego  to  be  loaded  with  irons,  and  thrown  into  a 
caravel ;  he  acted  in  the  same  manner  toward  myself  and  toward 
the  adelantado  when  he  arrived." 

Bobadilla  could  not  have  done  otherwise  than  imprison  Co 
lumbus  and  his  brothers,  and  it  ill  becomes  them  to  complain  of 
his  severity.  He  neither  executed  them,  as  they  had  caused  others 
to  be  executed  for  lesser  crimes  than  those  of  which  they  stood 
convicted,  neither  did  he  kick  them  from  the  battlements  of  a 
fortress,  but  sent  them  to  Spain,  where  their  power  for  evil  would 
be  lessened. 

"  ....  I  have  been  yet  more  concerned  respecting  the  affair 
of  the  pearls — that  I  have  not  brought  them  to  their  highnesses ; 
....  if  I  have  not  written  respecting  this "  (the  pearls)  "  to 
their  highnesses,  it  is  because  I  wished  first  to  render  an  equally 
favorable  account  of  the  gold." 

Here,  again,  we  find  him  defending  himself  against  one  of  the 
charges  of  which  he  professes  to  be  ignorant.  His  excuse  is  a 
poor  one :  accused  and  convicted  of  having  withheld  the  pearls, 
and  the  knowledge  of  their  being  in  his  possession,  from  the 
sovereigns,  he  replies  that  he  was  silent  on  this  topic  because  he 
wished  to  have  equally  favorable  accounts  of  the  gold.  It  is 
evident  he  contemplated  extorting  further  favors  and  honors 
from  the  sovereigns  on  the  strength  of  these  pearls.  In  this 
intention  he  was,  however,  frustrated  by  the  arrival  of  Bobadilla, 
to  whom  this  charge  against  him  was  brought  with  many  others, 
and  who,  upon  investigation,  found  it  to  be  just,  as  indeed  he 
here  confesses  it  to  be,  and  makes  but  a  lame  defense  of  his  evi 
dent  fraud. 

u  .  .  .  .  I  am  judged  in  Spain  as  a  governor  who  had  been 
sent  to  a  province  or  city,  under  regular  government,  where  the 
laws  could  be  executed  without  fear  of  endangering  the  public 
weal.  In  this  I  receive  enormous  wrong.  ...  I  ought  to  be 
judged  as  a  captain  sent  from  Spain  to  the  Indies,  to  conquer  a 
nation  numerous  and  warlike." 

Here  we  have  proof,  upon  his  own  testimony,  that  he  has 
uttered  falsehoods  from  the  commencement  of  his  undertaking 
down  to  the  period  of  which  we  write.  In  1492,  he  would  have 


COLUMBUS  AS  A  WARRIOR.  291 

the  world  believe  that  he  had  discovered  an  island,  and  that  it 
was  inhabited  by  a  naked  and  inoffensive  people,  possessing 
neither  arms,  nor  a  knowledge  of  their  use — a  people  so  entirely 
powerless  that  a  garrison  of  forty  men  would  be  sufficient  to  de 
stroy  the  whole  island.134 

"  But  supposing,"  he  says  in  a  letter  to  Raphael  Sanchez,  on 
his  return  from  his  first  voyage,  speaking  of  the  friendliness  of 
the  natives,  "  their  feelings  should  become  changed,  and  they 
should  wish  to  injure  those  who  have  remained  in  the  fortress, 
they  could  not  do  so,  for  they  have  no  arms ;  they  go  naked, 
and  are,  moreover,  too  cowardly."  Now,  however,  he  would 
have  the  world  believe  he  was  sent  to  conquer  a  people  already 
known  to  be  numerous  and  warlike  /  he  would  be  thought,  not  a 
discoverer,  but  a  conqueror.  He  does  not  seem  to  perceive  that 
when  he  admits  the  laws  cannot  be  executed  for  fear  of  endan 
gering  the  public  weal,  he  speaks  poorly  for  his  own  powers  of 
governing,  which  had  been  inadequate,  during  seven  years'  des 
potic  rule,  to  establish  law  and  order  among  a  people,  according 
to  his  first  description,  innocent  and  defenseless ;  he  loses  sight 
of  all  self-inculpation  this  incongruity  and  contradiction  may  con 
tain,  in  his  desire  to  assume  the  new  character  of  warrior,  and 
suck  a  warrior.  He  continues  : 

" .  .  .  .  Where,  by  the  divine  will,  I  have  subdued  another 
world  to  the  dominion  of  the  king  and  queen,  our  lords,  by  which 
Spain,  which  was  looked  upon  as  poor,  has  become  very  rich." 

"We  may  here  remark  that,  owing  to  his  misconduct,  the 
"Western  islands  had  been  the  cause  of  far  more  expense  than 
profit  to  the  Spanish  realm. 

"  I  ought  to  be  judged  as  a  captain  who  for  so  many  years 
have  borne  arms  without  quitting  them  for  an  instant.  I  ought 
to  be  judged  by  cavaliers  who  have  themselves  won  the  meed  of 
victory — by  gentlemen,  indeed,  and  not  by  lawyers." 

It  would  be  difficult  to  find  a  tribunal  that  would  not  con 
demn  Columbus,  even  upon  his  own  testimony.  "We  do  not, 
therefore,  wonder  that  he  would,  by  all  means,  avoid  lawyers ; 
no  man  of  common-sense,  certainly  no  lawyer,  could  be  igno 
rant  of  his  guilt ;  he  had  requested  a  judge  to  be  sent  out,  learned 
in  the  law,  to  aid  him  in  trying  others,  but  in  his  own  case  he 
would  be  sole  judge. 

134  See  letter  to  Santangel. 


292  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

"  Under  any  other  judgment  I  sustain  great  injury,  because 
in  the  Indies  there  is  neither  civil  right  nor  judgment-seat." 

If  there  were  no  organized  tribunals,  why  were  Moxica  and 
so  many  other  Spaniards  executed,  without  trial,  in  violation  of 
law  ?  Why  were  they  not  sent  to  Spain  for  trial,  as  Columbus 
petitioned  for  himself?  In  this  confession  of  there  existing 
neither  civil  right  nor  judgment-seat  in  Hispaniola,  and  in  his 
declaration  that  he  should  receive  enormous  wrong  if  tried 
there,  he  plainly  admits  the  enormous  wrong  perpetrated  against 
those  he  had  executed,  or,  more  properly  speaking,  murdered, 
and  he  deserved  no  better  fate  than  his  victims. 

He  knew  that,  if  those  unfortunates  had  been  sent  to  Spain, 
his  downfall  would  have  been  speedy ;  they  would  have  lived, 
and  he  no  longer  would  have  had  human  life  at  his  disposal. 

" .  .  .  .  The  tidings  of  the  gold  which  I  said  I  would  give, 
are,  that  on  Christmas-day,  being  greatly  afflicted  and  tormented 
by  wicked  Christians  and  the  Indians,  at  the  moment  of  aban 
doning  all,  to  save,  if  possible,  my  life,  our  Lord  comforted  me 
miraculously,  saying  to  me,  'Take  courage;  do  not  abandon 
thyself  to  sadness  and  fear,  I  will  provide  for  all.  The  seven 
years  of  the  term  of  gold  are  not  yet  passed,  and  in  this,  as  in 
the  rest,  I  will  redress  thee.' " 

These  are  the  tidings  for  which  Columbus  waited  before 
writing  to  the  sovereigns  about  the  pearls ;  they  are  eminently 
satisfactory.  Imagine  a  steward  or  administrator,  instead  of 
giving  an  exact  account  of  his  stewardship,  recounting  a  vision  in 
which  he  is  assured  that  all  will  be  right,  and  that  God  will  re 
dress  him !  The  blasphemy  with  which  Columbus,  whenever 
hard  pushed  for  a  defense,  brings  the  Almighty  to  his  aid,  and  in 
vents  a  speech,  which  he  puts  in  the  mouth  of  the  Deity,  wherein 
his  innocence  is  declared  and  his  enemies  threaten ed^with  pun 
ishment,  is  revolting  in  the  extreme ;  and  the  enormity  of  the 
crimes  he  thus  seeks  to  cover  with  divine  sanction  must  render 
his  hypocrisy  still  more  odious  in  the  eyes  of  the  truly  reverent. 

".  .  .  .  See,  now,  what  discernment  was  shown  by  Bobadilla, 
when  he  gave  up  every  thing  for  nothing,  and  four  millions  of 
tithes  without  any  reason,  and  even  without  being  asked  to  do 
so,  and  without  first  giving  notice  to  their  highnesses." 

This  is  an  adroit  attempt  to  turn  royalty  against  Bobadilla, 
by  appealing  to  the  cupidity  of  the  sovereigns,  but  it  also  de- 


BOBADILLA  GROSSLY  SLANDERED.  293 

monstrates  an  insolent  officiousness  on  the  part  of  the  writer, 
who  would  seem  to  ignore  the  absolute  authority  vested  in  Bo- 
badilla  by  the  crown. 

" ....  If  their  highnesses  shall  give  orders  for  me  to  be 
judged  by  others,  which  I  fervently  hope  will  not  be  the  case, 
and  impeach  me  respecting  the  affairs  of  the  Indies,  I  humbly 
supplicate  them  to  send  out,  at  my  expense,  two  conscientious 
and  respectable  persons,  which  will  now  be  easily  met  with, 
since  gold  to  the  amount  of  five  marks  may  be  found  in  the 
space  of  four  hours." 

Columbus  seems  to  have  an  idea  of  impeachment  for  treason, 
notwithstanding  his  oath  of  ignorance  in  the  premises ;  there 
fore  he  wishes  his  judges  to  be  in  his  pay ;  and,  moreover,  he 
would  have  them  men  whom  the  abundance  of  gold  would  tempt 
to  the  island.  How  unlikely  it  was  that  such  men  would  be  hon 
est  judges !  It  is  needless  to  say,  his  proposition  gives  us  a  view 
of  his  notions  concerning  a  court  of  justice,  the  purity  and  compe 
tency  of  a  tribunal ;  "  he  too  would  have  judges  dependent  upon 
his  will  alone  for  the  tenure  of  their  offices,  and  the  amount 
and  payment  of  their  salaries."  Such  being  the  case,  we  cannot 
but  wonder  that  historians,  who  would  appear  impartial,  should 
have  failed  to  condemn  his  corrupt  views. 

" .  .  .  .  The  governor "  (Bobadilla),  "  on  his  arrival  in  San 
Domingo,  took  up  his  abode  in  my  house ;  .  .  .  .  even  a  pirate 
does  not  behave  in  this  manner  toward  the  merchant  that  he 
plunders." 

This  accusation  has  at  first  a  semblance  of  truth,  as  the 
reader  may  suppose  it  to  have  been  the  private  residence  of  Co 
lumbus  into  which  Bobadilla  intruded ;  such  was  not  the  case — 
it  was  the  "  government-house  "  in  which  Columbus  had  resided 
at  the  capital  of  the  island,  and  in  which  all  succeeding  govern 
ors  were  expected  to  take  up  their  abode  during  their  term  of 
office.  In  time  Bobadilla  was  succeeded  by  Ovando,  yet  we  do 
not  find  the  former  complaining  that  the  latter  took  up  his 
abode  "  in  his  house ; "  such  a  complaint  would  have  been  as 
preposterous  as  for  a  retiring  President  of  the  United  States  to 
remonstrate  against  his  successors  inhabiting  the  White  House. 

" .  .  .  .  That  which  grieved  me  most  was  the  seizure  of  my 
papers,  of  which  I  have  never  been  able  to  recover  one ;  and 
those  which  would  have  been  most  useful  to  me  in  proving  my 


294:  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

innocence,  are  precisely  those  which  he  has  kept  most  carefully 
concealed." 

The  seizure  of  papers  is  a  usual  proceeding  in  case  of  sus 
picion  of  most  crimes,  more  especially  of  treason  ;  but,  though 
these  papers  might  very  well  be  used  to  prove  his  guilt,  they 
could  hardly  have  proved  the  innocence  of  Columbus.  The  very 
fact  that  in  them  he  had  foreseen  accusation,  and  attempted  to 
defend  himself,  would  seem  to  furnish  prima-facie  evidence  of 
his  guilt,  and  would  have  gone  far  to  prove  him  culpable  before 
any  legal  tribunal.  No  wonder  he  feared  lawyers.  Let  us  re 
member,  also,  how  Columbus  declares,  upon  oath,  that  he  is 
ignorant  of  the  cause  of  his  imprisonment ;  how,  then,  could  he 
know  the  precise  papers  which  would  have  proved  his  innocence, 
and  the  precise  crime  to  which  they  related  ?  In  his  despicable 
attempts  to  blacken  Bobadilla,  and  in  his  efforts  to  establish  his 
innocence,  he  entangles  himself  in  contradictory  statements,  and 
furnishes  conclusive  evidence  of  his  own  guilt. 

Such  is  the  lame  defense  he  makes.  A  perusal  of  this  letter, 
with  its  absurdities,  contradictions,  and  falsehoods,  will  alone  be 
sufficient  to  convince  the  impartial  that  his  word  is  not  to  be 
depended  upon.  It  therefore  goes  far  to  weaken  confidence  in 
the  histories  which  have  hitherto  been  written  of  the  man,  for 
most  authors,  when  making  an  assertion  which  they  imagine 
liable  to  disbelief,  either  from  the  improbability  or  from  the 
strong  evidence  against  it,  consider  the  statement  that  for  this 
they  have  the  word  of  Columbus  himself,  sufficient  to  remove 
all  doubt. 

"With  the  above  letter  before  him,  the  reader  will  be  apt  to 
think  the  fact  of  Columbus' s  making  an  assertion  sufficient  to 
render  its  veracity  suspicious.  We,  therefore,  without  further 
attempt  to  prove  the  incorrectness  (to  use  a  mild  term)  with 
which  authors  have  represented  Columbus  as  a  martyr,  Bobadilla 
as  a  tyrant  and  usurper,  have  contented  ourselves  with  placing 
Columbus's  own  account  of  the  affair  and  defense  of  his  con 
duct,  as  contained  in  this  letter  to  Prince  Juan's  nurse,  before 
him.  It  answers  a  twofold  purpose,  and  not  only  proves  the 
guilt  of  Columbus,  regarding  the  charges  brought  against  him, 
for  which  he  was  imprisoned  by  Bobadilla,  but  also  the  utter 
falsity  of  his  word,  and  the  caution  with  which  a  statement  made 
by  him,  or  upon  his  authority,  should  be  received. 


CHAPTEE  XXIII. 

COLUMBUS   SENT   TO   SPAIN   IN   DISGRACE. BOBADILLA  REPLACED   BY 

OVANDO. 

IT  is  certain  that  the  imprisonment  of  Columbus  was  re 
garded  as  a  happy  event  by  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  island. 
Horns  were  blown  in  the  vicinity  of  the  ship  on  board  which  he 
was  confined  ;  lampoons  and  caricatures  were  posted  in  the 
streets,  and  the  multitude  gave  way  to  heart-felt  and  almost  wild 
rejoicing  at  being  at  last  freed  from  the  despotic  rule  of  this  in 
solent  parvenu.  Bobadilla  had  public  opinion  decidedly  on  his 
side,  as  he  had  law  and  equity.  The  testimony  he  had  collected 
against  the  three  brothers  was  carefully  arranged  and  sent  with 
them  to  Spain. 

The  ships  which  bore  Columbus  away  from  the  scenes  of  his 
chief  crimes,  set  sail  in  October,  1500,  and,  after  a  short  voyage, 
landed  him  in  Cadiz. 

Historians  unanimously  declare  that,  on  his  arrival  in  Spain, 
the  sovereigns  ordered  his  immediate  release,  and  professed  the 
greatest  indignation  at  the  conduct  of  Bobadilla.  It  is  evident, 
however,  that,  if  they  professed  to  be  displeased,  their  displeas 
ure  was  but  feigned,  and  that  they  were  in  reality  by  no  means 
ill  pleased  that  the  pirate  whom  they  had  so  unwisely  intrust 
ed  with  power,  and  who  had  shown  himself  so  utterly  incapa 
ble  and  unworthy,  should  be  deposed.  There  were,  however, 
weighty  reasons  why  Isabella  should  also  be  pleased  at  this  depo 
sition  having  been  effected  in  such  a  manner  as  to  admit  of  her 
denying  entire  participation  in  it.  It  was  upon  the  testimony 
of  Columbus,  that  Alexander  YI.  had  deeded  to  Spain  the  islands, 
etc.,  he  professed  to  have  discovered.  If  it  were  not  unkind,  it 
would  have  been  impolitic,  therefore,  publicly  to  denounce  the 
man  by  whose  perjury  she  hoped  to  have  obtained  a  continent. 
20 


296  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

She  appears  to  have  been  conscious  that,  to  some  extent,  she 
was  at  the  mercy  of  this  man,  whose  power  consisted  in  the  very 
crimes  and  frauds  of  which  she  knew  him  to  have  been  guilty, 
for  he  had  shown  her  that  there  was  no  treachery  too  base,  no 
perjury  too  great,  for  him  to  perpetrate  and  commit. 

Isabella's  policy,  during  her  whole  reign,  may  be  chiefly  if 
not  solely  expressed  by  the  word  "  craft."  No  wonder,  then, 
that  she,  her  object  accomplished — the  rule  of  Columbus  brought 
to  a  close  in  her  new  possessions,  and  he  himself  in  Spain,  with 
poor  prospect  of  organizing  a  successful  rebellion,  whereby  to 
usurp  their  government — should  have  dealt  in  fair  promises,  in 
delusive  hopes,  which  she  took  care  to  put  far  in  the  prospective ; 
no  wonder,  even,  that  she  consented  so  far  to  sacrifice  Bobadilla 
to  the  pride  and  malice  of  Columbus,  as  to  promise  his  speedy 
removal,  though  even  Fernando  Columbus  seems  well  to  have 
divined  what  would  have  been  the  fate  of  that  honest  official, 
had  he  lived  to  reach  Spain.  Commenting  upon  the  shipwreck 
and  drowning  of  Bobadilla,  Roldan,  and  others  engaged  in  the 
so-called  rebellion,  he  writes : 

"  I  am  satisfied  it  was  the  hand  of  God  ;  for,  had  they  arrived 
in  Spain,  they  had  never  been  punished  as  their  crimes  de 
served,  but  rather  have  been  favored  and  preferred." 

Such  being  the  case,  it  was  easy  and  politic  to  dally  with 
Columbus ;  and,  while  determined  never  to  reinstate  him  in  a 
power  he  had  abused  so  shamefully,  to  make  large  promises. 
But,  although  Isabella  refrained  from  punishing  Columbus  as  his 
frauds  and  crimes  deserved,  and  though  she  held  out  to  him  de 
lusive  hopes,  which  she  never  meant  him  to  realize,  it  is  evident 
that  she  did  not  altogether  refrain  from  testifying  to  him  her 
displeasure  at  his  conduct.  According  to  Charlevoix,  she  thus 
addressed  him : 

"  Common  report  accuses  you  of  acting  with  a  degree  of 
severity  quite  unsuitable  for  an  infant  colony,  and  likely  to  excite 
rebellion  there ;  but  the  matter  as  to  which  I  find  it  hardest  to 
give  you  my  pardon,  is  your  conduct  in  reducing  to  slavery  a 
number  of  Indians  who  had  done  nothing  to  deserve  such  a  fate ; 
this  was  contrary  to  my  express  orders.  As  your  ill-fortune 
willed  it,  just  at  the  time  when  I  heard  of  this  breach  of  my  in 
structions,  everybody  was  complaining  of  you,  and  no  one  spoke 
a  word  in  your  favor.  And  I  felt  obliged  to  send  to  the  Indies 


COLCJMBUS  EEPROVED.— BOBADILLA  RECALLED.        297 

a  commissioner  to  investigate  matters,  and  give  me  a  true  re 
port  ;  and,  if  necessary,  to  put  limits  to  the  authority  which  you 
were  accused  of  overstepping.  If  you  were  found  guilty  of  the 
charges,  he  was  to  relieve  you  of  the  government,  and  to  send 
you  to  Spain,  to  give  an  account  of  your  stewardship.  ...  I 
cannot  promise  to  reinstate  you  in  your  government;  people  are 
too  much  inflamed  against  you,  and  must  have  time  to  cool.  As 
to  your  rank  of  admiral,  I  never  intended  to  deprive  you  of  it. 
But  you  must  bide  your  time,  and  trust  in  me." 

It  was  plain,  therefore,  that  Columbus,  though  retaining  his 
rank  of  admiral — which  was  somewhat  of -a  sinecure,  in  which 
there  might  be  some  honor,  but  in  which  there  \vas  certainly 
little  profit — was  obliged  to  give  up  all  present  hope  of  returning 
in  triumph  to  Hispaniola,  and,  vested  with  supreme  power,  there 
to  wreak  a  terrible  vengeance  upon  all  who  had  opposed  him. 

And,  although  it  may  be  alleged  that  the  above  is  but  an 
imaginary  speech,  which  proves  nothing,  there  is  substantial  and 
convincing  testimony  that  it  is  a  fair  resume  of  Isabella's  policy 
toward  Columbus.  In  a  letter  from  the  sovereigns  to  the  latter, 
in  answer  to  his  solicitations  for  money,  we  read : 

"  Respecting  the  ten  thousand  pieces  of  money  which  you 
speak  of,  it  is  determined  not  to  grant  them  this  voyage,  until 
we  are  better  informed." 

This  letter  is  dated  March  14,  1502. 

"When  Columbus  was  eventually  allowed  to  depart  on  his 
fourth  voyage,  he  was  forbidden  to  touch  at  Hispaniola,  save  on 
his  return,  and  then  only  in  case  of  extreme  necessity. 

The  removal  of  Bobadilla  was,  however,  to  take  place.  Kico- 
las  de  Ovando,  commander  of  Lares,  was  sent  out  to  succeed 
him,  in  February,  1502,  with  the  finest  fleet  which  ha.d  as  yet 
been  sent  to  the  new  lands. 

Ovando  is  said  to  have  been  "  a  wise  and  judicious  man." 
Most  contemporaries  speak  highly  of  his  character  and  abilities. 
Nevertheless,  his  rule  in  the  islands  was  characterized  by  many 
atrocious  acts  of  cruelty,  wrhich  can  be  laid  to  no  one's  charge 
but  his.  It  is  evident,  therefore,  that,  though  perhaps  competent 
to  govern  his  own  race,  he  was  incapable  of  judiciously  govern 
ing  the  Indians. 

On  his  arrival  in  Hispaniola,  he  was  received  with  great 
respect  by  Bobadilla,  toward  whom  he  conducted  himself  with 


298 


LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 


marked  deference,  more  than  he  would  have  been  likely  to  ex 
hibit  had  the  latter  been  in  very  deep  disgrace  with  the  sov 
ereigns. 

The  short  rule  of  Bobadilla  had  been  attended  with  advan 
tageous  results  to  the  crown,  while  the  crushing  tribute  imposed 
by  Columbus  discouraged  many  from  seeking  gold.  Immedi 
ately  upon  Bobadilla's  reducing  the  royal  tax,  upon  all  precious 
metal  found,  from  one-third  to  one-eleventh,  it  appears  that  the 
amount  realized  by  the  sovereigns  was  increased  fourfold ; 13E 
and,  though  some  authors  allege  that  this  was  owing  to  cruel 
exactions  and  oppressions  on  his  part,  there  appears  to  be  no 
truth  in  this  assertion,  as  the  official  acts  of  Bobadilla  were  with 
a  view  of  alleviating  and  ameliorating  the  condition  of  both 
Spaniards  and  natives.  Columbus's  chief  accusation  against  Bo 
badilla  was  that  he  was  too  lenient ;  that  he  "  granted  exemp 
tion  from  tithes,"  and  "  befriended  all  save  the  crown." 

His  success  in  amassing  gold  was  due  to  his  very  leniency. 
Ovando  pursued  a  totally  different  course ;  but  of  him,  save  where 
he  is  brought  in  contact  with  Columbus,  we  shall  say  very  little, 
this  being  essentially  a  history  of  the  latter. 

136  Helps,  "  History  of  Columbus,"  p.  209. 


AN  ALCATRAZ. 


CHAPTEE  XXIY. 

SOJOURN   OF   COLUMBUS   IN   SPAIN   PREVIOUS   TO   HIS    FOURTH   VOYAGE. 
HIS    WILL. NEGOTIATIONS    ATTEMPTED   WITH    GENOA. 

FOR  nearly  two  years  Columbus  remained  in  Spain.  He  had 
been  liberated,  indeed,  from  durance  vile,  by  order  of  the  sover 
eigns,  but  they  exhibited  none  of  that  haste  to  reinstate  him  in 
power  which  would  have  been  a  natural  consequence  of  their  be 
lieving  him  guiltless.  Nor  was  their  failure  so  to  do  owing  to  the 
silence  and  reserve  of  Columbus ;  he  was  constantly  importuning 
them,  either  in  person  or  by  letter,  for  a  recognition  of  what  he 
termed  his  rights  ;  with  so  little  success,  however,  that  he  is  at 
one  time  fain  to  give  up,  and,  fearing  that  all  hope  of  power  and 
wealth  to  be  acquired  from  his  so-called  discoveries  was  at  an  end, 
he  bethought  himself  of  again  assuming  the  cloak  of  extreme 
religious  enthusiasm,  which  he  had  lately  allowed  to  fall  some 
what  into  disuse.  He  hoped  thus  to  bring  himself  into  the  no 
tice,  perhaps  obtain  the  support  and  assistance,  of  the  Church 
— above  all,  of  the  papal  chair. 

He  therefore  now  remembered  that,  on  starting  for  the  isl 
ands,  in  1492,  he  had  promised  the  sovereigns  and  the  Church 
(made  a  solemn  vow,  in  fact)  that,  at  the  expiration  of  seven 
years  from  that  date,  he  would  furnish  fifty  thousand  foot-sol 
diers,  and  five  thousand  horse,  for  the  purpose  of  making  war  on 
the  infidel,  and  reclaiming  the  Holy  Sepulchre.  The  seven  years 
had  more  than  expired,  the  islands  he  professed  to  have  discov 
ered  had  increased  the  expenditure  instead  of  the  revenue  of  the 
crown,  while  he  himself  was  as  penniless  and  powerless  as  when, 
on  his  arrival  at  Palos,  he  was  indebted  to  the  Pinzons  for  the 
very  clothing  in  which  he  presented  himself  at  court.  Feeling 
the  wretched  contrast  between  his  promise  and  performance,  he 


300  LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

clings  to  the  liope  that  affected  religious  zeal  will  reinstate  him 
somewhat  -in  the  good  graces  of  his  bigoted  queen,  and  assure 
him  the  support  of  the  Church.  In  this  last  he  seems  to  have 
been  successful.  The  priesthood  have  been  the  creators  of  his 
fame ;  and  now,  hoping  that  time  will  have  obliterated  the  mem 
ory  of  his  crimes,  coolly  propose  to  place  him  among  the  saints. 
He  strongly  urged  that  an  expedition  should  be  immediately  set 
on  foot  to  reclaim  the  Sepulchre ;  he  assured  the  sovereigns  that 
he  had  been  divinely  chosen,  from  his  very  birth,  to  perform  two 
great  missions  :  the  first,  to  carry  Christianity  across  the  seas  to 
the  heathen  of  the  "Western  lands ;  the  second,  to  recover  the 
Sepulchre  of  the  Saviour.  He  writes  upon  this  subject  a  letter 
in  which  hypocrisy,  cant,  and  blasphemy,  vie  with  each  other  for 
preeminence ;  but  this  pious  proposition  only  absorbs  him  while 
all  hope  of  his  being  again  allowed  to  voyage  westward  is  seem 
ingly  at  an  end.  Soon,  however,  the  excitement  which  prevailed, 
owing  to  the  riches  which  were  flowing  into  Portugal  from  the 
East  Indies,  by  the  route  discovered  by  Yasco  de  Gama,  embold 
ened  our  hero.  He  begged  to  be  allowed  to  lay  the  wealth  of 
those  Indies  at  the  feet  of  Spain,  by  giving  her  a  safer  and 
shorter  passage  to  them  than  that  enjoyed  by  Portugal.  He 
boldly  asserted,  not  hypothetically,  but  as  an  established  cer 
tainty,  that  there  existed  a  strait  between  the  lands  he  had 
discovered,  which  would  permit  ships  to  sail  into  the  Eastern 
Ocean,  and  reach  China,  Japan,  and  India.  He  appears  for  the 
moment  to  have  dropped  the  pretense  of  having  already  reached 
those  lands,  and,  moreover,  failed  to  demonstrate  wherefore,  if 
such  a  strait  existed,  and  he  was  aware  of  its  existence,  he  had 
not,  ere  this,  made  the  Spanish  kingdom  mistress  of  its  advan 
tages.  This  inconsistency  is,  however,  one  of  the  minor  ones 
of  which  he  is  guilty. 

This  strait  he  placed  between  the  southern  shore  of  Cuba, 
which  he  still  professes  to  regard  as  main-land,  and  the  north 
ern  shores  of  the  South  American  Continent,  which  shows  either 
his  utter  insincerity,  or  that  he  had  done  very  little  toward  ex 
ploring  the  latter. 

The  cupidity  of  the  sovereigns  was  excited,  as  the  wily  ad 
miral  believed  it  would  be ;  his  departure,  too,  on  a  fourth  voy 
age,  would  rid  them  of  an  importunate  suppliant.  Orders  were 
therefore  given,  in  1501,  for  an  expedition  to  be  fitted  out, 


ISABELLLA  AND   COLUMBUS  APPRECIATE  EACH  OTHER.  301 

though  we  perceive  that  but  little  faith  was  placed  in  him, 
for,  notwithstanding  the  glorious  promises  he  made,  and  the 
eagerness  with  which  Spain  would  be  supposed  to  embrace  an 
opportunity  of  diverting  a  valuable  commerce  from  her  hated 
rival  Portugal,  several  months  elapsed  before  a  fleet  of  four 
small  vessels,  the  largest  of  seventy,  the  smallest  of  fifty,  tons 
burden,  were  placed  at  his  command.  Their  united  crew  com 
prised  one  hundred  and  fifty  men. 

The  meanness  of  this  outfit  plainly  shows  that  it  was  the  man 
Columbus,  more  than  his  enterprise,  who  was  held  in  abhorrence, 
for  a  fine  fleet  of  thirty-six  sail  and  a  brilliant  retinue  had  been 
accorded  to  Ovando. 

Columbus,  in  obtaining  this  fleet,  obtained  what  he  professed 
solely  to  desire,  namely,  the  means  of  discovering  his  strait  and 
enriching  Spain,  especially  the  queen  his  mistress.  But  other 
thoughts  are  lurking  in  his  brain;  his  conduct  shows  plainly 
that  he  fully  understood  the  character  of  Isabella  and  her  rela 
tions  with  him.  Both  of  these  crafty  worthies,  indeed,  evidently 
understood  each  other — neither  believed  the  statements  nor  re 
spected  the  motives  of  the  other.  Isabella  humored  Columbus, 
to  a  certain  extent,  because  she  believed  him  capable  of,  and  able 
to  do  her,  some  mischief,  were  his  vindictiveness  to  be  openly 
excited.  Columbus,  on  the  other  hand,  rightly  judged  that, 
though  he  was  allowed  to  go  unpunished,  he  had  little  to  expect 
but  promises  from  his  "  munificent  patroness." 

Therefore  we  find  him,  while  professing  the  humblest  alle 
giance  to  the  queen,  engaged,  with  his  accustomed  craft  and  dis 
simulation,  in  a  scheme  by  which  he  hoped  to  interest  other 
powers  in  securing  to  him  what  the  crown  of  Spain  had  prom 
ised  him  in  an  unguarded  moment,  or  from  motives  of  policy, 
namely,  the  viceroyalty  of  the  Western  islands  to  him  and  his 
heirs  forever,  the  tenth  of  the  revenues  arising  therefrom,  and 
the  admiralty  of  the  Western  ocean. 

We  must  remember,  before  taxing  Spain  with  ingratitude, 
that,  even  at  the  period  of  which  we  write,  when  Europe  was 
but  just  commencing  a  struggle  against  feudal  and  sovereign  des 
potism,  the  people  were  more  powerful,  and  the  sovereign  less 
so,  in  this  kingdom  than  in  any  other.  All  have  read  of  the 
famous  oath  of  allegiance  pronounced  by  the  Cortes  on  the  acces 
sion  of  a  sovereign,  whereby  they  promised  to  support  the  new 


302  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

monarch,  on  condition  that  he  preserve  the  rights  and  respect 
the  privileges  (fueros)  of  the  nation  and  people,  ending  with  the 
emphatic  si  no,  no  (if  not,  not),  which  conveyed  both  a  warning 
and  a  threat. 

Such  was  the  power  already  vested  in  the  representatives  of 
the  people  by  the  then  potent  Spanish  nation.  It  was,  there 
fore,  without  the  range  of  the  sovereign  prerogative  to  grant  in 
perpetuity  the  offices  of  admiral  and  viceroy  to  representatives 
and  heirs  of  a  foreigner,  without  regard  to  their  possible  merits 
or  demerits.  Isabella,  who  had  not  mounted  the  throne  as  a 
legitimate  sovereign,  but  as  a  usurper  who  bargained  for  her 
place  by  the  restriction  of  her  rights,  might,  with  the  consent  of 
the  Cortes,  confer  on  Columbus  the  title  above  named  for  life, 
but  there  her  power  ended. 

This,  as  we  have  said,  Columbus  appears  to  have  understood, 
and  we  therefore  find  him  secretly  engaged,  or  attempting  to 
engage,  in  a  correspondence  with  the  powerful  republic  of 
Genoa,  with  a  view  to  inducing  the  latter  to  aid  him  in  'ousting 
Spain  from  the  Western  islands,  and  in  usurping  their  govern 
ment  for  himself.  His  proceedings  in  this  matter  are  carried  on 
with  such  secrecy  as  to  leave  no  doubt  of  their  treasonable  in 
tent,  nor  does  Mr.  Irving  venture  to  pass  over  this  episode  with 
out  mentioning  that  suspicions  of  this  treason  were  prevalent 
in  Spain.  He  admits  that  "  the  sovereigns  may  have  entertained 
doubts  as  to  the  innocence  and  loyalty  of  Columbus."  He  further 
reports  that  "  there  was  a  rumor  prevalent  that  Columbus,  irri 
tated  at  the  suppression  of  his  dignities  by  the  court  of  Spain, 
intended  to  transfer  his  newly-discovered  countries  into  the 
hands  of  his  native  republic,  Genoa,  or  some  other  power ;  "  and 
states  that,  during  the  time  he  passed  in  Spain  previous  to  his 
fourth  voyage,  he  took  measures  to  "  secure  his  fame,  and  pre 
serve  the  claims  of  his  family,  by  placing  them  under  the  guar 
dianship  of  his  native  city,"  and  by  way  of  inducement,  we  sup 
pose,  to  that  city  to  undertake  the  guardianship,  we  shall  find 
him  writing  a  codicil,  May  4,  1506,  on  the  blank  leaf  of  a 
breviary,  "  according  to  military  usage/'  in  which  he  declares 
the  republic  of  Genoa  his  successor  to  the  admiralty,  should  his 
male  line  become  extinct ! 

The  treason  of  such  a  bequest  is  so  palpable  as  scarce  to  need 
comment.  Columbus,  the  once  pauper  pirate,  coolly  makes  over 


A  MENDICANT  BEQUEATHS  MILLIONS.  303 

to  a  foreign  power  one  of  the  offices  of  the  Spanish  crown  ;  yet 
not  one  of  his  biographers  appears  to  perceive  the  monstrous 
absurdity  of  such  a  proposition  ! 

He  had  not,  however,  waited  till  his  disgrace  was  incontes 
table,  before  commencing  his  treasonable  practices.  Previous  to 
his  third  voyage,  he  had  solicited  and  obtained  permission  from 
the  crown  to  make  his  will,  perpetuating  his  fortune  and  honors 
by  entail  (mayorazgo).  This  authorization,  granted  by  the  sov 
ereigns,  appears  to  restrict  him  to  his  "legitimate  children," 
especially  Diego,  "  notwithstanding  your  other  children  be  ag 
grieved."  It  would  seem,  at  any  rate,  that  bequests  to  Genoa 
were  not  within  its  scope. 

In  virtue  of  this  permit,  he  proceeded  to  make  a  will,  by 
which  he  affects  to  dispose  of  millions  of  treasure,  and  of  honors 
that  should  render  him  and  his  descendants  famous  throughout 
the  land.  If  we  cast  a  glance  backward  to  the  preparations  for 
his  third  voyage,  pending  which  this  will  was  written,  we  shall 
perceive  that  Columbus  was  then,  as  always,  poor ;  that  his  dis 
coveries  (if  we  give  them  that  name)  had  become  unpopular, 
himself  odious — so  unpopular,  so  odious,  that  none  could  be 
found  voluntarily  to  follow  him  to  his  "  earthly  paradise."  And 
in  order  to  people  it,  and  aid  him  in  bearing  Christianity  to  the 
benighted  heathen,  the  dungeons  were  at  his  request  thrown 
open,  and  the  vilest  criminals  they  contained  might  expiate  their 
crimes  by  a  short  sojourn  in  those  islands,  whose  civilization  (?) 
they  were  to  effect.  The  ships,  crews,  and  cargoes,  for  his  third 
expedition,  were  all  impressed  into  the  royal  service.  Thence 
forth  his  condition  became  steadily  more  wretched  and  degraded, 
till  we  shall  find  him  writing  to  Dona  Juana  de  la  Torres : 

"  I  have  now  reached  that  point  that  there  is  no  man  so  vile 
but  thinks  it  his  right  to  insult  me." 

And  to  the  sovereigns  : 

"I  am,  indeed,  in  as  ruined  a  condition  as  I  have  related. 
Hitherto  I  have  wept  for  others  :  may  Heaven  now  have  mercy 
upon  me,  and  may  the  earth  weep  for  me !  With  regard  to  tem 
poral  things,  I  have  not  even  a  Uanca  for  an  offering.  .  .  .  All 
that  was  left  to  me.  as  well  as  to  my  brothers,  has  been  taken  away 
and  sold,  even  to  the  frock  I  wore.  ...  I  did  not  come  on  this 
voyage  "  (his  last)  "  to  gain  for  myself  honor  or  wealth ;  this  is  a 
certain  fact,  for  at  that  time  all  hope  of  such  a  thing  was  dead." 


304  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

The  tone  of  his  will  was,  however,  very  different  from  this 
cringing  whine.  We  can  merely  make  extracts,  as  it  is  an  ex 
ceedingly  lengthy  document  :  like  all  his  compositions,  it  con 
tains  many  incongruities.  Defining  the  order  of  inheritance  in 
his  family,  he  says  : 

"  If  God  should  dispose  of  him  "  (his  brother  Bartholomew) 
"  without  heirs,  he  is  to  be  succeeded  by  his  sons."  Great  care 
is  to  be  taken  "  where  the  glory  of  God,  or  my  own,  or  that  of 
my  family,  is  concerned.  .  .  .  For  the  greater  glory  of  the  Al 
mighty,  and  that  it  may  be  the  root  and  basis  of  my  lineage,  and 
a  memento  of  the  services  I  have  rendered  their  highnesses,  that, 
'being  born  in  Genoa,  I  came  over  to  serve  them  in  Castile. 
...  I  pray  their  highnesses  that  this,  my  privilege,  be  held 
valid.  .  .  . 


r- 

A 


"  Don  Diego,  my  son,  or  any  other  who  may  inherit  my 
name,  in  coming  into  possession  of  the  inheritance,  shall  sign 
with  the  signature  I  now  make  use  of,  which  is  an  JT,  with  an 
8.  over  it,  and  an  M,  with  a  Koman  A  over  it,  and  over  that  an 
&,  and  then  a  Greek  T,  with  an  £  over  it,  with  its  lines  and 
points,  as  is  my  custom,  as  may  be  seen  by  my  signature,  of 
which  there  are  many,  and  it  will  be  seen  by  the  present  one."  136 

The  authenticity  of  this  will,  or  certain  parts  of  it,  has  been 

36  This  decidedly  eccentric,  if  not  affected,  signature  has  been  variously  inter 
preted,  the  author  having  vouchsafed  no  explanation.  Some  suppose  the  ciphers 
above  the  signature  (which  all  admit  to  be  Christ-bearer,  in  Greek  and  Latin  charac 
ters)  to  read  "  Servidor  SusAltezas  Sacras,  Crisfo,  Maria,  Ysabel"  (or  possibly  Joseph), 
'  Servant  of  their  Sacred  Highnesses,  Christ,  Mary,  Isabel."  M.  Delorgues  interprets 
them  "  Servus  Supplex  Alti&simi  Salvatoms,  Chrutus,  Maria,  Joseph,  the  Suppliant  Ser 
vant  of  the  Most  High  Saviour,  Christ,  Mary,  Joseph."  Spotorno  supposes  the  ciphers 
should  be  read  from  the  bottom,  upward,  connecting  the  lower  with  the  upper,  and 
reading  thus  :  "  Salva  me,  Christus,  Maria,  Jcseplms."  The  matter  is  not  of  any  material 
importance  ;  it  only  serves  to  show  how  religious  affectation  and  a  desire  to  mystify 
pervaded  the  most  trivial  acts  of  the  self-styled  Christ-bearer. 


"THE  ADMIKAL."— NEGKO   COUNT.  3Q5 

matter  of  much  doubt;  the  above  is  one  of  the  alleged  for 
geries.  It  is  maintained  that  few  men  would  enter  thus  elabo 
rately  into  the  description  of  a  signature  which  they  declare 
must  be  already  well  known.  There  seems  to  be  some  reason  in 
this  objection,  yet,  as  there  is  no  accounting  for  the  vagaries  and 
vanities  of  Columbus,  the  passage  may,  after  all,  be  genuine. 

"  He  "  (the  heir)  "  shall  only  write  '  the  Admiral,'  whatever 
other  titles  the  king  may  have  conferred  on  him.  This  is  under 
stood  as  respects  his  signature,  but  not  the  enumeration  of  his 
titles,  which  he  can  make  at  full  length,  if  agreeable ;  only  the 
signature  is  to  be  '  the  Admiral.' ' 

"  Such,"  says  Mr.  Irving,  "  was  the  noble  pride  with  which 
he  valued  this  title  of  his  real  greatness."  The  same  author 
writes :  "  His  soul  was  elevated  by  the  contemplation  •  of  his 
great  and  glorious  office,  when  he  considered  himself  under  di 
vine  inspiration,  imparting  the  will  of  Heaven,  and  fulfilling  the 
high  and  holy  purpose  for  which  he  had  been  predestined." 

It  is  strange  that,  with  this  noble  stimulus,  Columbus  should 
have  fallen  miserably  short  of  what  might  be  reasonably  ex 
pected  from  an  uninspired  mortal.  If  he  had  been  truly  great, 
he  would  not  have  been  so  intoxicated  by  a  few  paltry  titles. 
"He  called  me  Don!"  he  exclaims  with  ecstatic  delight;  yet 
titles  were  cheap  in  Spain.  A  negro  named  Juan  de  Yalladolid, 
called  the  negro  count  (conde  negro),  was,  in  1474,  appointed  by 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella  to  the  office  of  mayoral  of  the  negroes. 
The  appointment  is  made  in  the  most  flattering  terms.137 

"  I  also,"  continues  Columbus  in  his  will,  "  enjoin  Don  Die 
go,  or  any  one  that  may  inherit  the  estate,  to  have  and  maintain, 
in  the  city  of  Genoa,  one  person  of  our  lineage  to  reside  there 

137  «  p or  the  many  goo^  loyal,  and  signal  services  which  you  have  done  us,  and  do 
each  day,  and  because  we  know  your  sufficiency,  ability,  and  good  disposition,  we  con 
stitute  you  mayoral  and  judge  of  all  the  negroes  and  mulattoes,  free  or  slaves,  which 
are  in  the  very  loyal  and  noble  city  of  Seville  and  throughout  the  whole  archbishopric 
thereof,  and  that  the  said  negroes  and  mulattoes  may  not  hold  any  festivals,  nor 
pleadings  among  themselves,  except  before  you,  Juan  de  Yalladolid,  negro,  our  judge 
and  mayoral  of  the  said  negroes  and  mulattoes ;  and  we  command  that  you,  and 
you  only,  should  take  cognizance  of  the  disputes,  pleadings,  marriages,  and  other 
things  which  may  take  place  among  them,  forasmuch  as  you  are  a  person  sufficient 
for  that  office,  and  deserving  of  your  power,  and  you  know  the  laws  and  ordinances 
which  ought  to  be  kept,  and  we  are  informed  that  you  are  of  noble  lineage  among 
the  said  negroes." — ORTEZ  DE  ZuSiGA,  "  Annales  Ecclesiasticos  y  Seculares  de  Sevilla," 
p.  374. 


306  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

with  his  wife,  and  appoint  him  a  sufficient  revenue  to  enable 
him  to  live  decently,  as  a  person  closely  connected  with  the 
family,  of  which  he  is  to  be  the  root  and  basis  in  that  city,  from 
which  great  good  may  accrue  to  him,  inasmuch  as  I  was  born 
there  and  came  from  thence" 

It  is  not  surprising  that  those  claiming  other  birthplaces  for 
Columbus  than  Genoa,  should  regard  the  sentence  we  italicize  as 
a  forged  interpolation :  1.  He  declares  that  the  person  to  be 
supported  in  Genoa  was  to  form  the  root  and  basis  of  his  family 
there.  This  could  scarcely  be,  were  Columbus  and  his  progeni 
tors  natives  of  the  place.  2.  It  is  somewhat  strange,  if  Colum 
bus  in  this  will  several  times  declared  that  he  was  a  native  of 
Genoa,  that  his  son  should  not  state  the  fact  when  treating  of  his 
birth  and  early  years.  He  came  into  possession  of  his  father's 
papers,  and,  had  he  found  therein  any  such  declaration  of  birth 
place,  it  seems  likely  he  would  have  inserted  it  in  its  proper 
place  in  his  history  of  his  father. 

It  is  not  improbable  that  these  passages  have  been  forged  by 
the  champions  of  Columbus  to  palliate,  in  a  measure,  the  trea 
son  to  Spain  which  is  so  apparent  in  his  bequests  and  proposi 
tions  to  Genoa;  but  neither  is  it  improbable  that  Columbus 
claimed  to  have  been  born  there,  in  order  that  that  city  might 
consider  he  had  some  claim  upon  her,  and  be  induced  to  aid  him 
in  his  schemes  for  gaining  possession  of  the  islands  with  which 
he  promised  to  enrich  her. 

Be  this  as  it  may,  and  whether  the  passages  be  forgeries,  or 
whether  Columbus  really  in  his  will  professed  to  have  been  born 
in  Genoa,  it  is  certain  that  his  most  intimate  friends,  his  family 
even,  were  kept  ignorant  of  his  having  made  such  an  assertion, 
and  that  he  desired  Spain  to  be  utterly  ignorant  of  all  his  trans 
actions  with  Genoa. 

"  The  said  Diego,"  continues  the  will,  "  or  whoever  shall  in 
herit  the  estate,  must  remit  in  bills,  or  in  any  other  way,  what 
ever  he  may  be  enabled  to  save  out  of  the  revenue  of  the  estate, 
and  direct  purchase  to  be  made  in  his  name,  or  that  of  his  heirs, 
in  a  stock  in  the  Bank  of  St.  George,  which  gives  an  interest  of 
six  per  cent.,  and  is  secure  money  ;  and  this  shall  be  devoted  to 
the  purposes  I  am  about  to  explain : 

"  Item :  As  it  becomes  every  man  of  rank  and  property  to 
eerve  God,  either  personally,  or  by  means  of  his  wealth,  and  as 


COLUMBUS  WILL  SERVE  GOD  WITH  MONEY.  307 

all  moneys  deposited  with  St.  George  are  quite  safe,  and  Genoa 
is  a  noble  city,  and  powerful  by  sea,  and  as,  at  the  time  that  I 
undertook  to  set  out  upon  the  discovery  of  the  Indies,  it  was 
with  the  intention  of  supplicating  the  king  and  queen  our  lords 
that  whatever  money  should  be  derived  from  the  said  Indies 
should  be  invested  in  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem,  and  as  I  did  so 
supplicate  them,  if  they  do  this  it  will  be  well ;  if  not,  at  all 
events,  the  said  Diego,  or  such  person  as  may  succeed  him  in 
this  trust,  to  collect  together  all  the  money  he  can,  and  accom 
pany  the  king  our  lord,  should  he  go  to  the  conquest  of  Jerusa 
lem,  or  else  go  there  himself,  with  all  the  force  he  can  command ; 
and,  in  pursuing  this  intention,  it  will  please  the  Lord  to  assist 
toward  the  accomplishment  of  the  plan ;  and,  should  he  not  be 
able  to  effect  the  conquest  of  the  whole,  no  doubt  he  will  achieve 
it  in  part.  Let  him,  therefore,  collect  and  make  a  fund  of  all  his 
wealth  in  St.  George  of  Genoa,  and  let  it  multiply  there  till  such 
time  as  it  may  appear  to  him  that  something  of  consequence 
may  be  effected  as  respects  the  project  on  Jerusalem,  for  I  be 
lieve  that,  when  their  highnesses  shall  see  that  this  is  contem 
plated,  they  will  wish  to  realize  it  themselves,  or  will  afford  him, 
as  their  servant  and  vassal,  the  means  of  doing  it  for  them. 

"Item:  I  charge  my  son  Diego,  and  my  descendants,  espe 
cially  whoever  may  inherit  this  estate,  which  consists,  as  afore 
said,  of  the  tenth  of  whatsoever  may  be  had  or  found  in  the 
Indies,  and  the  eighth  part  of  the  lands  and  rents,  all  which, 
together  with  my  rights  and  emoluments  as  admiral,  viceroy, 
and  governor,  amount  to  more  than  twenty-five  per  cent.,  I  say 
that  I  require  of  him  to  employ  all  this  revenue,  as  well  as  his 
person  and  all  the  means  in  his  power,  in  well  and  faithfully 
serving  and  supporting  their  highnesses,  or  their  successors,  even 
to  the  loss  of  life  and  property." 

The  extreme  loyalty  of  this  last  injunction  is  entirely  nulli 
fied  and  contradicted  by  the  preceding  one,  in  which  the  heir  is 
directed  to  employ  all  the  revenue  he  can  save  out  of  .the  estate 
in  the  purchase  of  stock  in  the  Bank  of  St.  George  of  Genoa, 
and  by  the  following,  in  which  he  commands — 

" .  .  .  .  the  said  Diego,  or  whoever  may  possess  the  said 
estate,  to  labor  and  strive  for  the  honor,  welfare,  and  aggrandize 
ment  of  the  city  of  Genoa,  and  to  make  use  of  all  his  power  and 
means  in  defending  and  enhancing  the  good  and  credit  of  that  re- 


308  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

public,  in  all  things  not  contrary  to  the  service  of  God,  or  the 
high  dignity  of  the  king  and  queen  our  lords  and  their  successors." 

The  unlucky  recipient  of  so  many  injunctions  would  have 
been  puzzled  to  obey  them  all.  He  is  enjoined  to  serve  God 
and  mammon — Spain  and  Genoa — to  give  to  each  of  these  pow 
ers  all  his  energies,  resources,  and  devotion,  but  it  was  in  the 
nature  of  the  author  of  this  will  to  promise  fidelity  to  all,  while 
he  would  practise  it  toward  none. 

Besides  the  above  public  bequests,  we  find  each  of  Colum- 
bus's  family  provided  with  a  million  or  so.  A  church  is  to  be 
built  at  Hispaniola,  a  theological  seminary  endowed,  monuments 
erected,  etc.,  etc.  This  ostentatious  disposal  of  untold  riches  is 
plentifully  interlarded  with  pious  injunctions  for  the  advance 
ment  of  the  interests  of  the  Church,  and  of  the  Spanish  sover 
eigns,  but  Genoa  and  the  Bank  of  St.  George  figure  principally. 

This  will  was  written,  as  we  have  said,  previous  to  his  de 
parture  on  his  third  voyage,  about  the  year  1497.  In  the  year 
1502,  the  period  of  his  history  at  which  we  have  now  arrived,  he 
made  another  will.  This,  however,  was  suppressed,  for  reasons 
to  which  Spotorno  thus  alludes : 

"  The  motives  of  this  we  know  not,  but  it  would  not  be  very 
rash  to  suppose  that  Columbus  had  poured  out  in  it  the  bitter 
ness  of  his  heart  against  the  court." 

In  other  words,  that,  seeing  he  possessed  nothing,  present  or 
prospective,  he  denounced  his  sovereign  for  not  making  him 
rich  and  honorable,  in  spite  of  his  crimes. 

Besides  these  wills  he  wrote  two  codicils.  In  the  last  of 
these  he  alludes  to  the  testament  of  1502,  thereby  working  the 
invalidity  of  the  document  from  which  we  have  so  largely  quoted, 
and  which  was  so  full  of  promise  to  Genoa. 

Having  perused  this  and  the  codicil  which  creates  Genoa 
admiral  in  Spain,  we  can  entertain  little  doubt  that  the  suspi 
cion  with  which  their  author  was  regarded  in  the  latter  country 
was  well  founded.  But  there  is  still  further  evidence  against 
him.  He  had  himself  assured  the  sovereigns  that  he  knew  it 
would  be  impossible  for  him  to  maintain  himself  in  power  in  the 
Indies,  even  were  he  desirous  of  usurping  it,  without  the  aid  of 
some  prince.  Spain  manifestly  forsaking  him,  he  hoped  to 
find  in  Genoa  the  protecting  power  which  should  render  his 
design  feasible. 


ATTEMPTED  NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  GENOA.  309 

lie  appears  to  have  become  acquainted,  during  his  sojourn 
near  the  court,  with  Nicolas  de  Oderigo,  ambassador  from  Genoa 
to  that  court.  He  may  have  induced  Oderigo  to  believe  that  it 
was  really  in  his  power  to  enrich  the  republic,  and  that  he  (its 
ambassador)  would  receive  honor  and  advancement  for  being  the 
one  to  propose  to  his  country  the  means  of  increasing  her  power 
and  wealth. 

This  hypothesis  is  supported  by  letters  written  by  Columbus 
to  the  Genoese  ambassador.  The  first  of  these  reads  : 

"  To  the  Ambassador  •,  SIGNOR  NICOLO  ODERIGO. 

"  SIR  :  It  is  impossible  to  describe  the  solitude  which  your 
departure  has  caused  among  us.  I  gave  the  book  of  my  privi 
leges  to  Signor  Francisco  di  Rivarola,  in  order  that  he  might  for 
ward  it  to  you,  along  with  a  copy  of  the  missive  letters.  I  beg 
of  you,  as  a  particular  favor,  to  write  to  Don  Diego  to  acknowl 
edge  their  receipt,  and  to  mention  where  they  are  deposited. 
Another  copy  will  be  finished  and  sent  to  you  in  the  same  man 
ner,  and  by  the  same  Signor  Francisco.  You  will  find  another 
letter  in  it,  in  which  their  highnesses  promise  to  give  me  all  that 
belongs  to  me,  and  to  put  Don  Diego  in  possession  of  it.  I  am 
writing  to  Signor  Gian  Luigi,  and  to  the  Signora  Caterina,  and 
the  letter  will  accompany  this. 

"  I  shall  depart,  in  the  name  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  with  the 
first  favorable  weather,  with  a  considerable  equipment.  If  Giro- 
lamo  da  Santa  Stefano  comes,  he  must  wait  for  me,  and  not  en 
tangle  himself  with  any  one,  for  they  will  get  from  him  whatever 
they  can,  and  then  leave  him  in  the  lurch.  Let  him  come  here, 
and  he  will  be  received  by  the  king  and  queen  until  I  arrive. 
May  our  Lord  have  you  in  his  holy  keeping  ! 


5-    A 


"March  21,  1502,  IN  SEVILLE,  at  your  commands." 


310  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

This  letter,  as  we  have  seen,  asserts  that  he  sends  to  Genoa 
copies  of  all  the  grants  which  had  been  made  him  by  the  Span 
ish  sovereigns.  What  was  his  object  in  sending  these  docu 
ments  to  a  foreign  land  ?  It  will  be  argued  that  it  was  to  insure 
their  preservation.  This  reason  falls  to  the  ground.  We  find 
every  one  of  the  said  privileges,  and  documents  relating  thereto, 
preserved  in  the  archives  of  Spain,  where  Columbus  well  knew 
they  would  be  deposited  in  perfect  security. 

His  real  object  was  to  dazzle  Genoa  with  a  representation  of 
the  immense  advantage  likely  to  accrue  to  her  from  an  alliance 
with  him.  Genoa,  however,  was  too  wary  to  fall  into  the  trap, 
however  temptingly  baited.  She  may  have  known  how  false  Co 
lumbus  had  been  to  every  one  of  his  promises ;  how  much  disap 
pointment  and  how  little  profit  he  had  entailed  upon  Spain. 
She  may  have  even  been  aware  that  the  considerable  equipment 
with  which  he  informs  Oderigo  he  was  about  to  sail,  consisted 
of  four  small  vessels.  At  any  rate,  this  powerful  republic  did 
not  intend,  by  taking  up  the  cudgels  for  this  pauper  pirate  in 
disgrace,  to  draw  upon  herself  the  open  enmity  of  Spain.  Co- 
lumbus's  propositions,  enticing  though  he  endeavored  to  make 
them,  seem  to  have  fallen  upon  deaf  ears ;  for,  on  his  return  from 
his  fourth  voyage,  we  find  him  writing  as  follows : 

"  To  the  Most  Learned  Doctor,  NICOLO  ODERIGO. 

"  LEARNED  SIR  :  When  I  set  oif  upon  the  voyage  from  which 
I  have  just  returned,  I  spoke  to  you  fully.  I  have  no  doubt  you 
retained  a  complete  recollection  of  every  thing.  I  expected,  upon 
my  arrival,  to  have  found  here  letters,  and  possibly  a  confiden 
tial  person  from  you.  At  that  time,  I  likewise  gave  to  Francisco 
do  Kivarola  a  book  of  copies  of  my  letters,  and  another  of  my 
privileges,  in  a  bag  of  colored  Spanish  leather  with  a  silver  lock, 
and  two  letters  for  the  Bank  of  St.  George,  to  which  I  assign 
the  tenth  of  my  revenues  in  diminution  of  the  duties  upon  corn 
and  other  provisions.  No  acknowledgment  of  all  this  has 
reached  me.  Signor  Francisco  tells  me  that  all  arrived  there  in 
safety.  If  so,  it  was  uncourteous  in  these  gentlemen  of  St. 
George  not  to  have  favored  me  with  an  answer.  Nor  have  they 
thereby  improved  their  affairs,  which  gives  one  cause  to  say  that 
whoever  serves  the  public,  serves  nobody.  I  gave  another  book 
of  my  privileges,  like  the  above,  in  Cadiz,  to  Franco  Cataneo,  the 


ATTEMPTED  NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  GENOA.  3H 

bearer  of  this,  in  order  that  he  might  likewise  forward  it 
to  you,  and  that  both  of  them  might  be  securely  deposited 
wherever  you  thought  proper.  Just  before  my  departure,  I  re 
ceived  a  letter  from  the  king  and  queen,  my  lords,  a  copy  of 
which  you  will  find  there.  You  will  see  that  it  came  very  op 
portunely.  Nevertheless,  Don  Diego  was  not  put  in  possession, 
as  had  been  promised.  While  I  was  in  the  Indies,  I  wrote  to  their 
highnesses  an  account  of  my  voyage  by  three  or  four  opportuni 
ties.  One  of  my  letters  having  come  back  to  my  hands,  I  send 
it  to  you  inclosed  in  this,  with  the  supplement  of  my  voyage  in 
another  letter,  in  order  that  you  may  give  it  to  Signor  Gian  Luigi 
with  the  other  advice,  to  whom  I  write  that  you  will  be  the 
reader  and  interpreter  of  it.  I  would  wish  to  have  ostensible 
letters,  speaking  cautiously  of  the  matter  in  which  we  are  en 
gaged.  I  arrived  here  very  unwell,  just  before  the  queen,  my 
mistress,  died  (who  is  now  with  God),  without  my  seeing  her. 
Till  now,  I  cannot  say  how  my  affairs  will  finish.  I  believe  her 
highness  has  provided "  well  for  them  in  her  last  will,  and  the 
king,  my  master,  is  very  well  disposed.  Franco  Cataneo  will 
explain  the  rest  more  minutely  to  you. 

"  May  our  Lord  preserve  you  in  his  cnre ! 


5-    A    >?. 


"  Admiral  of  the  Ocean,  Viceroy  and 

"  Governor- General  of  the  Indies,  etc. 
"  SEVILLE,  December  27,  1504." 

It  would  be  difficult  to  account  for  the  extreme  caution  and 
secrecy  here  enjoined,  if  nothing  treasonable  were  contemplated. 
Genoa  well  understood  the  matter;  she  knew  that  Columbus 
was  unable  to  maintain  himself,  much  less  diminish  duties  on 
corn,  etc.  That  he  foresaw  the  light  in  which  his  proceedings 
would  be  regarded  is  evident  from  his  desire  to  have  it  appear 
that  his  devotion  to  Genoa,  and  not  his  disgrace  in  Spain, 


312  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

caused  his  defection  from  the  latter.  He  therefore  writes  that 
Isabella  has  remembered  him  in  her  will,  and  that  Ferdinand  is 
very  well  disposed  toward  him.  It  were  needless  to  comment 
upon  the  inveracity  of  both  these  statements.  This  defection, 
which  culminates  in  his  proposals  to  Genoa,  had  evidently  been 
contemplated  from  the  commencement  of  his  relations  with 
Spain.  Good  Las  Casas,  who,  throughout  his  work  on  the  cruel 
ties  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  Indies,  prudently  abstains  from 
mentioning  names,  writes : 

•"  The  Spaniards  first  set  sail  to  America,  not  for  the  honor 
of  God,  or  as  persons  moved  or  incited  thereunto  by  fervent 
zeal  for  the  true  faith,  nor  to  promote  the  salvation  of  their 
neighbors,  nor  to  serve  the  king,  as  they  falsely  boast  and  pre 
tend  to  do,  but,  in  truth,  only  stimulated  and  goaded  on  by 
insatiable  avarice  and  ambition,  that  they  might  forever  domi 
neer,  command,  and  tyrannize  over  the  West  Indians,  whose 
kingdoms  they  hoped  to  divide  and  distribute  among  them 
selves  ;  which,  to  deal  candidly,  is  no  more  nor  less  than  inten 
tionally,  by  all  these  indirect  ways,  to  disappoint  and  expel  the 
Kings  of  Castile  out  of  these  dominions  and  territories,  that  they 
themselves,  having  usurped  the  supreme  and  regal  empire,  might 
first  challenge  it  as  their  right,  and  then  possess  and  enjoy  it." 

This  usurpation  Columbus  first  tried  to  accomplish  himself, 
with  the  aid  of  his  brothers.  Finding  this  impossible,  he  seeks  to 
make  Genoa  his  ally,  with  what  ultimate  success  we  have  shown. 

But  to  return  to  his  preparations  for  his  fourth  voyage.  In 
February,  1502,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Pope  Alexander  YIL, 
in  which  he  apologized  for  not  having  repaired  to  Home  as  he 
had  intended,  to  give  the  Holy  Father  an  account  of  his  voyages. 
He  dwells  upon  his  pious  intentions  toward  the  Holy  Sepulchre, 
and  asserts  that  he  has  been  prevented  from  raising  his  prom 
ised  army,  by  the  arts  of  the  devil.  He  is,  however,  about  to 
start  on  a  fourth  voyage,  and  on  his  return  he  will  at  once  visit 
his  holiness,  and  then  present  him  with  a  copy  of  his  accounts 
of  his  voyages,  which  is  to  be  in  the  style  of  "  Caesar's  Commen 
taries,"  and  much  more  to  the  same  purpose.188  It  is  somewhat 
unjust  for  him  to  attribute  the  non-realization  of  his  promises 
to  the  wiles  of  the  devil,  as  he,  and  he  alone,  by  his  falsehood 
and  crimes,  had  caused  his  enterprise  to  be  despised,  which,  had 

138  Navarrcte,  "  Colecc.  Dip.,"  vol.  ii.,  p.  311. 


COLUMBUS,   THE  POPE,   GENOA.  313 

* 

it  been  appreciated  to  its  full  extent,  the  riches  emanating  there 
from  would  have  been  insufficient  to  accomplish  one  tithe  of 
what  he  had  promised. 

The  modesty  with  which  he  informs  his  holiness  that  his 
narrative  is  written  in  the  style  of  "  Caesar's  Commentaries,"  is 
matter  for  admiration.  The  "unlettered  admiral"  would  be 
considered  as  excelling  even  in  the  world  of  letters.  It  is  to  be 
regretted  that  his  son  Fernando,  into  whose  hands  this  narrative 
no  doubt  eventually  fell,  with  the  rest  of  his  father's  papers  (if, 
indeed,  such  a  narrative  ever  existed),  should  have  regarded  its 
destruction  as  more  advantageous  to  the  glory  of  its  author  than 
its  preservation. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  divine  the  purpose  for  which  the  above 
letter,  full  of  pious  professions  and  promises,  was  written.  Co 
lumbus,  by  it,  endeavored  to  predispose  the  Church,  especially 
the  papal  chair,  in  his  favor ;  such  support  would  be  very  neces 
sary  should  matters  with  Genoa  shape  to  his  liking. 

Such  were  the  crafty  manoeuvres  by  which  he  sought  to 
secure  the  assistance  of  Genoa,  and  the  sanction  of  the  Church, 
for  his  projected  rebellion  against,  or  defection  from,  Spain  ;  yet 
he  did  not  allow  them  to  interfere  with  his  petitions  to  Isabella, 
whom  he  had  not  ceased  to  importune  for  reinstatement  in 
power.  She,  while  refusing  his  request,  was  nevertheless  wea 
ried  with  its  repetition,  together  with  that  of  his  other  numerous 
demands.  Her  letter  to  him,  dated  March  4, 1502,  betrays  some 
thing  of  this  feeling.  After  refusing  him  money,  she  says : 

"  As  to  the  other  contents  of  your  memorials  and  letters, 
respecting  yourself  and  your  sons  and  brothers,  as  you  know 
that  we  are  on  the  eve  of  a  journey,  and  you  on  your  departure, 
it  cannot  be  attended  to  until  we  are  permanently  settled  in 
some  place,  which  if  you  were  desirous  to  wait  for,  you  wrould 
miss  the  voyage  you  are  now  going  to  undertake ;  wherefore  it 
is  better  that,  being  provided  with  eveiy  thing  necessary  for 
your  voyage,  you  should  depart  immediately,  leaving  to  your 
son  the  care  of  soliciting  whatever  is  contained  in  the  aforesaid 
memorial." 

That  he  "  depart  immediately "  from  Spain,  and  grant  her 
weary  ears  a  respite  from  the  petitions  which,  while  she  does  not 
peremptorily  refuse,  she  nevertheless  cannot  and  will  not  grant, 
this  seems  to  have  been  the  only  present  desire  of  the  queen. 


CHAPTER  XXY. 

FOURTH   VOYAGE    OF    COLTTMBTJS. 

HAVING,  as  he  hoped,  left  his  affairs  in  as  promising  condi 
tion  as  his  disgrace  at  the  Spanish  court  would  allow,  and 
secured  Genoa  and  the  Church  as  allies,  Columbus  at  length 
set  sail  on  the  9th  of  May,  1502,  on  his  fourth  and  last  voyage, 
with  the  considerable  equipment  already  mentioned.  He  was 
accompanied  by  his  natural  son  and  subsequent  historian  Fer 
nando,  and  by  his  brother  Bartholomew.  He  sailed  from  Cadiz, 
by  way  of  Morocco  and  the  Canaries.  At  this  stage  of  his  his 
tory  there  occurs  once  more  one  of  the  many  little  inconsisten 
cies  to  which  we  have  already  alluded  as  characterizing  too 
many  biographers  of  Columbus.  According  to  the  latter,  the 
whole  voyage  from  Cadiz  to  the  Carib  Islands  only  occupied 
twenty  days — four  days  from  Spain  to  the  Canaries,  and  sixteen 
from  the  Canaries  to  the  Western  islands. 

He  writes  to  the  sovereigns : 

"  My  passage  from  Cadiz  to  the  Canaries  occupied  four  days, 
and  thence  to  the  Indies,  from  which  I  wrote,  sixteen  days.  My 
intention  was  to  expedite  my  voyage  as  much  as  possible  while  I 
had  good  vessels,  good  crews  and  stores.  ...  Up  to  the  period 
of  my  reaching  these  shores  I  experienced  most  excellent  weather" 

Mr.  Irving  and  others,  however,  would  have  it  that  it  took 
him  sixteen  days  (from  the  9th  of  May  to  the  25th)  to  reach  the 
Canaries,  and  twenty  days  (from  the  25th  of  May  to  the  15th  of 
June)  to  reach  the  Carib  Islands,  a  total  which  more  than 
doubles  the  time  stated  by  Columbus  himself.  The  reason  for 
this  we  shall  soon  perceive.  On  reaching  the  islands,  Columbus, 
after  touching  at  one  or  two,  made  direct  for  San  Domingo, 
and  requested  permission  to  enter  the  harbor. 


COLUMBUS  EEFUSED  ADMITTANCE  TO  THE  HARBOR.    315 

We  have  already  stated  that  the  sovereigns  had  expressly 
forbidden  him  to  touch  at  Hispaniola  on  his  outward  voyage, 
and  only  permitted  him  to  do  so  on  his  return  in  case  of  neces 
sity,  and  then  merely  for  a  short  stay.189  His  excuse  for  now 
violating  the  royal  command  was,  that  one  of  his  vessels  sailed 
badly,  could  carry  no  canvas,  thereby  delaying  the  squadron. 
He  therefore  proposed  to  exchange  it  for  one  which  Ovando 
had  brought  out. 

The  boldness  of  this  pretext  he  has  himself  made  evident  in 
the  passage  we  have  quoted  from  his  letter,  and  is  manifest  to 
his  biographers,  for,  by  admitting  that  he  performed  the  whole 
voyage  in  twenty  days  (a  remarkably  quick  trip),  he  shows  that 
his  squadron  could  not  have  been  much  delayed.  Apparently 
for  this  reason,  and  to  cover  another  of  his  falsehoods,  and  make 
his  excuse  appear  more  plausible,  historians  double  the  length  of 
time  consumed  in  his  voyage. 

Ovando,  who  had,  no  doubt,  received  his  orders,  refused  to 
admit  Columbus  into  the  harbor  of  San  Domingo,  stating,  as 
his  reason  for  doing  so,  that  it  was  against  the  desire  of  their 
highnesses.  JSTor  could  he  consent  to  the  proposed  exchange  of 
vessels ;  the  fleet  he  had  brought  out  was  that  day  setting  sail, 
laden  with  a  richer'  cargo  than  had  ever  before  left  the  Western 
islands,  and  bearing  Bobadilla,  Eoldan,  and  many  others,  back 
to  Spain.  Admitting  that  Columbus  really  had  a  bad- sailing 
vessel,  he  could  scarcely  be  expected  to  exchange  one  of  the 
outgoing  ships  for  this  bad  sailer,  and  thereby  retard  the  prog 
ress  of  a  fleet  which  was  far  more  important  than  that  of 
Columbus. 

The  sympathy  and  pathos  expressed  by  Columbus's  historians 
as  they  record  the  refusal  he  received  at  San  Domingo,  would  be 
very  touching  if  well  founded.  But  even  regarding  Columbus, 
as  they  do,  in  the  light  of  a  noble  and  glorious  martyr,  few  will 
be  prepared  to  state  that  his  landing  in  Hispaniola  would  have 
been  judicious  or  safe.  The  island  was  swarming  with  his  ene 
mies,  who  might  have  taken  it  into  their  heads  to  execute  upon 
him  justice  as  summary  as  that  which  he  had  inflicted  upon 
Moxica  and  scores  of  others ;  therefore  his  best  friends  would 
have  advised  him  to  stay  away. 

The  refusal  to  exchange  ships  was,  as  we  have  already  said, 

139  Navarrete  "  Colecc.  Dip.,"  vol.  i.,  p.  425. 


316  LITE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

an  imperative  duty.  O  van  do  could  not  stay  bis  fleet  or  endan 
ger  any  of  its  cargo.  It  set  sail  the  day  of  Columbus' s  arrival. 
The  weather  was  at  the  time  fair  and  still,  but  a  sudden  and  violent 
storm  arose,  by  which  the  greater  part  of  the  fleet  was  destroyed. 
Bobadilla,  Roldan,  and  a  host  of  others,  perished ;  among  them 
a  captive  Indian  chief. 

A  story  is  to  be  found  in  most  histories  of  Columbus,  which 
represents  him  as  foretelling  this  storm,  and  magnanimously 
urging  Ovando  to  delay  the  departure  of  his  vessels,  but  without 
being  heeded.  Tracing  this  assertion  from  one  narrator  to  an 
other,  it  appears  that  Fernando  is  its  fountain-head,  and  the  only 
authority  for  the  prophecy.  Columbus,  in  his  relation  of  his  fourth 
voyage,  speaks  of  the  storm,  but  makes  no  allusion  to  his  having 
in  any  way  predicted  it ;  and  he  most  assuredly  would  not  have 
failed  to  hold  forth  this  further  proof  of  the  divine  aid  and 
inspiration  which  he  so  constantly  professed  to  receive,  had 
there  been  the  least  possible  ground  for  his  doing  so.  The 
prophecy  is,  therefore,  probably  a  gratuitous  embellishment  of 
Fernanda's,  who  is  peculiarly  desirous'  that  his  readers  should, 
at  this  period,  perceive  supreme  intervention  in  his  father's 
favor. 

Thus  we  have  seen  that  he  regards  the  deaths  of  Bobadilla 
and  Roldan  as  special  acts  of  the  Deity,  who  is  thus  made  to 
take  upon  himself  the  punishment  of  the  admiral's  enemies  ;  and 
by  the  same  special  providence,  we  are  assured,  the  only  ship 
of  the  great  fleet  which  reached  Spain  in  safety,  was  the  poorest 
and  weakest  of  all,  but  it  had  on  board  four  thousand  pieces  of 
gold  belonging  to  Columbus.  The  latter  also  safely  weathered 
the  storm  which  had  been  fatal  to  his  enemies.  Upon  these 
miracles,  as  he  terms  them,  M.  de  Lorgues  builds  a  considerable 
portion  of  his  claims  for  Columbus' s  canonization.  Those  who 
in  their  journey  through  life  have  observed  the  inscrutable  ways 
of  Divine  Providence,  and  noted  how  often  the  wicked  are  al 
lowed  to  prosper  in  worldly  matters,  while  the  good  are  as  often 
buffeted  by  misfortune,  will  not  perceive  in  the  death  of  the 
unfortuate  Spaniards,  nor  in  the  salvation  of  Columbus  and  his 
ill-gotten  gains,  any  •  manifestation  of  the  sanctity  of  the  latter, 
or  the  baseness  of  the  former. 

His  three  vessels,  separated  by  the  storm,  having  rejoined 
him,  and  finding  it  impossible  to  obtain  admittance  to  San 


CANOE   CAPTURED  BY  COLUMBUS.  317 

Domingo,  Columbus,  after  a  short  sojourn  in  a  sheltered  part 
of  the  coast,  set  sail  for  Jamaica  on  the  14th  of  July,  1502. 
His  crew  felt  bitterly  their  having  been  sent  out  under  a  man 
whose  status  was  such  that  they  were  refused  admittance  into  a 
port  belonging  to  their  own  country,  and  to  which  even  a  foreign 
vessel  would  have  been  hospitably  welcomed. 

The  stormy  weather  continued.  During  sixty  days,  only  sev 
enty  leagues  were  made,  owing  to  adverse  winds  and  currents. 
At  last  the  little  island  of  Guanaja  was  reached.  Columbus 
named  it  Isla  de  Pinos  (Island  of  Pines),  on  account  of  the  abun 
dance  of  those  trees. 

A  large  canoe  was  seen  approaching  this  island,  laden  with 
various  products.  It  is  described  as  being  eight  feet  wide,  very 
long.  Part  of  it  was  covered  with  a  rounded  thatching  of  palm- 
leaves,  after  the  manner  of  Venetian  gondolas.  It  was  most 
probably  one  of  those  partially-covered  canoes  which  still  navi 
gate  some  of  the  inland  rivers  of  South  America,  and  are  called 
champanes.  The  people  it  contained  are  described  as  far  supe 
rior  to  any  yet  met  with  ;  the  women  wore  long  draperies  of 
woven  cotton  ;  broad  cinctures  of  the  same  material  encircled  the 
men  about  the  loins.  Their  wares,  too,  indicated  an  approach  to 
civilization.  "Woven  cloth  of  cotton,  earthen-ware  utensils,  al 
monds,  cocoa  (which  the  Spaniards  then  saw  for  the  first  time, 
and  which  has  since  furnished  Spain  with  its  national  beverage), 
copper  axes,  crucibles  in  which  this  metal  was  melted — these 
constituted  their  chief  cargo. 

The  accounts  of  Columbus's  treatment  of  these  natives  are 
conflicting.  Mr.  Irving  and  most  modern  historians  relate  that 
the  people  exhibited  no  fear,  and  came  willingly  alongside  the 
vessels,  where  they  gladly  exchanged  their  wares  for  hawk's 
bells  and  other  baubles ;  that  Columbus  treated  them  with  gen 
tleness,  and  detained  only  one  old  man  as  a  guide. 

Fernando,  who  was  on  the  spot,  and  who,  great  as  is  his  de 
sire  to  conceal  his  father's  misdeeds,  sometimes  accidentally  gives 
us  an  insight  into  the  truth,  makes  it  appear  that  Columbus  did 
not  deal  so  gently  with  these  people  as  Irving  and  others  would 
have  it  supposed.  He  says  :  "  At  that  time  they  seemed  to  be,  in 
a  manner,  beside  themselves,  being  brought  prisoners  out  of  their 
canoe  aboard  the  ship,  among  such  strange  and  fierce  people  as 


318  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

we  are  to  them."  "°  These  people  are  supposed  to  have  come 
from  Yucatan  to  trade  "among  the  islands.  Had  Columbus 
sailed  in  the  direction  whence  they  came,  he  would  probably 
have  reached  the  rich  countries  of  Mexico,  and  thus  have  gained 
for  Spain  some  material  profit ;  but  he  was  bent  (or  feigned  to 
be  so)  upon  finding  his  strait  or  passage  to  India,  and  proceeded 
in  an  opposite  direction. 

A  southerly  course  brought  him  to  the  shores  ot  the  conti 
nent,  which  he  coasted  in  an  easterly  direction.  The  storm, 
we  read,  still  remained  unabated ;  rain,  wind,  and  current,  com- 


MA88  CELEBBATED  ON  THE   CONTINENT. 

bined  to  baffle  and  perturb  the  now  bedridden  admiral.     On  the 
14th  of  August,  he,  being  unable  to  stir,  ordered  his  brother 

140  "  Historia  del  Amirante,"  chapter  xci.  The  same  authority  also  makes  it  evi 
dent  that  they  were  somewhat  violently  induced  to  come  on  board  the  Spanish  ships, 
for,  speaking  of  their  superior  modesty  over  the  other  tribes,  he  says :  "  It  falling  out 
that,  on  getting  them  aboard,  some  were  taken  by  the  clouts  they  had  before  their 
privities,  they  would  immediately  clap  their  hands  to  cover  them ;  and  the  women 
would  hide  their  faces,  and  wrap  themselves  up,  as  we  said  the  Moorish  women  do  at 
Granada."  In  fact,  it  is  evident  that  the  crew  of  the  canoe  were  roughly  seized,  with 
their  wares,  Columbus  keeping  what  part  of  these  he  saw  fit,  and  giving  in  return  a 
few  worthless  baubles.  "  And  the  admiral  blessed  God  that  it  had  pleased  Him  at 
once  to  give  him  samples  of  the  commodities  of  that  country,  without  exposing  his 
men  to  any  danger." 


CANNIBALS.— LENGTHY  STORM.  319 

Bartholomew  to  go  on  shore  and  have  mass  celebrated  by  the 
Franciscan  friar  who  accompanied  the  expedition.    This  was  done. 

On  the  17th  of  the  same  month  land  was  again  sighted,  and 
possession  taken  for  Spain  by  the  erection  of  a  huge  cross. 
Here  a  great  number  of  natives  were  assembled,  who  offered  the 
Spaniards  cassava-bread,  fowls,  and  vegetables,  which  they  had 
with  them  in  great  abundance.  Notwithstanding  these  evi 
dences  to  the  contrary,  Columbus,  having,  no  doubt,  the  ulti 
mate  enslavement  of  the  poor  wretches  in  view,  declared  them 
cannibals.  "  This  was  evident,"  he  says,  "  from  the  brutality  of 
their  countenances."  Anthropophagi  would,  we  fear,  be  numer 
ous  even  in  civilized  communities,  were  the  above  ear-marks  in 
fallible  evidence  of  cannibalistic  propensities. 

One  portion  of  the  coast  was  named  Costa  de  la  Oreja,  from 
the  hideous  manner  in  which  the  inhabitants  of  that  country 
bored  their  ears. 

Still  opposed  by  wind  and  tide,  Columbus  now  coasted  Hon 
duras.  It  is  to  be  remarked  that  this  continuous  storm,  severe  as 
it  no  doubt  was,  is  described  by  Columbus  with  much  of  that 
colored  exaggeration  which  characterizes  all  his  writings,  after 
the  manner  of  some  story-tellers  who  never  think  the  truth 
alone  wonderful  enough.  He  writes:  "Eighty-eight  days  did 
this  fearful  tempest  continue,  during  which  I  was  at  sea,  and 
saw  neither  sun  nor  stars ;  my  ships  lay  exposed,  my  sails  torn, 
and  anchors,  rigging,  cables,  boats,  and  a  great  quantity  of  pro 
visions,  lost.  My  people  were  very  weak  and  humble  in  spirit, 
many  of  them  promising  to  lead  a  religious  life,  and  all  making 
vows  and  promising  to  perform  pilgrimages,  while  some  of  them 
would  frequently  go  to  their  messmates  to  make  confession. 
Other  tempests  have  been  experienced,  but  never  of  so  long 
duration,  or  so  fearful  as  this." 

At  length,  however,  the  vessels  reached  a  prominent  head 
land,  whence  the  coast  stretched  south.  The  current,  which 
had  impeded  their  progress,  divided  upon  this  point  and  ran 
southward,  assisting  instead  of  opposing  them.  Columbus,  there 
fore,  named  this  Cape  Gracias  d  Dios  (Thanks  to  God),  a  name 
it  still  retains,  though  few  of  the  places  he  baptized  are  now 
known  by  the  appellations  he  gave  them. 

Thence  he  proceeded  along  the  Mosquito  coast.  Arriving  at 
a  large  river,  the  men  put  off  to  fill  their  casks  with  fresh  water, 


320  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

when  a  wave  overwhelmed  one  boat,  which  was  lost  with  all  its 
crew.  The  river  was  therefore  named  Rio  del  Desastro  (of  the 
Disaster). 

The  village  of  Cariari  was  the  next  point  of  any  importance 
reached.  Here  the  natives  assumed  the  defensive  upon  the  ap 
proach  of  the  Spaniards,  but,  not  being  attacked,  and  the  latter 
having  made  pacific  demonstrations,  they  gained  confidence. 

An  aged  man  appeared  with  two  young  girls.  These,  he 
intimated,  were  to  be  hostages  for  the  Spaniards  who  might 
wish  to  land.  The  latter  profited  by  this  generous  assurance, 
and  went  on  shore  to  procure  water. 

We  have  various  and  conflicting  accounts  touching  the  char 
acter  and  conduct  of  these  girls.  Fernando  and  his  father  espe 
cially  disagree  in  their  description  of  them.  The  former  writes  : 

•"  Those  people  showed  more  friendly  than  others  had  done, 
and  in  the  girls  appeared  an  undauntedness ;  for,  though  the 
Christians  were  such  strangers  to  them,  they  expressed  no  manner 
of  concern,  but  always  looked  pleasant  and  modest,  which  made 
the  admiral  treat  them  well,  clothed,  fed,  and  set  them  ashore 
again,  where  the  fifty  men  were  ;  and  the  old  man  that  had  deliv 
ered  them  received  them  again  with  much  satisfaction."  141 

Columbus,  however,  thus  describes  the  same  scene : 

"  When  I  arrived,  they  sent  me  immediately  two  girls  very 
showily  dressed ;  the  eldest  could  not  be  more  than  eleven  years 
of  age,  and  the  other  seven,  and  both  exhibited  so  much  immod 
esty  that  more  could  not  be  expected  from  public  women.  They 
carried  concealed  about  them  a  magic  powder.  When  they 
came,  I  gave  them  some  articles  to  deck  themselves  out  with, 
and  directly  sent  them  back  to  the  shore."  14a 

When  Fernando  wrote  his  statement,  he  was  no  doubt  igno 
rant  of  his  father's  version,  and,  not  considering  that  "the  ad 
miral's  "  character  or  veracity  could  be  impugned  by  the  truth, 
he  made  a  correct  statement. 

It  is  matter  for  congratulation  that  several  documents  writ 
ten  by  Columbus  were  never  perused  by  Fernando;  we  are  thus 
enabled  to  bring  many  falsehoods  of  each  to  light. 

Friendly  as  were  the  people  of  Cariari,  they,  like  all  the  tribes 
visited  by  Columbus,  had  more  reason  to  mourn  than  rejoice  at 

.HI  "  Historia  del  Amirante,"  chapter  xci. 
142  Letter  of  Columbus  to  the  sovereigns,  July  7,  1503. 


CKUELTY  OF  COLUMBUS.  321 

the  visitation.  Seven  of  them  were  seized  and  two  retained, 
while  the  rest  were  allowed  to  return  to  their  people ;  but  the 
friends  of  the  two  prisoners  took  their  capture  greatly  to  heart. 
Heavily  laden  with  products  of  their  land  (among  other  things, 
two  small  hogs),  they  offer  all,  and  more,  if  the  Spaniards  will 
only  restore  their  friends  to  liberty;  but  Columbus  was  inexo 
rable;  he  wanted  guides  (did  this  scientific  navigator  and  discov 
erer),  having  set  down  the  poor  old  Indian  of  Guanaja  at 
Cape  Gracias  a  Dios.  Thus  he  from  time  to  time  seized  a  hap 
less  native,  used  him  as  guide  till  his  knowledge  of  the  country 
was  exhausted,  then  set  him  down  in  a  strange  land,  whence 
there  was  little  probability  of  his  reaching  his  far-away  home. 
But  the  magnanimous,  gentle,  humane  admiral,  while  refusing 
to  deliver  the  Cariarians  to  their  kinsmen,  accepted  the  pres 
ents,  notably  the  hogs,  one  of  which  afterward  procured  him 
sport  cruel  enough  to  gratify  even  his  brutal  tastes.  Let  us  ob 
serve  the  gusto  with  which  he  recounts  the  torture  inflicted  upon 
two  dumb  brutes,  merely  for  amusement,  and  we  shall  be  as 
sured,  if  any  doubt  lingers  in  our  minds,  that  cruelty  was  with 
him  a  passion. 

"I  had,  at  that  time,"  he  writes,  "two  pigs  and  an  Irish  dog, 
who  was  always  in  great  dread  of  them.  An  archer  had 
wounded  an  animal  like  an  ape,  except  that  it  was  larger,  and 
had  a  face  like  a  man's ;  the  arrow  had  pierced  it  from  the  neck 
to  the  tail,  which  made  it  so  fierce  that  they  were  obliged  to  dis 
able  it  by  cutting  off  one  of  its  arms  and  a  leg.  One  of  the  pigs 
grew  wild  on  seeing  this,  and  fled ;  upon  which  /  ordered  the 
legare  (as  the  inhabitants  call  him)  to  be  thrown  to  the  pig,  and 
though  the  animal  was  nearly  dead,  and  the  arrow  had  passed 
quite  through  his  body,  yet  he  threw  his  tail  round  the  snout  of 
the  pig,  and  then,  holding  him  firmly,  seized  him  by  the  nape  of 
the  neck  with  his  remaining  hand,  as  if  he  were  engaged  with  an 
enemy.  This  action  was  so  novel  and  extraordinary  that  I  have 
thought  it  worth  while  to  describe  it  here." 

The  cowardly  superstition,  which  was  one  of  the  manly  attri 
butes  of  our  hero,  is  also  manifested  during  his  stay  at  Cariari. 
A  smoke  which  the  natives  created,  and  which  the  wind  blew 
toward  him,  was,  he  declared,  a  necromantic  spell  they  sought  to 
cast  upon  him.  It  was  probably  the  smoking  of  tobacco  through 
pipes  as  he  had  already  seen  it  smoked  in  the  leaf. 


322  £IFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

Details  of  this  voyage  are  not  wanting,  as  both  Columbus 
and  Fernando  are  very  minute  in  their  recitals.  We  shall  not, 
however,  be  equally  so,  and  follow  him  through  all  the  mishaps 
and  disasters  of  this  his  last  expedition,  but  content  ourselves 
with  noting  its  more  important  features. 

From  time  to  time  he  procured  gold  from  the  natives,  who 
were,  as  a  rule,  friendly.  Here,  he  traded  for  large  plates  of  gold 
which  were  worn  suspended  from  the  neck  ;  there,  he  would  in 
crease  the  respect  of  the  harmless  natives  by  discharging  a  can 
non  among  them.143  Now,  he  comes  upon  five  large  settlements 


INDIANS  SMOKING.— (From  Philopono,  "Nova  Typis,"  etc.,  1621.) 

or  towns,  as  he  called  them,  one  of  which,  Yeragua,  subsequently 
gave  its  name  to  the  adjacent  country.  Here  he  was  told  there 
existed  extensive  gold-mines,  but  would  not  stay,  being  still  bent 
upon  finding  the  strait.  He  was,  Mr.  Irving  tells  us,  under  one 
of  his  frequent  delusions.  That  he  should  be  deluded  and  hon 
est  was  possible,  but  when  we  find  him  constantly  professing  to 

"  Therefore,  to  abate  their  pride  and  make  them  not  contemn  the  Christians, 
the  admiral  caused  a  shot  to  be  made  at  a  company  of  them  that  was  got  together 
upon  a  hillock,  and  the  ball,  falling  in  the  midst  of  them,  made  them  sensible  there 
was  a  thunder-bolt  as  well  as  thunder,  so  that  for  the  future  they  durst  not  appear 
even  behind  the  mountains."— ("Historia  del  Amirante,"  chapter  xciii.) 


APPEARANCE  OF  A  WATER-SPOUT.  323 

hear  from  the  natives  that  he  is  within  a  short  distance  (ten  days' 
journey  on  foot)  of  Cathay— the  dominions  of  the  grand-khan — 
that  he  is  in  the  land  of  Ophir — when  he  assures  the  sovereigns, 
upon  the  authority  of  these  same  savages,  that  a  little  beyond  a 
place  called  Ciguare,  which  he  visits,  will  be  found  the  Ganges, 
his  honesty  is  somewhat  to  be  impugned. 

It  is  diverting  also  to  remark  that  he  has  been  taught  by  sad 
experience  that  it  will  not  do  to  lie  too  barefacedly.  He  there 
fore  places  himself  under  cover  of  the  Indians,  and  indulges  in 
a  little  taunt  at  the  sovereigns,  in  which  his  ill-concealed  malice 
and  anger  are  momentarily  exposed. 

"  When  I  discovered  the  Indies,"  he  writes  to  their  majesties, 
"  I  said  that  they  composed  the  richest  lordship  in  the  world  ;  I 
spoke  of  gold,  and  pearls,  and  precious  stones,  of  spices,  and  the 
traffic  that  might  be  carried  on  in  them  ;  and,  because  all  these 
things  were  not  forthcoming  at  once,  I  was  abused.  This  pun 
ishment  causes  me  to  refrain  from  relating  any  thing  but  what 
the  natives  tell  me." 

Owing  to  the  bad  weather,  the  crazed  and  worm-eaten  condi 
tion  of  his  ships,  as  also,  no  doubt,  to  the  fact  that,  though  he 
had  made  the  search  for  the  strait  a  pretense  for  returning  to 
Hispaniola,  he  did  not  himself  believe  in  its  existence,  he  at  last 
abandoned  it  as  fruitless,  and  made  for  Yeragua.  Not  willing, 
however,  to  own  that  he  has  proclaimed  the  existence  of  a  strait 
where  none  existed,  his  crew  were  again  made  to  mutiny,  and 
it  was,  we  are  told,  in  compliance  with  their  urgent  entreaties 
that  he  consented  to  return. 

He  sailed  for  Yeragua,  but  the  wind,  veering  as  he  changed 
his  course,  still  remained  contrary;  the  elements  conspired 
against  him — a  frightful  storm  prevailed.  The  ships  were  in 
imminent  danger,  when  the  awfalness  of  the  situation  culmi 
nated  in  a  huge  water-spout,  which  appeared  to  be  making  tow 
ard  them.  Columbus  proceeded,  in  a  somewhat  novel  manner, 
to  avert  this  new  peril,  by  which  he  excites  the  enthusiastic 
admiration  of  his  would-be  canonizer,  M.  de  Lorgues,  whose 
description  of  the  scene  and  of  the  sailor-like  bearing  of  the 
admiral,  we  cannot  resist  inserting : 

"  It  was  one  of  those  water-spouts  which  seamen  call  fronks, 
which  were  then  so  little  known,  and  which  have  since  sub 
merged  so  many  vessels.  ...  At  the  cries  of  distress  which 


LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

reached  his  heart,  the  great  man  became  suddenly  reanimated. 
In  face  of  the  impending  ruin  he  rises  with  his  wonted  vigor,  in 
order  to  survey  and  weigh  the  peril.  lie  also  perceives  the  for 
midable  thing  that  is  approaching.  The  sea  appeared  to  be 
sucked  up  toward  the  heavens.  For  this  unknown  phenomenon 
he  saw  no  remedy.  Art  was  useless  and  navigation  powerless ; 
besides,  there  was  no  steering  any  longer. 

"  Immediately  Columbus,  the  adorer  of  the  "Word,  suspected, 
in  this  terrific  display  of  the  brute  forces  of  Nature,  some  satanic 
manoeuvre.  He  could  not  exorcise  the  powers  of  the  air,  accord 
ing  to  the  rites  of  the  Church,  fearing  to  usurp  the  authority 
of  the  priesthood ;  but  he  called  to  mind  that  he  was  the  chief 
of  a  Christian  expedition,  and  that  his  object  wras  a  holy  one ; 
and  he  desired,  in  his  way,  to  compel  the  spirit  of  darkness  to 
yield  the  passage  to  him.  He  had  blessed  wax-candles  immedi 
ately  lighted  and  put  in  the  lanterns ;  then  he  girded  himself 
with  his  sword  over  the  cord  of  St.  Francis,  and,  taking  the 
book  of  the  gospels,  standing  in  the  face  of  the  water-spout,  which 
was  coming  near,  accosted  it  writh  the  sublime  declaration  which 
commences  the  gospel  of  the  well-beloved  disciple  of  Jesus,  St. 
John,  the  adoptive  son  of  the  blessed  Virgin. 

"  Trying  to  raise  his  voice  above  the  howling  of  the  tempest, 
the  messenger  of  salvation  declared  to  Typhon  that  in  the  be 
ginning  was  the  "Word ;  that  the  Word  was  with  God,  and  that 
the  Word  was  God;  that  all  things  have  been  made  by  him, 
and  that  without  him  was  not  any  thing  made  that  was  made ; 
that  in  him  was  life,  and  that  the  life  was  the  light  of  men ; 
that  the  light  shineth  in  darkness,  and  that  the  darkness  did  not 
comprehend  it ;  that  the  world  was  made  by  him,  and  that  the 
world  knew  him  not;  that  he  came  to  his  own  and  his  own 
received  him  not ;  but  that  he  has  given  to  those  who  believe  in 
his  name,  and  who  are  not  born  of  the  flesh,  or  of  blood,  or  of 
the  will  of  man,  the  power  to  become  the  children  of  God ;  and 
that  the  WOKD  WAS  MADE  FLESH,  and  that  he  dwelt  among  us. 

"  Then,  in  the  name  of  the  divine  Word,  Jesus  Christ,  whose 
words  calmed  the  winds  and  appeased  the  billows,  Christopher 
Columbus  commands  the  water-spout  to  spare  those  who,  becom 
ing  children  of  God,  go  to  carry  the  cross  to  the  extremities  of 
the  earth,  and  navigate  in  the  name  of  the  thrice  Holy  Trinity. 
Then,  drawing  his  sword  with  a  full  and  ardent  faith,  he  traces 


DEFEAT  OF  THE  WATER-SPOUT. 


325 


in  the  air,  with  the  steel,  the  sign  of  the  cross,  and  describes  a 
circle  around  him  with  the  sword,  as  if  he  had  really  severed  or 
intercepted  the  water-spout.  And,  in  fact — O  prodigy! — the 
water-spout,  which  was  coming  straight  toward  the  caravels,  ap 
pearing  to  be  pushed  obliquely,  passed  between  the  half-sub- 
inerged  caravels,  and  went  off,  bellowing,  to  lose  itself  in  the 
immensity  of  the  Atlantic. 

"  This  sudden  retreat  of  a  destructive  phenomenon  appeared 
to  Columbus  himself  as  a  new  favor  from  the  Divine  Majesty. 


COLUMBUS  VANQUISHES  THE  WATER-SPOUT. 

The  same  piety  which  prompted  him  to  have  recourse  to  God  to 
be  preserved,  prevented  him  from  having  any  doubt  that  he  was 
indebted  to  Him  for  his  preservation  in  this  extremity."  : 

Irving,  who  seeks  throughout  to  give  a  wise  and  scholarly 
character  to  his  hero,  perceiving  how  fatal  to  such  a  reputation 
was  the  manner  in  which  Columbus  thought  to  influence  a  phe 
nomenon  of  Nature,  would  lead  us  to  suppose  that  it  was  the 

i«  De  Lorgues,  "  Christophe  Colombo,"  vol.  ii.,  liv.  iv.,  chapter  ii. 


326  LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

ignorant  sailors  (those  convenient  scape-goats  who  are  forever 
made  to  fill  the  breaches  in  Columbus' s  biographies)  who  frantic 
ally  repeated  passages  from  St.  John.  M.  de  Lorgues  is  justly 
indignant  at  this  new  attempt  to  rob  Columbus  of  his  "  well- 
earned  fame."  He  says : 

"  It  is  vain  for  Mr.  Irving  to  try  to  hide  under  the  plural 
form  the  spontaneous  initiative  of  Columbus,  and  to  keep  out  of 
sight  his  individual  action.  The  event  itself  intrinsically  pro 
tests  against  such  a  disfigurement  of  history,  and  opposes  to  it 
both  moral  and  physical  impossibilities.  How  could  the  cara 
vels,  separated  from  each  other  by  the  terrible  commotion  of  the 
elements,  scarcely  able  to  see  each  other  across  the  watery  va 
pors  and  the  globules  of  foam  filling  the  air,  and  still  less  hear 
ing  each  other,  how  could  they,  we  say,  settle  on  a  plan  of 
combating  the  water-spout,  agree  about  the  choice  of  an  evan 
gelist,  and  fix  on  a  passage  deemed  proper  for  warding  off  the 
peril  ?  Not  to  mention  other  reasons,  Irving  does  not  seem  to 
have  considered  that  none  of  the  pilots  would,  of  themselves, 
have  conceived  an  expedient  so  singularly  foreign  to  nautical 
science,146  and,  at  the  same  time,  so  bold  in  a  spiritual  point  of 
view."  148 

"Whether  owing  to  the  admiral's  impressive  and  appro 
priate  exhortation,  or  in  pursuance  of  its  natural  course,  the 
water-spout  passed  without  harming  the  little  caravels.  The 
storm  had,  however,  separated  one  of  them  from  the  rest,  and  it 
was  only  after  encountering  great  peril,  and  losing  her  boat,  that 
she  was  enabled  to  rejoin  the  squadron,  which  was  in  sorry  con 
dition — provisions  exhausted  or  rotten — when,  on  the  17th  of 
December,  it  found  welcome  refuge  in  a  port.  Here,  we  are 
told,  the  natives  lived  in  houses  built  in  the  tops  of  trees,  like 
the  nests  of  birds.  Fernando,  who  seems  to  have  entered  fully 
into  his  father's  spirit  of  invention,  states  that  the  practice  was 
caused  by  the  number  of  griffins  which  abound  in  that  place. 
Mr.  Irving,  while  drawing  principally  upon  Fernando  for  his 
account  of  this  voyage,  wisely  omits  this  absurdity,  or  travesties 
it  into  some  appearance  of  truth  by  telling  us  the  houses  were 
thus  built  to  escape  from  the  wild  beasts,  etc.,  that  abound  in 
that  region. 

145  In  this  we  fully  concur. 

146  De  Lorgue,  "  Christophe  Colombe,"  vol.  ii.,  liv.  iv.,  chapter  ii. 


WAR  BETWEEN  SPANIARDS  AND  NATIVES.  327 

Leaving  this  port  after  much  buffeting  against  adverse  winds 
and  waves,  the  caravels  entered  another,  where  the  stock  of  wood, 
water,  and  provisions,  was  replenished,  and  whence  they  started 
on  the  3d  of  January,  1503,  and  shortly  reached  a  river  near 
Yeragua,  which  Columbus  named  Belen  (Bethlehem). 

Bartholomew,  with  the  assistance  of  the  friendly  natives, 
especially  of  their  chief  Quibian,  explored  the  country  and  found 
it  rich  in  gold ;  it  was,  therefore,  determined  to  form  a  settle 
ment  on  the  banks  of  the  Belen,  where  Bartholomew  should  be 
left  with  eighty  men  to  amass  gold,  while  Columbus  returned  to 
Spain.  The  settlement  was  made,  but  the  licentious  and  covet 
ous  conduct  of  the  Spaniards,  here  as  elsewhere,  made  enemies 
of  the  friendly-disposed  Indians.  Hostilities  soon  commenced, 
and  the  chief  Quibian  was,  with  all  his  family,  treacherously 
captured  by  Bartholomew,  while  all  the  gold  (his  possessing 
which  constituted  his  chief  offense)  found  in  his  house  was,  of 
course,  seized.  The  chief  succeeded  in  effecting  his  escape  by 
plunging,  bound  as  he  was,  into  the  sea  ;  his  family,  wives,  and 
children  were,  however,  taken  on  board  Columbus' s  vessel,  and 
confined  in  the  hold.  This  capture  aroused  the 'indignation  of 
Quibian,  who,  with  his  followers,  now  thirsted  for  vengeance. 
The  colony  was  attacked.  Columbus  had  already  crossed  the 
shallow  bar  at  the  entrance  of  the  river,  leaving  one  caravel  for 
the  use  of  the  settlement,  and  was  anchored  at  sea  ready  to  sail 
at  the  first  fair  wind.  He  sent  a  boat  up  the  river  to  procure 
supplies  of  wood  and  water.  This  boat  was  attacked  when  far 
inland,  and  destroyed  by  the  outraged  natives,  and  of  the  eight 
men  composing  its  crew  only  one  reached  the  settlement  to  tell 
the  tale.  Columbus,  outside  the  river,  remained  alike  ignorant 
of  the  loss  of  the  boat  and  crew,  and  of  the  hostile  disposition 
of  the  natives,  who  he  hoped  would  have  been  frightened  into 
submission  by  the  fate  of  their  chief's  family.  The  latter,  im 
mured  in  the  loathsome  hold  of  the  wretched  caravel,  now 
resolved  upon  one  brave  and  desperate  attempt  to  recover  free 
dom.  Piling  up  the  stones  which  served  as  ballast  to  the  ship, 
they  climbed  upon  them,  and  succeeded  in  springing  open  the 
hatches,  notwithstanding  several  sailors  lay  sleeping  upon  them, 
and  a  number,  plunging  into  the  sea,  escaped.  Some,  however, 
were  secured  ere  they  could  leap  overboard ;  these  unfortunates 

were  all  found  dead  the  next  day,  having  themselves  ended  their 
22 


328  LIFE  OF    COLUMBUS. 

lives  rather  than  submit  to  be  the  slaves  of  their  cruel  and  un 
grateful  captors. 

Columbus  was  seriously  alarmed  at  the  effect  the  reappear 
ance  of  the  prisoners  would  have  upon  their  countrymen ;  lie 
feared  that  the  recital  of  what  they  had  endured  would  rouse 
again  the  hatred  and  hostility  of  the  tribes.  He  was,  however, 
unable  to  reenter  the  river  and  learn  the  condition  of  the  colony, 
or  the  fate  of  the -men  he  had  sent  inland,  on  account  of  the 
heavy  surge  at  the  mouth  of  the  Belen. 

It  was  at  this  period,  when,  by  his  mismanagement,  affairs 


PQETENDED  INTERVIEW  OF  COLUMBCS  WITH  THE  DEITY. 

had  reached  a  most  disagreeable  crisis,  that  one  of  Columbus' s 
visions  and  convenient  conversations  with  the  Deity  took  place, 
if  we  are  to  believe  himself,  who  thus  describes  the  scene  :  « 
"  All  hope  of  escape  was  gone.  I  toiled  up  to  the  highest 
part  of  the  ship,  and,  with  a  quivering  voice  and  fast-falling 
tears,  I  called  upon  your  highnesses'  war-captains  from  each 
point  of  the  compass  147  to  come  to  my  succor,  but  there  was  no 

147  An  appeal  likely  to  be  promptly  responded  to. 


THE  DEITY  CONVERSES  WITH  COLUMBUS.  329 

reply.     At  length,  groaning  with  exhaustion,  I  fell  asleep  and 
heard  a  compassionate  voice  address  me  thus : 

"  '  O  fool,  and  slow  to  believe  and  to  serve  thy  God,  the  God 
of  all !  "What  did  He  do  more  for  Moses,  or  for  David  his  ser 
vant,  than  He  has  done  for  thee  3  From  thine  infancy,  He  has 
kept  thee  under  his  constant  and  watchful  care.  When  He  saw 
thee  arrived  at  an  age  which  suited  his  designs  respecting  thee,  He 
brought  wonderful  renown  to  thy  name  throughout  all  the  land. 
He  gave  thee  for  thine  own  the  Indies,  which  form  so  rich  a  por 
tion  of  the  world,  and  thou  hast  divided  them  as  it  pleased  thee,  for 
He  gave  thee  power  to  do  so.  He  gave  thee,  also,  the  keys  of  those 
barriers  of  the  ocean  sea  which  were  closed  with  such  mighty 
chains  ;  and  thou  wast  obeyed  through  many  lands,  and  gained 
an  honorable  fame  throughout  Christendom.  "What  more  did 
the  Most  High  do  for  the  people  of  Israel  when  He  brought 
them  out  of  Egypt,  or  for  David,  who  from  a  shepherd  He  made 
to  be  king  in  Judea  ?  Turn  to  Him,  and  acknowledge  thine 
error.  His  mercy  is  infinite ;  thine  old  age  shall  not  prevent 
thee  from  accomplishing  any  great  undertaking.  He  holds 
under  his  sway  the  greatest  possessions.  Abraham  had  ex 
ceeded  a  hundred  years  of  age  when  he  begat  Isaac,  nor  was 
Sarah  young.  Thou  criest  out  for  uncertain  help;  answer 
who  has  afflicted  thee  so  much,  and  so  often — God  or  the 
World  ?  The  privileges  promised  by  God,  He  never  fails  in 
bestowing,  nor  does  He  ever  declare,  after  a  service  has  been 
rendered  Him,  that  such  was  not  agreeable  with  his  intention, 
or  that  He  had  regarded  the  matter  in  another  light;  nor  does 
He  inflict  suffering,  in  order  to  give  effect  to  the  manifestations 
of  his  power.  His  acts  answer  to  his  words,  and  it  is  his  custom 
to  perform  all  his  promises  with  interest.  Thus  I  have  told 
thee  what  the  Creator  has  done  for  thee,  and  what  He  does  for 
all  men.  Even  now  He  partially  shows  thee  the  reward  of 
so  many  toils,  and  dangers  incurred  by  thee  in  the  service  of 
others.'" 

There  is,  we  cannot  too  often  repeat,  something  revolting  in 
this  maudlin  defense  of  Columbus,  put  by  him  in  the  mouth  of 
the  Almighty,  whom,  in  his  blasphemous  effrontery,  he  causes 
to  threaten  all  who  do  not  believe  in  and  cherish  him.  He 
even,  behind  the  screen  of  Divinity,  hazards  a  thrust  at  Isa 
bella,  and  reveals,  for  a  moment,  the  sharp  claws  which  he  usu- 


330  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

ally  concealed  beneath  his  smooth  and  cringing  sycophancy.  If 
this  be  madness,  yet  there  is  method  in  it. 

Matters  did  not  much  improve  in  spite  of  Columbus's  very 
sensible  appeal  to  her  majesty's  war-captains.  Doubt  and 
apprehension  every  day  increased,  till  a  hardy  pilot,  Pedro 
Ledesma  by  name,  volunteered  to  swim  ashore  and  investigate. 
This  he  did,  and  discovered  the  colonists  beleaguered  by  ever- 
increasing  numbers  of  natives,  and  in  despair  at  being  left  in 
that  land  at  the  mercy  of  the  much-injured  Indians.  He  also 
learned  the  fate  of  the  boat  and  crew,  and,  upon  reporting  these 
facts  to  Columbus,  the  latter  concluded  to  abandon  the  settle 
ment.  The  caravel  which  had  been  left  in  the  river  had  been 
allowed  to  become  utterly  unseaworthy,  and  was  abandoned ;  all 
the  men,  therefore,  embarked  in  the  three  remaining  vessels. 

It  appears  that  Columbus  regarded  the  gold-mines  of  Ye- 
ragua  as  the  only  real  benefit  likely  to  accrue  to  Spain  from  his 
enterprises.  He  now  took  such  precautions  as  to  render  it,  he 
hoped,  impossible  for  any  but  himself  to  return  to  them.  He, 
therefore  confiscated  the  charts  of  the  pilots  and  mariners,  and 
boastingly  writes  to  the  sovereigns :  "  Let  them  answer  and  say 
if  they  know  where  Yeragua  is  situated.  I  assert  that  they  can 
give  no  other  account  than  that  they  went  to  lands  where  there 
was  an  abundance  of  gold,  and  this  they  can  certify  surely 
enough;  but  they  do  not  know  the  way  to  return  thither  for 
such  a  purpose ;  they  would  be  obliged  to  go  on  a  voyage  of 
discovery  as  much  as  if  they  had  never  been  there  before.148 

He  evidently  hoped  to  get  some  hold  on  Isabella,  and  wished 
to  make  her  believe  that  she  was  at  his  mercy,  so  far  as  regarded 
the  possession  of  the  gold-mines. 

Adverse  weather  pertinaciously  clings  to  Columbus,  and,  as 
he  proceeded  along  the  coast  westward,  he  was  obliged  to  aban 
don  another  of  his  vessels  at  Puerto  Bello.  The  condition  of  the 
remaining  two  was  not  such  as  to  warrant  much  trifling,  yet 
Columbus  sailed  among  the  Mulata  Islands,  where  once  more 
he — apparently  considering  the  territories  of  the  grand-khan  as 

148  One  of  the  witnesses  in  the  lawsuit  between  Diego  Columbus  and  the  crown, 
Pedro  Mateos  of  Higuey,  testified  that  he  had  accompanied  Columbus  on  his  fourth 
voyage,  and  that  he  "  wrote  a  book  in  which  he  had  laid  down  all  the  mountains  and 
rivers  of  the  said  province  (Veragua),  and  the  admiral  afterward  took  it  away  from 
him."— (Navarrete,  "  Colecc.  Dip.,"  vol.  iii.,  p.  584.) 


STKANDED  IN  JAMAICA.  331 

somewhat  ubiquitous — declared  that  he  has  reached  one  of  the 
provinces  belonging  to  that  prince. 

What  led  him  to  suppose,  or  pretend  to  suppose  this,  it  is 
difficult  to  imagine,  unless  he  hoped  to  inspire  his  disgusted 
crew  with  a  little  confidence  in  and  respect  for  him. 

These  gyrations  he  seems  to  have  performed  with  a  view  to 
confusing  the  pilots  after  taking  away  their  charts ;  but  regard 
for  his  own  safety  now  made  him  adopt  a  northerly  course  and 
steer  for  Hispaniola  direct. 

The  two  caravels  were  about  this  time  driven  violently  against 
each  other;  the  bow  of  one  and  the  stern  of  the  other  were 
shattered,  and  three  anchors  lost.  The  current  bore  the  vessels 
westward,  till  they  reached  the  island  of  Cuba,  where  cassava- 
bread  was  provided  by  the  natives,  and  they  again  set  sail  for 
Hispaniola,  but  reached  instead  Jamaica,  where,  on  the  23d  of 
June,  1503,  at  a  place  which  he  called  Santa  Gloria,  he  ran  the 
dilapidated  remains  of  his  "considerable  equipment"  hard 
aground,  and  he  and  his  worn-out  crew  landed  on  the  island, 
whence  they  could  not  again  depart  till,  by  some  means,  other 
vessels  should  be  procured. 

It  may  not  be  amiss  here  to  call  the  attention  of  the  reader 
to  the  fact  that  Columbus,  notwithstanding  all  the  nautical  skill 
he  might  be  supposed  to  have  acquired  during  his  long  life,  was 
singularly  unfortunate  with  all  the  ships  intrusted  to  him.  "We 
do  not  wonder  that  seamen  objected  to  sail  under  him.  Ob 
stinate  and  arrogant,  he  would  take  no  advice,  yet  was  obviously 
incapable  of  directing  a  vessel.  His  carelessness  cost  him  a  ves 
sel  at  Belen,  another  at  Puerto  Bello ;  the  collision  which  shat 
tered  the  other  two  seems  an  accident  which  some  skill  and  cau 
tion  might  have  prevented;  but  such  details  were  apparently 
beneath  the  notice  of  this  ^  extraordinary  man." 

Sheds  were  built  on  board  the  two  stranded  caravels,  and  a 
forced  and  permanent  stay  prepared  for.  Diego  Mendez,  who 
appears  to  have  been  the  most  able  and  energetic  man  of  the 
expedition,  made  friendly  treaties  with  the  natives  at  different 
points,  wherein  it  was  agreed  that  they  should  every  day  bring, 
to  certain  specified  places,  provisions  in  exchange  for  European 
trinkets.  This  satisfactory  arrangement  effected,  Columbus  be 
came  desirous  of  communicating  with  Hispaniola.  No  means, 
however,  of  doing  this  existed,  save  native  canoes ;  the  distance 


332  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

was  forty  leagues ;  few  would  dare  sucli  an  undertaking.  Men 
dez,  however,  came  again  to  the  rescue.  He  possessed  an  excel 
lent  canoe,  for  which  he  had  bartered  with  a  chief  who  had 
shown  him  great  friendship.  This  chief  had  also  assigned  him 
six  Indians  to  manage  the  canoe.  In  this  frail  bark  he  now  pro 
posed  to  brave  the  wide  sea  and  strong  currents  which  divide 
Jamaica  from  Hispaniola.  Taking  with  him  one  Spanish  com 
rade  and  his  six  Indians,  and  having  made  his  canoe  as  strong 
against  wind  and  wave  as  was  possible,  besides  providing  it  with 
sails,  he  pronounced  himself  ready  to  start  on  his  perilous  voy 
age.  Columbus  intrusted  him  with  a  letter  to  Ovando,  solicit- 

o  » 

ing  a  ship  and  provisions.  lie  also  sent  by  him  a  letter  to  the 
sovereigns,  relating  the  events  of  this  his  fourth  voyage,  from 
which  we  have  had  occasion  to  make  several  quotations.  This 
letter  is  a  strange  medley  of  arrogance  and  humility,  boastful- 
ness  and  begging.  Here  we  find  him  declaring  that  he  is  in 
the  land  whence  Solomon  procured  his  gold.149  There  he  im 
plores  their  highnesses  to  pardon  his  bitter  complaints,  which  are 
called  forth  by  his  ruined  condition,  and  laments,  with  maudlin 
pathos,  over  his  misfortunes,  declaring  that  he  had  made  this 
voyage  without  any  hope  of  profit  or  emolument. 

With  this  missive  Diego  Mendez  departed.  If  ever  man  did 
his  duty  bravely  and  efficiently,  Mendez  so  did  his.  It  was 
owing  to  him  that  the  Spaniards  were  rescued  from  starvation — 
owing  to  him  that  they  now  had  some  hope  of  departure  from 
their  island-prison.  Unfortunately,  however,  he  was  captured, 
soon  after  his  departure,  by  hostile  Indians,  from  whom  he  with 
difficulty  escaped.  Regaining  possession  of  his  canoe,  he  re 
turned  to  the  harbor  and  stranded  ships,  and,  nothing  daunted, 
proposed  again  to  attempt  the  undertaking,  if  a  body  of  armed 
men  could  escort  him  as  far  as  his  boat  should  remain  in  sight. 

Two  canoes  were  manned  for  the  voyage,  each  containing 
six  Spaniards  and  ten  natives.  One  was  commanded  by  Men 
dez,  the  other  by  Fiesco.  The  latter  received  orders  from  Co 
lumbus  to  return  to  Jamaica  and  report  as  soon  as  the  canoes 

149  "  Josephus  thinks  that  this  gold  was  found  in  Aurea.  If  it  were  so,  I  contend 
that  these  mines  of  the  Aurea  are  identical  with  those  of  Veragua,  which,  as  I  have 
said  before,  extends  westward  twenty  days'  journey,  at  an  equal  distance  from  the  pole 
and  the  line.  Solomon  bought  all  of  it — gold,  precious  stones,  and  silver — but  your 
majesties  need  only  send  to  seek  them,  to  have  them  at  your  pleasure." 


VOYAGE   OF  MENDEZ. 


333 


should  reach  Hispaniola.  Mendez  was  first  to  interview  Ovando 
and  urge  the  immediate  dispatch  of  a  vessel  to  the  relief  of  Co 
lumbus  ;  then  to  proceed  immediately  to  Spain  and  deliver  to 
the  sovereigns  the  important  letter  aforementioned. 

Bartholomew,  with  a  body  of  men,  followed  the  canoes  along 
the  coast,  watched  them  till  they  had  entirely  disappeared,  and 
then  returned  to  Santa  Gloria. 


INDIAN  HAMMOCK 


CHAPTEE  XXYI. 

SOJOUKX   OF   COLUMBUS   IN    JAMAICA. VOYAGE    OF   DIEGO   MENDEZ. 

ALTHOUGH  the  forced  sojourn  of  the  Spaniards  in  Jamaica 
commenced  under  as  favorable  auspices  as  could  be  expected,  the 
common  misfortune,  into  which  all  had  alike  fallen,  does  not 


COLUMBUS  USHERED  TO  HIS  EEPAST  WHILE  STRANDED  AT  JAMAICA. 

appear  to  have  abated  the  arrogance  of  Columbus,  or  the  dis 
trust  and  hatred  with  which  he  was  regarded. 

It  is  even  said  that,  though  in  such  miserable  plight,  he  in 
sisted  upon  the  observance  of  all  the  etiquette  which  he  consid 
ered  due  to  the  rank  of  viceroy,  that  he  caused  himself  to  be 


SHABBY  GRANDEUR  OF  COLUMBUS.  335 

ushered  into  the  thatch-sheds,  to  his  frugal  meals  of  Indian  fare, 
by  "gentlemen  esquires,"  bearing  fldbella^  while  all  rose  at  his 
approach.150  The  Franciscan  garb,  which,  in  mock  humility,  he 
had  assumed,  must  have  accorded  well  with  this  ridiculous  vani 
ty.  Such  absurdities  are  characteristic  of  Columbus,  who  was  as 
tenacious  of  fictitious  as  he  was  incapable  of  inspiring  real 
respect. 

His  conduct  was  such  that,  ere  long,  suppressed  murmurs 
swelled  into  open  rebellion,  if  indeed  disaffection  under  such 
circumstances  can  be  termed  rebellion.  It  is  impossible  to 
judge  rightly  of  the  difficulties  and  disagreements  occurring  in 
Jamaica  at  this  period,  as  the  only  account  we  have  of  them  is 
from  the  pen  of  Fernando  Columbus. .  From  him  all  other 
authors  have  borrowed  more  or  less.  It  is  evident,  however, 
that  the  majority  of  the  men  were  hostile  to  Columbus;  that 
only  the  sickly  and  feeble  remained  on  his  side.  Fernando, 
who  is  not  what  may  be  termed  an  impartial  historian,  and  who 
does  not  scruple  to  distort  facts,  or  indeed  invent  them,  when 
his  father's  reputation  is  at  stake,  nevertheless  allows  quasi 
admissions  of  the  universal  feeling  of  distrust  entertained  tow 
ard  Columbus,  to  escape  him.  He  writes  thus : 

"  Francis  de  Porras  came  upon  the  quarter-deck  of  the  ad 
miral's  ship,  and  said  to  him,  '  My  lord,  what  is  the  meaning 
that  you  will  not  go  into  Spain,  and  will  keep  us  all  here  per 
ishing  ? '  The  admiral,  hearing  these  unusual,  insolent  words, 
and  suspecting  what  the  matter  might  be,  very  calmly  answered 
he  did  not  see  which  way  they  could  go  till  those  that.were  gone 
in  the  canoes  sent  a  ship ;  that  no  man  was  more  desirous  to 
be  gone  than  he,  as  well  for  his  own  private  interests  as  for  the 
good  of  them  all,  for  whom  he  was  accountable ;  but  that,  if  he 
had  any  thing  to  propose,  he  would  again  call  together  the  cap 
tains  and  principal  men  to  consult,  as  had  been  done  several 
times  before.  Porras  replied  that  it  was  no  time  to  talk,  but 
that  he  should  embark  quickly  or  stay  there  by  himself;  and,  so 
turning  his  back,  added,  in  a  loud  voice,  *  I  am  going  to  Spain 
with  those  that  will  follow  me.'  At  which  time,  all  his  follow 
ers  who  were  present  began  to  cry  out,  c  We  will  go  with  you ! 
AVe  will  go  with  you !' and,  running  about,  possessed  them- 

150  lie  was  served  at  table  as  a  grandee.     "All  hail!"  was  said  to  him  on  state 
occasions. — (HELPS,  "  Life  of  Columbus,"  p.  124.) 


336  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

selves  of  the  forecastle,  poop,  and  round-tops,  all  in  confusion, 
and  crying,  '  Let  them  die ! '  others, '  For  Spain,  for  Spain  ! '  and 
others,  '  What  shall  we  do,  captain  ? '  Though  the  admiral  was 
then  in  bed,  so  lame  of  the  gout  that  he  could  not  stand,  yet  he 
could  not  forbear  rising  and  stumbling  out  at  this  noise.  But 
two  or  three  worthy  persons,  his  servants,  laid  hold  of  and  with 
labor  laid  him  in  his  bed,  that  the  mutineers  might  not  murder 
him.  Then  they  ran  to  his  brother,  who  was  courageously  come 
out  with  a  half-pike  in  his  hand,  and,  wresting  it  out  of  his 
hands,  put  him  with  his  brother,  desiring  Captain  Porras  to  go 
about  his  business,  and  not  do  some  mischief  they  might  all 
suffer  for;  that  he  might  be  satisfied  they  did  not  oppose 
his  going,  but  if  he  .should  kill  the  admiral,  he  could  not 
expect  but  to  be  severely  punished,  without  hopes  of  any  bene 
fit.  The  tumult  being  somewhat  appeased,  the  conspirators  took 
ten  canoes  that  were  by  the  ship's  side,  and  which  the  admiral 
had  bought  all  about  the  island,  and  went  aboard  them  as  joy 
fully  as  if  they  had  been  in  some  port  of  Spain.  Upon  this, 
many  more,  who  had  no  hand  in  the  plot,  in  despair  to  see 
themselves,  as  they  thought,  forsaken,  taking  what  they  could 
along  with  them,  went  aboard  the  canoes  with  them,  to  the 
great  sorrow  and  affliction  of  those  few  faithful  servants  who 
remained  with  the  admiral,  and  of  all  the  sick,  who  thought 
themselves  lost  forever,  and  without  hopes  of  ever  getting  off. 
And  it  is  certain  that,  had  the  people  been  well,  not  twenty  men 
had  remained  with  the  admiral."  161 

As  we  have  said,  the  above  is  the  source  whence  subsequent 
authors  have  drawn  for  their  versions  of  this  episode,  and  the 
only  contemporaneous  one  which  has  come  down  to  us.  As 
one  author,  the  most  impartial  who  has  hitherto  written  upon 
Columbus,  shrewdly  observes,  "  It  is  possible  Porras  might  have 
had  something  to  say ; "  and,  considering  the  numerous  prece 
dents  existing,  we  deem  it  safe  to  believe  that  Columbus  was 
here,  as  in  his  other  misfortunes,  more  the  victim  of  his  own  self 
ish  and  arrogant  passions,  than  of  the  evil  dispositions  of  other 
men. 

The  Spaniards,  under  Porras,  were  not  successful  in  their 
attempt  to  reach  Hispaniola.  They  returned  to  Jamaica,  where 
they  lived,  for  some  time,  as  best  they  could. 

151  "  Historia  del  Amirante,"  chapter  ciL 


AN  ECLIPSE  AND  ITS  EFFECT.  337 

The  Indians  had,  in  the  mean  time,  become  wearied  of  the 
contributions  under  which  they  were  laid,  and  provisions  began 
to  fail.  It  was  then  that  Columbus  had  recourse  to  that  won 
derful  stratagem  which  excites  the  admiration  of  his  biographers, 
as  being  a  proof  of  his  great  astronomical  knowledge.  Knowing 
that  an  eclipse  of  the  moon  was  to  take  place  on  a  certain  night, 
he  summoned  the  leading  chiefs  to  a  conference,  at  which  he 
informed  them  that  his  God  protected  him  in  all  things,  as  they 
might  see,  for  Mendez  and  his  followers,  who  had  departed  at 
his  command,  had  arrived  safely  at  their  destination 152  (we  need 
not  comment  upon  this  falsehood ;  the  reader  will  have  perceived 
its  grossness,  for,  at  the  time,  Columbus  had  received  no  news 
of  Mendez),  while  Porras,  who  had  attempted  the  same  journey, 
in  opposition  to  his  wishes,  had  been  unsuccessful.  He  told 
them  his  God  was  angry  with  them  (the  Indians)  for  not  fur 
nishing  the  white  men  with  food,  and,  in  testimony  of  this 
divine  anger,  the  moon,  of  which  he  (Columbus)  was  the  off 
spring,158  would  that  night  lose  its  brightness. 

This  prediction  is  not  so  wonderful  as  writers  would  lead  us 
to  suppose.  Eclipses  were  predicted  and  the  time  of  their  ap 
pearance  recorded  then,  as  now,  both  in  almanacs  and  in  more 
comprehensive  "  tables  of  eclipses,"  which  were  predicted  sev 
eral  years  in  advance.  It  was  from  this  source  that  Columbus 
learned  the  approach  of  this  particular  eclipse.  He,  as  we  have 
seen,  made  a  mistake  of  more  than  eighteen  degrees  when  cal 
culating  one  for  himself.  Such  a  miscalculation  is  too  great  a 
one  for  a  good  astronomer  to  be  guilty  of.  Mr.  Irving  declares 
it  to  have  been  owing  to  the  incorrectness  of  his  tables  of  eclipse, 
thereby  admitting  the  existence  of  the  latter,  but,  when  relating 
the  stratagem  with  the  Indians,  he  gives  all  the  credit  to  Colum 
bus' s  own  skill  and  learning. 

"We  think,  at  best,  that  this  much-lauded  device  was  but  a 
sorry  one,  and  for  once  agree  with  M.  de  Lorgues  that  such  gross 
juggling  was  an  unworthy  way  of  working  on  the  credulity  of 

152  Irving,  "  Columbus,"  book  xvi.,  chapter  iii. 

153  Most  historians  content  themselves  with  asserting  that  Columbus  declared  the 
eclipse  to  be  a  sign  of  the  anger  of  God,  and  do  not  mention  the  relationship  to  the 
moon  claimed  by  him.     Ogilby  records  this  additional  absurdity,  which  appears  to  us 
so  worthy  of  Columbus,  and  withal  so  probable  to  have  emanated  from  him,  that  we 
consider  it  a  fit  adjunct  to  the  whole  farce  it  pertains  to  (see  Ogilby's  "  America," 
chapter  iii..  section  iii.). 


338  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

the  savages,  and  of  bringing  forward  the  sacred  name  of  God. 
Gross  and  unworthy  as  it  was,  it  is,  however,  evident  that  Co 
lumbus  perpetrated  it,  and  the  plan  seems  to  have  worked  well. 
The  Indians  professed  penitence,  and  Columbus  consented  to 
intercede  for  them,  and,  when  the  shadow  passed  from  the  face 
of  the  planet,  reappeared  and  informed  them  that  its  restored 
light  was  the  result  of  his  intercession.  Thenceforth  there  was 
no  scarcity  of  supplies. 

It  becomes  us  here  to  make  some  brief  mention  of  the  mem 
orable  voyage  made  by  Diego  Mendez  to  Hispaniola.  This 
devoted  man  served  Columbus  faithfully  and  well,  at  the  risk  of 
his  own  life,  but  he  later  learned,  by  bitter  experience,  that  self 
ish  ingratitude  was  to  be  the  only  reward  for  these  services. 

Great  must  have  been  the  hardships  experienced  by  men 
sailing  in  open  canoes  across  a  wide  track  of  ocean.  Mendez 
appears  to  have  organized  an  effective  and  safe  routine.  The 
Spaniards  and  Indian  crew  were  divided  into  two  bands,  one  of 
which  watched  and  labored  while  the  other  slept. 

The  burning  rays  of  the  tropical  sun  poured  down  from  a 
cloudless  sky  upon  the  uncovered  canoes ;  the  heat  was  intensi 
fied  by  the  reflection  from  the  water.  Soon  the  Indian  rowers 
became  exhausted,  water  and  provisions  failed  ;  the  brave  band 
endured  unspeakable  agonies.  On  the  second  night,  one  of  the 
Indians,  overcome  by  labor,  heat,  and  agonizing  thirst,  died ; 
the  parched  lips  and  powerless  strokes  of  his  companions  pre 
mised  a  like  fate  for  them.  The  last  drop  of  water  had  been 
drunk,  and  despair  had  almost  seized  even  the  strong  heart  of 
Mendez,  when  the  light  of  the  rising  moon  revealed  a  small  isl 
and.  Thither  they  eagerly  steered,  the  lagging  oarsmen  inspired 
with  new  vigor.  The  island  (Navassa)  proved  to  be  a  mass  of 
rock,  entirely  destitute  of  vegetation ;  rain-water,  however, 
abounded  in  the  hollows  and  crevices.  Several  of  the  unfortu 
nate  Indians  drank  so  eagerly  and  freely  that  they  died  on  the 
spot.  The  more  reasonable  of  the  worn-out  party,  after  assuag 
ing  their  thirst,  made  a  fire  of  drift-wood,  and  roasting  the 
shell-fish,  which  they  found  in  abundance,  made  a  hearty  meal, 
which  restored  them  to  their  wonted  vigor.  The  following  day 
was  spent  on  the  island  resting.  In  the  evening  the  canoes 
again  set  sail,  and,  on  the  following  morning,  four  days  after 


MENDEZ  REACHES  HISPANIOLA.  339 

their  departure  from  Jamaica,  landed  at  Cape  Tiburn,  in  His- 
paniola.  "  Here,"  says  Diego  Mendez,  in  his  narrative,  "  I 
brought  the  canoe  up  to  a  very  beautiful  part  of  the  coast,  to 
which  many  of  the  natives  soon  came  and  brought  with  them 
many  articles  of  food,  so  that  I  remained  there  two  days  to  take 
rest." 

These  two  days  expired,  he  set  out,  taking  with  him  six 
native  Indians,  for  San  Domingo,  a  coasting  voyage  of  some 
thirty  leagues.  Fiesco  would  have  returned  to  Jamaica,  as  had 
been  agreed,  but  his  companions  and  the  exhausted  Indians 
would  not  hear  of  a  second  time  exposing  themselves  to  the  ter 
rible  hardships  they  had  endured,  so  the  sea-bound  prisoners  of 
Jamaica  were  kept  in  suspense. 

On  reaching  San  Domingo,  Mendez  was  informed  that 
Ovando  was  in  Xaragua,  a  province  fifty  leagues  distant.  For 
this  place  he  bravely  set  out  on  foot  and  alone,  and  reached  his 
destination  in  safety,  after  achieving,  as  Mr.  Irving  justly  says, 
"  one  of  the  most  perilous  expeditions  ever  undertaken  by  a 
devoted  follower  for  the  safety  of  his  commander." 

For  seven  months  he  remained  in  Xaragua,  but  no  ship  was 
sent  to  the  relief  of  Columbus.  Ovando  has  been  virulently 
assailed  for  this  culpable  neglect.  We  may  be  permitted  to 
doubt,  however,  whether  he  did  not  thereby  act  according  to 
the  wishes,  if  not  in  obedience  to  the  direct  orders,  of  the  sover 
eigns.  It  is  probable,  indeed  Irving  hints  as  much,  that  Colum- 
bus's  would-be  negotiations  with  Genoa  were  better  known  than 
that  worthy  would  have  liked,  and  that,  tidings  of  these  having 
reached  Ovando,  he  considered  the  fortuitous  imprisonment  at 
Jamaica  an  easy  solution  of  the  difficult  problem,  What  to  do 
with  Columbus  ?  He  learned  from  Mendez  that  the  Spaniards 
were  not  likely  to  lack  food,  and  therefore  considered  that  haste 
was  unnecessary. 

When  eight  months  had  elapsed  since  the  departure  of  Men 
dez,  a  ship  was  sent  to  Jamaica,  bearing  a  present  from  Ovando 
to  the  colony  of  a  barrel  of  wine  and  two  flitches  of  bacon,  but 
there  appears  to  have  been  no  intention  of  permitting  Colum 
bus,  as  yet,  to  return  into  the  world. 

'  Escobar,  who  commanded  the  vessel,  reached  Jamaica  in 
March,  1504.  He  came  alongside  the  stranded  caravels  in  a 
boat  (his  vessel  remaining  out  at  sea),  and,  having  delivered  the 


340  LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

wine  and  bacon,  rowed  off  to  a  short  distance,  whence  he  in 
formed  Columbus  that  there  were  no  vessels  then  in  Hispaniola 
of  sufficient  size  to  bring  him  away  with  all  his  followers ;  that, 
as  soon  as  one  arrived,  the  governor  would  send  it  to  his  relief. 

Columbus,  though  feeling,  as  his  son  informs  us,  nothing  but 
enmity  at  heart,  dissimulated  as  usual,  and  wrote  a  most  friendly 
letter  to  Ovando,  declaring  his  satisfaction  that  he  should  have 
the  management  of  affairs,  and  defending  himself  (as  lie  gener 
ally  did  when  feeling  guilty)  from  a  charge  which  had  not  been 
made  against  him,  namely,  that  his  designs  in  returning  to  His 
paniola  were  not  of  a  loyal  character.154 

With  this  missive,  Escobar  departed,  leaving  the  disap 
pointed  Spaniards  again  to  lament,  with  some  cause,  let  us 
admit,  having  joined  their  fortunes  with  those  of  a  man  so 
despised  and  distrusted  by  their  sovereigns,  as  circumstances 
showed  Columbus  to  be. 

The  disaffected  rallied  around  the  brothers  Porras,  and  were 
loud  in  their  complaints.  Some,  in  distant  parts,  w^ould  not 
even  believe  that  a  ship  had  arrived  and  departed,  but  imagined 
this  to  be  but  another  of  the  numerous  falsehoods  with  which 
Columbus  had  cajoled  and  flattered  them.  It  was  in  vain  that 
the  latter  sent  part  of  the  bacon  and  wine  as  tangible  proofs  of 
his  veracity.  "  The  worthlessness  of  a  man's  word,"  says  Irving, 
"  may  always  be  known  by  the  extravagant  means  he  uses  to 
enforce  it."  Fully  subscribing  to  this  sentiment,  we  feel  that 
the  rebels  were  justified  in  disbelieving  Columbus,  maugre  his 
bacon  in  an  island  where  the  commodity  was  scarce;  at  any 
rate,  they  resolved  to  separate  themselves  from  one  whose  bad 
odor  in  Spain  entailed  upon  his  luckless  followers  such  evil  con 
sequences,  and  who  was,  in  himself,  so  little  worthy  of  devotion 
or  self-sacrifice. 

A  fight  ensued,  in  which  several  of  the  disaffected  were  killed. 
Pedro  de  Ledesma,  the  pilot,  who,  by  swimming  ashore  at  Be- 
len,  had  saved  the  lives  of  Bartholomew  and  his  companions,  was 
now  covered  with  wounds,  inflicted  by  that  same  Bartholomew, 
any  one  of  which  would  have  been  sufficient  to  kill  an  ordinary 
man.  Such,  however,  was  the  vigor  of  his  constitution,  that  he 
recovered,  to  the  astonishment  of  all.  Porras  was  made  pris 
oner,  and  Bartholomew  returned  to  the  ships,  having  had  the 

164  Navarrete,  "  Colecc.  Dip.,"  vol.  ii.,  p.  486. 


DEVOTION   OF  MENDEZ. 


341 


best  of  the  fight.  The  rebels  offered  to  capitulate,  and  were,  we 
are  told,  generously  pardoned  by  Columbus.  It  is  probable 
that  he,  too,  was  of  the  opinion  that  Porras,  if  heard,  might  have 
something  to  say,  and  was  therefore  quite  willing  to  come  to 
terms.  He,  however,  detained  Porras  prisoner,  in  order  to  have 
some  hold  on  his  followers. 

At  length  two  ships  appeared,  to  the  relief  alike  of  Colum 
bus  and  his  enemies.  One  had  been  bought  and  fitted  out  by 
the  faithful  Mendez,  the  other  was  provided  by  Ovando. 

Mendez  had  thus  nobly  and  indefatigably  labored  for  the 
accomplishment  of  his  difficult  mission.  What  reward,  will  be 
asked,  was  given  by  the  noble,  the  great-hearted  Columbus  for 
such  services  ?  He  promised  him  the  office  of  alguazil  of  His- 
paniola.  This  post  was,  nevertheless,  given  by  Diego  Colum 
bus,  who  had  joined  in  the  promise  made  by  his  father,  to  Bar 
tholomew,  and  all  the  solicitations  of  Mendez  were  powerless  to 
procure  any  recognition  of  his  devotion  He  died  poor. 

The  king  seems  to  have  better  appreciated  the  heroic  deed 
than  he  for  whom  it  was  performed.  He  granted  Mendez  a 
coat-of-arms,  upon  which  a  canoe  was  engraved,  in  memory  of 
his  perilous  voyage. 


/-'./.<•    "vr^ 

A 


FLYING-FISH. 


CHAPTEK  XXVII. 

DELIVERY    OF    COLUMBUS     AND    HIS    COMPANIONS.  —  HIS    RETURN    TO 
SPAIN. HIS   DEATH. 

JUST  a  year  had  elapsed  since  the  two  shattered  caravels  had 
stranded  at  Santa  Gloria,  when  these  two  vessels  reached  Ja 
maica  in  June,  1504.  On  the  28th  all  embarked  and  joyfully 
bade  farewell  to  the  island  which  had  so  long  been  their  prison. 
The  transit  to  Hispaniola  was  a  tempestuous  one.  The  vessel 
was  detained  some  days  at  the  island  Beata,  whence  Columbus 
wrote  a  letter,  full  of  gratitude  and  professions  of  submission,  to 
Ovando.155  His  conduct  was  soon  to  show  the  insincerity  of 
these  professions ;  even  while  he  made  them,  he  felt  nothing  but 
enmity  at  heart  toward  the  governor. 

Upon  his  landing,  on  the  13th  of  August,  at  San  Domingo, 
Ovando  received  him  with  kindness  and  hospitality,  installing 
him  in  the  government-house,  and,  during  the  whole  of  his  stay, 
treating  him  with  urbanity  and  politeness.  This  is  admitted  by 
even  the  advocates  of  Columbus.  They  would  have  it  believed, 
however,  that  Ovando's  kindness  was  hypocritical,  and  cite  as 
proof  of  this  that  he  proceeded  to  inform  himself  as  to  the  par 
ticulars  of  the  late  mutiny  of  Porras.  This  had  taken  place,  be 
it  remembered,  within  his  jurisdiction,  but,  as  he  did  not  blindly 
accept,  as  convincing  proof  of  the  guilt  of  the  mutineers,  the 
testimony  of  Columbus,  the  latter  waxed  wroth,  and,  notwith 
standing  the  letters  he  had  written  to  Ovando,  recognizing -his 
authority  and  promising  submission  to  it,  he  now  openly  and 
offensively  declared  that  he  was  viceroy,  and  had,  therefore, 
greater  power  than  Ovando.  He  professed  the  utmost  indigna 
tion  that  the  latter  should  dare  to  question,  or  attempt  to  ascer- 

155  Navarrete,  "  Colecc.  Dip.,"  vol.  ii.,  p.  487. 


COLUMBUS  KETUKNS  TO  SPAIN.         343 

tain,  whether  the  six  men  who  had  been  killed  in  Jamaica  had 
deserved  their  fate.  Six  human  lives,  he  held,  were  as  nothing 
compared  to  his  rank  and  dignity. 

Ovando  seems  to  have  regarded  this  bluster  with  the  amused 
indulgence  accorded  to  a  spoiled  and  petulant  child.  He  still 
treated  Columbus  with  polite  consideration,  but  calmly  pro 
ceeded  to  the  duties  of  his  office.  Investigation  was  made,  the 
result  of  which  apparently  went  far  to  justify  the  mutiny ;  for 
Porras,  though  sent  to  Spain,  was  never  punished. 

Thoroughly  disgusted  with  the  state  of  affairs  in  San  Do 
mingo,  and  convinced  that  an  attempt  to  reinstate  himself  in 
power  must  be  futile,  Columbus  now  determined  to  return,  with 
all  speed,  to  Spain.  Two  ships  were  placed  at  his  disposal,  and, 
after  a  month's  sojourn  in  Hispaniola,  he  set  sail.  A  storm, 
arising  soon  after  his  departure,  carried  away  the  mast  of  his 
ship.  He  sent  it  back  to  port,  and  embarked  on  the  second, 
commanded  by  his  brother  Bartholomew.  This  homeward  voy 
age  was  one  continued  storm,158  and  his  ship  was  in  sorry  plight 
when,  on  the  7th  of  November,  1504,  it  landed  him  at  San  Lu- 
car  de  la  Barrameda.  He  was  completely  bedridden,  and  had 
himself  transferred  immediately  to  Seville. 

Here  he  no  doubt  learned  the  fruitlessness  of  his  attempt  to 
excite  the  ambition  of  Genoa.  She  refrained  from  any  espousal 
of  his  cause.  The  Genoese  evidently  tacitly,  if  not  openly,  re 
fused  to  have  any  dealings  with  him.  This  refusal  has  been 
wrongly  attributed,  by  some  writers,  to  his  low  birth.1" 

There  is  a  letter  to  be  found  in  Navarrete,  bearing  the  date 

156  The  miraculous  and  extraordinary  are  made,  as  ever,  to  form  a  part  of  this 
voyage.    Fernando,  in  his  relation  of  it,  will  not  content  himself  with  reporting  a 
terrific  storm,  such  as  might  have  been  encountered  by  an  ordinary  mortal,  but,  in 
order  that  this  "  incomparable  man  "  may  be  made  to  display  his  ingenuity,  we  read : 

"  The  weather  being  fair,  and  we  very  still,  the  mast  flew  into  four  pieces,  but  the 
courage  of  the  lieutenant  (Bartholomew),  and  the  admiral's  ingenuity,  though  he  could 
not  rise  out  of  his  bed  for  the  gout,  fonnd  a  remedy  for  this  misfortune,  making 
a  jury-mast  of  a  yard,  and  strengthening  the  middle  of  it  with  ropes,  and  some  planks 
they  took  from  the  poop  and  stern." — ("  Historia  del  Amirante,"  chapter  cviii.) 

157  Ogilby,  who  makes  Genoa  the  birthplace  of  Columbus,  says  that  Peter  Bezarus, 
a  countryman  of  Columbus,  "  gives  unquestionable  proofs  of  his  mean  extract,  and, 
among  other  things,  that  the  commonwealth  of  Genoa  refused  to  receive  the  great 
legacy  which  Columbus  left  them  in  his  will,  because  they  fondly  thought  it  a  dero 
gation  to  their  honor,  being  so  great  a  republic,  to  take  any  thing  of  bequest  from  a 
fisher's  son." — (OGILBY,  "America,"  chapter  iii.) 

23 


34:4:  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

of  1502,  which  purports  to  have  been  written  by  a  "magistrate 
of  St.  George "  to  Columbus,  complimenting  the  latter  in  high 
terms,  but  discussing  none  of  the  plans  he  had  proposed.  The 
authenticity  of  this  document  may,  however,  be  doubted,  as  we 
find  Columbus  in  1504  complaining  to  Oderigo  that  no  notice 
has  been  taken  of  his  proposals. 

This  hope  dashed  to  the  ground,  he  became,  once  more, 
urgent  in  his  appeals  to  the  crown  for  a  restitution  of  his  digni 
ties.  We  are  told  that  he  thought  more  of  his  titles  and  offices 
than  of  the  pecuniary  privileges  which  had  been  accorded  to 
him.  The  reason  for  this  is  very  evident :  though  his  demands 
for  money  were  constant  and  exorbitant,  yet  he  was  aware  that 
the  expenses  of  his  enterprises  had  hitherto  far  exceeded  his 
profits,  and  he,  no  doubt,  appreciated  the  impossibility  of  becom 
ing  rich  by  claiming  the  fulfillment  of  his  bond  in  that  quarter. 

The  crown  was  now  awakened  to  the  fact  that  it  had  no 
power  to  grant  the  titles  of  viceroy  and  admiral  in  perpetuity ; 
and  the  sovereigns,  far  from  regretting  .this,  or  desiring  to  over 
step  their  prerogative,  were  rejoiced  at  this  loop-hole  through 
which  they  were  enabled  to  escape  from  the  consequences  of 
their  foolish  concessions. 

For  these  titles,  Columbus,  with  the  tenacity  of  age  and  the 
puerility  of  childhood,  solicited,  but  solicited  in  vain.  The 
queen,  who  had  been  in  a  critical  condition  at  the  time  of  his 
arrival,  expired  a  few  days  after,  on  the  26th  of  November,  1504. 
Henceforth  it  was  to  Ferdinand  alone  that  Columbus  addressed 
his  demands ;  but  Ferdinand  met  them,  as  Isabella  had  clone, 
with  tacit  refusal. 

He  was,  at  this  time,  wretchedly  poor — living  by  borrowing 
— and  confesses  that  he  "  most  times  has  not  wherewithal  to  pay 
his  bill "  at  the  tavern  where  he  lodges. 

He  wrote  to  Ferdinand,  inveighing  against  Ovando,  assuring 
that  monarch  that  the  latter  was  derelict  in  the  performance  of 
his  duties,  careless  of  the  treasure,  and,  above  all,  unpopular  in 
the  island.  It  is  strange  that  Columbus,  who  had  been  so  ex 
ceedingly  hateful  to  the  people  of  that  same  island,  should  bring 
forward  unpopularity  as  a  proof  of  unworthiness,  and  still  more 
strange  that  he  did  not  perceive  that,  in  admitting  unpopularity 
to  be  a  just  cause  tor  the  removal  of  an  officer,  he  fully  justified 
the  proceedings  of  Bobadilla  toward  himself. 


FRUITLESS  APPEALS.  345 

His  letters  were  not  noticed ;  the  Spanish  court  was  weary 
of  this  " nudo-nocchier promettitor  di  regni"  (pauper-pilot  prom- 
iser  of  realms).  He  had  failed  in  all  he  had  promised,  and, 
while  tenacious  that  others  should  fulfill  their  promises,  he  had 
not  fulfilled  one  of  his.  He  had  not  visited  the  grand-khan  ;  he 
had  not  brought  tons  of  gold  to  Spain ;  he  had  not  opened  the 
commerce  of  the  East  to  that  kingdom ;  he  had  not  even  dis 
covered  the  strait,  of  the  existence  of  which  he  had  been  so  con 
fident  that  he  had  been  allowed,  though  in  disgrace,  to  make  a 
fourth  voyage  in  search  of  it.  Yet  these,  by  his  own  proposi 
tion,  were  the  services  for  which  the  privileges  he  claimed  were 
to  be  the  guerdon ;  all  this,  which  he  had  agreed  to  accomplish, 
and  had  not  accomplished,  was  the  basis  of  his  contract.  It  is, 
therefore,  unjust  to  accuse  the  sovereigns  of  ingratitude  in  not 
performing  their  part  of  it,  when  he  had  not  performed  his,  even 
could  they  legally  have  accorded  to  him  the  titles  in  question, 
which  we  have  shown  they  could  not. 

When  written  appeals  failed,  he  proceeded  *in  person  to 
court,  then  held  in  Segovia.  Once  he  attempted  the  journey, 
but  infirmity  compelled  him  to  abandon  it.  At  length,  in  the 
month  of  May,  1505,  he  reached  his  destination. 

The  king  received  him  courteously,  but  we  may  imagine 
that,  when  the  infirm,  impecunious,  and  aged  man  before  him 
sought  to  excite  his  interest  and  secure  his  favor  by  promising  to 
undertake  another  voyage,  wherein  all  former  ones  should  be 
surpassed  in  services  rendered,  the  sensible  monarch  must  have 
with  difficulty  refrained  from  smiling. 

If  Columbus,  twelve  years  previous,  had  been  unable  to  per 
form  what  he  had  promised,  how  absurd  would  it  have  been  to 
expect  him  now,  when  bedridden  and  fast  failing  of  old  age,  to 
undertake  voyages  or  render  services!  Ferdinand  contented 
himself  with  recommending  to  Columbus  that  he  should  rest 
and  nurse  his  infirmities. 

He  took  no  notice  of  his  vindictive  accusations  against 
Ovando;  he  even  offered  him  titles  which  might  compensate 
him  for  those  which  the  queen  had,  without  authority,  granted 
him.  These  Columbus  refused.  The  king  then  proposed  to 
leave  the  matter  to  arbitration,  allowing  Columbus  to  choose 
the  arbiter.  He  selected  Diego  de  Deza,  formerly  Bishop  of 
Palencia,  but  since  promoted  to  the  archbishopric  of  Seville. 


346  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

This  prelate  was,  we  are  told,  the  old  and  tried  friend  of  Colum 
bus.  Of  him  the  latter  thus  writes :  "  He  was  the  cause  that 
their  highnesses  obtained  possession  of  the  Indies,  who  induced 
me  to  remain  in  Castile  when  I  was  on  the  road  to  leave  it." 
And  again  : 

"  If  the  Bishop  of  Palencia  has  arrived,  or  should  arrive,  tell 
him  how  much  I  have  been  gratified  by  his  prosperity ;  and 
that,  if  I  come,  I  shall  lodge  with  his  Grace,  even  though  he 
should  not  invite  me ;  for  we  must  return  to  our  ancient  frater 
nal  affection." 

Yet  so  evidently  conscious  was  he  of  the  illegality  of  his 
claims  that,  having  chosen  this  friendly  arbiter,  he  would  only 
consent  to  submit  to  him  the  question  of  revenue,  not  that  of 
titles  and  hereditary  offices. 

This,  of  course,  defeated  the  whole  plan  of  arbitration,  for  it 
was  precisely  the  titles,  and  only  the  titles,  which  were  matters 
for  arbitrament;  the  question  of  revenue  could  be  settled  by 
any  accountant.  The  matter,  therefore,  which  might  have  now 
been  arranged  with  some  possible  advantage  to  Columbus,  was 
deferred.  Unwilling  to  come  to  any  but  his  own  terms,  and 
these  being  impossible  to  accede  to,  he  was  again  an  unheeded 
solicitor.  It  is  about  this  time  that  we  find  him  interesting 
Yespucci  in  his  behalf,  and  eager  to  profit  by  the  good  standing 
of  the  latter  at  court  (see  chapter  on  Yespucci). 

But  the  wretched  old  man  was  clinging  to  the  vanities  of  the 
world  when  on  the  very  verge  of  the  tomb.  His  malady, 
aggravated  by  age,  had  increased  rapidly,  and  his  career  was 
near  its  close.  When  conscious  that  his  end  was  approaching, 
he  sought  to  atone  for  the  crimes  of  his  life  by  strict  religious 
discipline ;  he  still  wore  the  Franciscan  garb— token  of  hu 
mility  ;  he  sought  to  propitiate  Heaven  by  redoubling  in  prayer 
and  fasting. 

In  the  month  of  May,  1506,  he  made  the  codicils  which  we 
have  mentioned,  and,  on  the  20th  of  that  month,  breathed  his 
last. 

Well,  perhaps,  would  it  have  been  for  him,  had  his  name 
been  allowed  to  sink  into  oblivion.  Well,  certainly,  would  it 
have  been  for  justice,  had  not  a  fictitious  glory  been  created  for 
him  at  the  expense  of  truly  good  and  great  men,  out  of  the 
ruins  of  whose  good  names  his  renown  had  sprung  up. 


CHAPTER  XXYIII. 

BTJEIAL   OF   COLUMBUS. — HIS   KEPUTED  TOMBS    AND   MONUMENTS. 

THE  falsehoods  which  have  been  promulgated  concerning 
Columbus  do  not  end  at  his  death.  We  are  told  that,  upon  its 
occurrence,  Ferdinand  allowed  his  conscience  to  direct  him,  and, 
with  tardy  justice,  ordered  a  magnificent  tomb  to  be  erected  at 
Seville  to  his  memory,  bearing  the  following  inscription : 

"A  Castilla  y  a  Leon 
Nuevo  mundo  dio  Colon." 

Such  an  act  on  the  part  of  the  king  would  have  been  a  tacit 
admission  that  he  had  culpably  neglected  a  great  man  who  had 
thus  benefited  Spain.  That  he  gave  no  such  orders,  that  no 
monument  was  erected,  is  now  an  ascertained  fact. 

Mr.  George  Sumner,  to  whom  we  are  indebted  elsewhere, 
comes  again  to  our  assistance  and  that  of  truth.  He  quotes  the 
inscription  on  the  tomb  of  Fernando  Columbus  (the  biographer, 
who  died  some  thirty  years  after  his  father)  in  the  cathedral  at 
Seville,  and  reports  the  above  inscription  as  forming  a  part  of  it. 
He  continues : 

"  Throughout  all  Spain  I  know  of  no  other  inscription  to  the 
memory  of  Columbus.  At  Yalladolid,  where  he  died,  and  where 
his  body  lay  for  some  years,  there  is  none  that  I  could  discover, 
neither  is  there  any  trace  of  any  at  the  Cartuja,  near  Seville, 
to  which  his  body  was  afterward  transferred,  and  in  which  his 
brother  was  buried." 

Thus  the  inscription  existed  only  on  the  grave  of  Fernando, 
illegitimate  son  of  Columbus,  who,  having  embraced  an  ecclesi 
astical  career  and  devoted  himself  to  letters,  left  his  library  to 
the  Carthusian  monks,  on  condition,  we  are  told,  of  their  placing 


348  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

over  his  grave,  in  the  Cathedral  of  Seville,  the  above  inscription. 
He  died,  as  we  have  said,  more  than  thirty  years  after  Columbus. 

It  is  a  noticeable  fact  that  the  Government  of  Spain  has  ever 
abstained  from  any  spontaneous  recognition  of  Columbus  and 
the  claims  set  up  for  him  by  historians. 

It  is  alleged  that  his  remains  were  removed  from  the  convent 
of  the  Franciscans,  at  Valladolid,  to  the  Carthusian  monastery 
near  Seville,  in  1513,  and  that,  in  1536,  they  were  transported  to 
San  Domingo,  in  Hispaniola.  Be  this  as  it  may,  we  know  that 
when  Spain,  in  1795,  ceded  the  island  of  Hispaniola  to  France, 
she  made  no  reservation  of  the  ashes  of  Columbus,  nor  did  she 
contemplate  their  removal,  as  she  naturally  would  have  done, 
had  she  regarded  them  in  the  light  of  national  relics. 

It  was  the  officious  zeal  of  the  Admiral  Aristozabal,  who 
was  sent  to  aid  in  surrendering  the  island  to  the  French,  which 
first  imagined  these  remains  to  be  of  importance  to  Spain.  So 
little,  evidently,  was  thought  of  them,  that  this  same  Aristoza 
bal  was  only  "  informed  "  that  they  were  deposited  in  the  island 
upon  his  arrival  there.  The  information,  however,  stirs  up  his 
patriotism ;  he  will  not  permit  them  to  repose  on  French  soil, 
and  desires  that  their  re-retranslation  shall  be  of  an  official  char 
acter,  and  accompanied  with  that  kind  of  pomp  and  display 
which  would  have  been  so  grateful  to  the  living  Columbus.  The 
governor  of  the  island  entered  into  this  project,  though  he  con 
fessed  he  had  received  no  instructions  from  the  Spanish  Govern 
ment  concerning  the  matter;  but  "as  he  had  not  time,  without 
great  inconvenience,"  to  consult  the  sovereign  on  the  matter,  he 
and  Aristozabal,  with  the  eagerly-proffered  cooperation  of  the 
clergy,  decided  to  act  on  their  own  responsibility,  and  transfer 
these  sacred  remains  to  Havana,  in  Cuba.  This  was  done,  we 
are  told,  with  almost  royal  honors.  But,  however  important  the 
bones  of  Columbus  had  become  to  Spain  in  1795,  they  evidently 
had  not  been  much  revered  during  the  two  hundred  and  fifty 
years  previous,  and,  when  all  is  told,  and  the  pompous  pageant 
which  transported  them  to  Havana  described,  it  is  by  no  means 
certain  that  the  bones  and  mould  scraped  up  with  such  care  were 
the  veritable  ashes  of  Columbus.158  If  they  were,  why  had  they 

158  M.  De  Lorgues,  speaking  of  the  disappearance  of  the  TRUE  CROSS  (set  np  by 
Columbus,  which  had  worked  so  many  miracles),  says :  "  It  is  not  strange  that,  in  a 
country  ruined  and  terrified,  it  was  not  known  what  had  become  of  the  TRUE  CROSS, 


FICTITIOUS  HONORS,  MONUMENTS,  ETC.  349 

been  thus  neglected  ?  why  had  the  slab  or  panel  which  closed  the 
niche  in  the  altar  in  which  they  are  said  to  have  lain,  remained 
uninscribed  ?  This  attempt  at  honoring  (when  driven  from  the 
island)  remains  wThich  had  been  allowed  to  repose  unmarked  for 
more  than  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  of  residence  and  posses 
sion,  is  too  spasmodic  and  tardy  to  be  regarded  as  the  sponta 
neous  admission,  on  the  part  of  Spain,  that  she  was  under  obli 
gations  to  the  man  Columbus,  or  to  his  memory,  and,  though 
the  above  unauthorized  acts  of  the  governor  and  admiral  are 
said  to  have  afterward  received  the  sanction  of  the  crown,  it  is 
easy  to  perceive  that  this  sanction  was  given,  rather  than,  by  dis 
approval,  to  give  greater  notoriety  to  an  unpleasant  matter. 

Thus  the  last  stone  of  the  structure  is  overturned.  It  seemed 
to  authors  necessary,  in  order  fitly  to  close  their  romances  en 
titled  histories  of  Columbus,  and  their  record  of  the  persecutions 
of  which  they  represent  him  to  have  been  the  victim,  to  invent 
a  sort  of  poetic  justice,  by  which  Ferdinand  is  made  to  order  the 
erection  of  a  superb  monument  with  a  pompous  inscription,  and, 
stung  by  remorse,  in  this  act  to  confess  his  ingratitude  and  in 
justice.  But,  unfortunately  for  romance,  though  more  fortu 
nately  for  justice,  this  statement  is  a  fiction ;  the  fiction  has  been 
proved,  and  we  are  obliged  to  fear  that  the  "  cold  and  calculat 
ing  Ferdinand  "  descended  to  his  grave,  complacently  conscious 
of  having  treated  Columbus  as  well  as,  if  not  better  than,  he 
deserved. 

Fortunate  would  it  have  been  for  the  honor  of  these  United 
States,  had  their  representatives,  in  this  matter,  acted  as  wisely 
as  did  Spain.  Then  the  brazen  doors  at  the  national  Capitol,  so 
creditable,  as  works  of  art,  to  those  who  designed  and  cast  them, 
would  have  illustrated  some  worthier  theme ;  nor  would  the  na 
tion  one  day  regret  that  Congress  had  felt  it  necessary  to  import 
brass  from  Bavaria,  and  to  expend  the  public  treasure  in  caus 
ing  the  bronze  of  Munich  to  symbolize  a  fiction.  Here  is 
wrought,  with  artistic  skill,  the  fabled  "  triumphal  entry  into 
Barcelona,"  "full  of  the  glory  of  success  and  waving  banners. 

....  when  at  San  Domingo  the  exact  burial-place  of  Columbus  himself  was  forgot 
ten." — ("Christophe  Colombe,"  vol.  ii.,  livre  iv.,  chapter  viii.) 

It  may  be  that  these  relic-hunters  unconsciously  gathered  the  remains,  of  some 
victim  of  "  the  admiral,"  which,  if  conscious  of  the  label  upon  the  box  which  con. 
tained  them,  would  indignantly  start  from  their  cerement. 


350  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

All  the  halo  of  rose- color  seems  now  to  light  the  future  of  the 
great  discoverer."  1B9  Yet  this  triumph  is  but  a  creation,  as  we 
have  shown,  of  imaginative  brains — the  pageant  never  took 
place,  and  the  arrival  of  Columbus  at  Barcelona  was  unnoticed 
by  the  chroniclers  of  that  city,  who  recorded  events  of  trivial 
i  mportance. 

Anon,  we  see  Columbus  aroused  to  "  stern  indignation  at  the 
capture  of  an  Indian  girl,"  which  must  cause  those  to  smile  who 
remember  how  often  he  "  ordered  some  Indians  to  be  taken," 
and  who  have  marked  his  systematized  efforts  to  establish  a 
slave-trade. 

Nor  can  we  pass  over  the  injustice  with  which  such  men  as 
Yespucci  and  Pinzon  are  made  to  play  the  satellite  to  the  pau 
per  pirate. 

A  wiser  lesson  might  have  been  learned  from  Yenice.  In 
the  grand  hall,  in  the  palace  of  the  doges,  many  successive  pan 
els  are  filled  with  the  portraits  of  doges  who  had  reflected  honor 
upon  the  "  mistress  of  the  seas,"  and  had  aided  in  making  Yen- 
ice  glorious.  Over  one,  however,  a  dark  veil  is  cast,  and  we 
read :  "  They  did  not  place  his  portrait  in  the  hall  of  the  great 
council,  but  in  the  place  where  it  should  have  been  is  the  in 
scription  :  '  Hio  est  locus  Marini  Faliero  decapitati  pro  crimini- 
bus*  (This  is  the  place  of  Marino  Faliero,  decapitated  for  his 
crimes)."  16° 

O  Yenice !  O  "Washington !  How  diverse  are  your  stand 
ards  of  legal  and  moral  ethics !  For  the  same  crime,  one 
mounts  the  scaffold,  another  is  placed  among  the  gods. 

E"or  does  this  brazen  fiction  "  trammel  up  the  consequences." 
The  district  in  which  the  nation  has  reared  its  temple  is  humili 
ated  by  an  effort  to  perpetuate  the  alias  under  which  the  pirati 
cal  Griego  disappeared  from  the  gaze  of  an  injured  people,  while 
states  and  municipalities  will  obscure  the  name  of  America  by 
planting  t\\\§  parasite  from  sea  to  sea. 

When  Europe,  and  Asia,  and  Africa,  shall  ask  America  how 
long  she  will  continue  thus  to  honor  the  man,  who  after  having 
basely  robbed  the  dead,  falsely  styled  himself  a  discoverer,  and 
enslaved  his  fellow,  what  answer  shall  she  make  f 

159  See  official  description,  also  chapter  xiv.  of  this  volume. 
180  Hariri  Sanuto,  "  Cronica,"  vol.  xxii.,  p.  639. 


CHAPTEH  XXIX. 


CHAKACTEK    OF     COLUMBUS. 


THE  character  of  Columbus,  as  portrayed  by  his  actions,  does 
not  belie  the  impression  given  by  his  son's  description  of  his  per 
sonal  appearance.  Hypocrisy  is  largely  predominant ;  to  this 
revolting  trait,  to  the  shame  of  humanity  be  it  said,  he  owes 


SLATE-ATTCTION. 


most  of  his  fame,  for  the  Church,  charmed  with  the  devotion  he 
professed,  has  chanted  his  praises,  and  crushed  any  historian  who 
would  not  join  in  them,  as  long  as  her  power  was  sufficient.  In 
our  own  day  M.  Roselly  de  Lorgues  writes  an  enthusiastic  and 


352  LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

ecstatic  panegyric,  in  which  he  relieves  himself  of  his  overbur 
dening  admiration  by  exclaiming,  in  huge  capitals,  "  COLUMBUS 
WAS  A  SAINT  ! "  And  even  American  writers  would  warn  off,  as 
from  sacred  precincts,  the  profane  who,  creeping  around  the  idol, 
would  spy  its  feet  of  clay. 

This  blind  partiality  is,  as  we  have  said,  in  great  -measure  due 
to  Columbus's  professions  of  religious  zeal.  This  "  great  navi 
gator,"  who  had  spent  all  his  life  at  sea,  cannot,  on  entering 
upon  his  self-styled  "  holy  mission,"  even  speak  in  the  language 
of  seamen ;  he  discards  all  nautical  parlance,  substituting  religious 
terms — "I  sailed  so  many  leagues  between  vespers  and  com 
plines."  He  sailed  in  the  name  of  the  Blessed  Yirgin,  the  Holy 
Trinity,  and  Jesus  Christ.  He  commanded  his  ship,  appropriate 
ly  (?)  "  clad  in  an  humble  garb,  resembling  in  form  and  color  the 
habit  of  a  Franciscan  monk,  simply  girded  with  a  cord,  and  suf 
fered  his  beard  to  grow  like  the  brethren  of  that  order."  Three 
times  out  of  four,  when  lots  are  cast  to  decide  who  shall  perform 
certain  penance,  by  the  skillful  manipulation  of  a  marked  bean 
he  causes  the  lot  to  fall  miraculously  to  him,  "  to  show,"  his  son 
modestly  observes,  "  that  his  offerings  were  more  acceptable  to 
God  than  those  of  others." 

All  this  religious  affectation  disgusts  the  truly  reverent  mind. 
Above  all,  when  we  find  what  atrocious  acts  were  committed 
under  its  protection,  and  how  widely  the  actions  of  Columbus 
differed  from  his  professions  when  he  had  attained  his  end,  and 
was  far  from  all  who  could  bring  him  to  ac3ount. 

On  reaching  the  island  of  San  Salvador,  his  first  act  was,  we 
are  told,  to  fall  on  his  face  and  kiss  the  sand ;  his  next,  to  take 
possession  for  Castile ;  his  third,  to  make  all  swear  allegiance  to 
him  as  Yiceroy  of  India.  This  done,  he  proceeded  at  leisure  to 
capture  the  unoffending  natives,  and  bear  them  into  slavery. 
Years  later,  when  his  cruel  government  had  driven  Spaniards 
and  natives  alike  to  desperation,  so  that  they  sent  across  the 
ocean  piteous  appeals  to  be  relieved  from  so  merciless  a  tyrant, 
we  find  him  accused  of  refusing  to  permit  the  baptism  of  these 
unfortunate  Indians,  for  the  welfare  of  whose  souls  he  had  pro 
fessed  such  solicitude,  because  by  embracing  Christianity  they 
exempted  themselves  from  slavery,  and  could  no  longer  minister 
to  his  love  of  gain. 

His  son  tells  us  :  "  He  was  so  strict  in  religious  matters,  that, 


HYPOCEISY  OF  COLUMBUS. 


353 


for  fasting  and  saying  the  divine  offices,  he  might  be  thought 
professed  in  some  religious  order.  So  great  was  his  aversion  to 
swearing  and  cursing,  that  I  protest  I  never  heard  him  swear 
any  other  oath  than  by  San  Fernando,  and  when  in  the  greatest 
passion  with  anybody  he  would  vent  his  spleen  by  saying,  '  God 
take  you,  for  doing  so  and  so.'  When  he  was  to  write,  his  way 
of  trying  his  pen  was  by  writing  the  words  <  Jesus  cum  Maria 
fit  nobis  in  via"  and  that  in  such  a  character  as  might  very  well 
serve  to  get  his  bread." 

The  praises  here  given  are  somewhat  equivocal.     He  does 
not  say  \i\$  father's  life  and  acts  were  such  as  to  render  him  a 


COLUMBUS  TBIES  nis  PEN. 

bright  example  of  goodness,  but  that,  for  praying  and  fasting, 
he  might  be  thought  to  belong  to  some  holy  order.  In  matters 
pertaining  to  religion  both  father  and  son  seem  to  have  de 
pended  more  upon  the  form  than  the  substance ;  for  reality  and 
practical  piety  they  substituted  show  and  profession,  and  were 
far  from  conceiving  the  ideal  of  the  poet  who  wrote  : 

"  He  prayeth  best  who  loveth  best 
All  creatures  great  and  small, 
For  the  good  God  who  loveth  us, 
Hath  made  and  loved  them  all." 


354 


LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 


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FAC  SIMILE  OF  THE  HANDwniTiNG  AND  SIGNATURE  OF  COLUMBUS.—  (From  his  MS9.  deposited  at  Genoa.)  161 
161  The  above  specimen  of  this  exquisite  handwriting  would  seem  to  suggest  that  copy 
ists  were  at  a  premium. 


PROFANITY  OF  COLUMBUS.  355 

To  try  one's  pen  with  the  words  recorded  by  Fernando  hardly 
suits  the  inspiration  of  genuine  reverence,  while  the  gentle  oath, 
uttered  with  due  vehemence,  must  have  fully  answered  its  pur 
pose,  and  is  vigorous  enough  to  meet  the  requirements  of  the 
modern  Anglo-Saxon. 

From  some  such  original  as  Columbus,  Moliere  must  have 
draw  his  inimitable  "  Tartufe,"  who  is  disturbed  by  the  sin  of 
having  caught  a  flea  while  at  prayers,  and  dispatched  him  with 
anger;  who  advertises  his  wearing  a  hair  shirt,  and,  withal, 
would  rob  his  dupe  of  home,  fortune,  and  honor.  Does  not  the 
following  seem  strangely  applicable  to  our  hero  ? 

"  The  profession  of  hypocrite  has  marvelous  advantages. 
How  many  thus  redeem  the  scandal  of  youth,  and,  sagely  mak 
ing  a  buckler  and  cloak  of  religion,  indulge  their  favorite  sins 
with  impunity  !  "When  found  out,  they  are  far  from  losing  credit. 
A  penitent  air,  a  sigh  of  mortification,  two  turns  of  the  eyes,  and 
all  goes  on  as  before !  " 

'No  character  in  history  has  more  truly,  or,  as  regards  pos 
terity,  more  successfully  made  a  cloak  of  religion  wherewith  to 
hide  an  ungodly  life,  than  did  Christopher  Columbus.  But  hy 
pocrisy  availed  him  less  in  his  own  day.  He  himself,  as  we 
have  shown,  bears  witness  to  the  depth  of  ignominy  into  which 
he  had  fallen  in  the  estimation  of  his  fellow-men.  Throughout 
his  history,  by  whomsoever  recounted,  distrust  and  aversion  are 
traceable  in  those  of  every  rank  and  degree  who  had  dealings 
with  him,  from  the  sovereigns  to  the  "  graceless  cook." 

Apparently  no  depravity  could  be  attributed  to  him  which 
was  too  gross  for  belief,  and  it  was  but  natural  and  fitting  that 
his  ostentatious  devotion  and  pious  punctilio  should  augment 
the  odium  in  which  he  was  held,  while  the  manner  in  which  he 
represented  himself  as  the  chosen  of  God,  THE  CHRIST-BEAKEK, 
and  the  familiar  terms  in  which  he  speaks  of  the  Deity,  are  re 
volting  in  their  blasphemy  and  hypocrisy. 

But  the  feature  of  his  life  which  chiefly  troubles  his  would-be 
canonizers  is  his  private  moral  character,  in  which  are  many  ugly 
flaws  which  they  are  anxious  to  conceal  or  explain.  Among 
these  is  his  open  and  notorious  illicit  amour  with  Beatrix  Enri- 
quez  of  Cordova,  which  continued  during  a  series  of  years.  Of 
this  there  can  be  little  doubt,  notwithstanding  the  illogical  and 
unsuccessful  attempts  of  Messrs.  De  Lorgues  and  Cadoret  to 


356  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

establish  a  marriage ; 1M  nor  was  it  worth  their  while  to  attempt  a 
refutation  of  a  so  universally-accepted  statement,  even  had  they 
been  more  fortunate  in  their  mode  of  treating  the  subject.  Co 
lumbus  stands  unanswerably  convicted  of  many  atrocious  deeds 
beside  which  his  illicit  amours  sink  into  insignificance.  "Why 
labor,  then,  to  acquit  him  of  an  offense,  while  all  the  world  is 
supposed  to  know  that  he  was  guilty  of  crimes  f  ]STor  is  it  less 
absurd  to  allege  that  his  being  guilty  of  such  an  offense  would 
have  called  down  upon  him  the  indignation  and  censure  of  the 
Church,  and  the  displeasure  of  Isabella.  Was  it  for  the  Church, 
at  whose  head  was  the  licentious  and  intriguing  Borgia  (Alex 
ander  VI.),  to  reprove  one  of  its  minor  devotees  for  such  peca- 
dillos  ?  Was  it  for  Ferdinand,  with  his  various  mistresses 
and  illegitimate  children,  or  for  his  wife?  Such  an  episode 
may  rather  have  been  supposed  to  his  credit,  and  it  is  worse 
than  futile  to  attempt  to  square  his  actions  by  any  high  moral 
standard. 

One  of  the  arguments  brought  forward  by  M.  Cadoret  to 
prove  that  Beatrix  was  the  wife,  not  the  mistress,  of  Columbus, 
and  which  he  appears  to  consider  convincing,  is,  that  neither  Bo- 
badilla,  Ovando,  nor  Fonseca,  ever  accused  him  of  illicit  connec 
tions,  and  that  they,  as  his  enemies,  would  surely  have  done  so 
had  there  been  foundation  for  such  an  accusation. 

Not  to  repeat  what  we  said  above  about  the  morals  of  the 
times,  Bobadilla,  Ovando,  and  Fonseca  are  reported,  even  by 
their  enemies  and  detractors,  to  have  been  gentlemen  by  birth 
and  breeding.  The  first  two  were  sent  to  Hispaniola  to  exam 
ine  into  Columbia's  conduct  as  governor,  not  into  his  private 
character.  The  third  had  the  direction  of  financial  matters  con 
cerning  the  islands,  and  his  relations  with  Columbus  did  not 
extend  beyond  the  functions  of  his  office.  The  duties  of  all 
three  only  extended  to  his  official  career,  and  we  may  presume 
they  neither  troubled  themselves  about,  nor  would  have  had  the 
indelicacy  to  force  upon  the  public  and  crown,  the  details  of  his 
private  life. 

The  fact  that  Columbus  on  his  death-bed  recommended  Bea 
trix  to  the  care  of  his  son  Diego,  and  his  seeming  remorse  at  hav- 

188  A  Life  of  Columbus,  by  the  Abb6  Cadoret  appeared  in  1869,  and  is,  we  be- 
Here,  the  latest  effort  that  has  been  made  to  prove  a  marriage  between  Beatrix  and 
Columbus. 


COLUMBUS  AND  BEATRIX.  357 

ing  neglected  her,  is  also  dwelt  upon  by  M.  Cadoret  as  proof  of 
his  marriage  to  her. 

"Neglect,"  he  says,  "when  capable  of  stirring  the  con 
science,  must  necessarily  have  been  practised  toward  a  legiti 
mate  wife."  163  Thus  we  are  taught  that  the  man  who  leads  an 
unfortunate  woman  to  shame  and  ruin,  begets  children  by  her, 
and  then  abandons  her  to  poverty  and  disgrace,  need  feel  neither 
remorse  nor  qualms  of  conscience.  The  brutality  of  such  a  senti 
ment  need  scarcely  be  dwelt  upon,  particularly  as  emanating 
from  an  avowed  disciple  of  Him  who  said :  "  Neither  do  I  con 
demn  thee ;  go  and  sin  no  more." 

The  denial  of  Columbus's  illicit  connection  with  Beatrix  is 
of  recent  date,  and  has  been  set  on  foot  by  that  school  of  the 
ologians  who  desire  his  canonization.  Heretofore  his  most  ar 
dent  admirers,  even  ministers  of  the  Church,  have  admitted  it. 
Spotorno,  considering  it  futile  to  deny,  seeks  to  make  it  redound 
to  the  advantage  of  his  hero.  "  In  yielding  to  his  passions,"  he 
writes,  "  our  navigator  showed  that  he  was  but  a  man.  In 
avowing  his  fault  he  exhibited  the  sincerity  of  his  religious 
faith."  Father  Spotorno  did  not  foresee,  when  he  wrote  the 
above,  that  a  school  should  arise  among  his  brethren,  whose 
object  should  be  to  prove  that  "our  navigator  "  was  more  than  a 
man 

Irving,  that  warmest  and  most  eloquent  advocate  of  Colum 
bus,  writes : 

"  Though  Columbus  had  now  relinquished  all  expectations  of 
patronage  from  the  Castilian  sovereigns,  he  was  unwilling  to 
break  off  all  connection  with  Spain.  A  tie  of  a  tender  nature 
still  bound  him  to  that  country.  During  his  first  visit  to  Cor 
dova,  he  had  conceived  a  passion  for  a  lady  of  that  city, 
named  Beatrix  Enriquez.  This  attachment  has  been  given  as 
an  additional  cause  of  his  lingering  so  long  in  Spain,  and  bear 
ing  with  the  delays  he  experienced.  Like  most  of  the  particu 
lars  of  this  part  of  his  life,  his  connection  with  this  lady  is 
wrapped  in  obscurity.  It  does  not  appear  to  have  been  sanc 
tioned  by  marriage."  m 

Major,  of  the  British  Museum,  asserts  that,  "but  for  an  at 
tachment  which  he  (Columbus)  had  formed  at  Cordova,  which 

163  Cadoret,  "  Vie  de  Christophe  Colombe,"  appendice,  p.  402. 

164  Irving,  "  Columbus,"  book  ii.,  chapter  vi. 


358  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

made  him  reluctant  to  leave  Spain,  he  would,  in  all  probability, 
have  repaired  to  France.1" 

A  thorough  knowledge  of  the  -'character  of  Columbus,  as 
portrayed  in  his  acts,  and  an  observance  of  the  motives  which 
actuated  him  after  the  commencement  of  his  voyages,  render 
some  such  explanation  as  that  given  by  Irving  and  Major  neces 
sary  to  account  for  his  remaining  in  Spain.  It  goes  far  to  throw 
light  on  dark  places.  We  have  already  seen  how  the  difficulties 
said  to  have  been  raised  in  opposition  to  his  schemes  have  been 
grossly  exaggerated,  if  not  invented.  The  pecuniary  outlay 
necessary  for  the  execution  of  his  project  was  eventually  sup 
plied  by  private  individuals  and  by  the  little  town  of  Palos, 
without  difficulty.  The  delay,  then,  was  not  cau'sed  by  any  of 
the  reasons  generally  given.  How  much  more  probable  that 
Columbus,  the  unprincipled  pirate,  should  have  preferred  for  a 
time  a  life  of  easy  dalliance  at  Cordova  with  Beatrix,  supported 
by  his  friends  Juan  Perez  and  Pinzon !  When  wearied  of  it  he 
closed  his  negotiations  and  proceeded  on  his  voyage. 

There  is  much  reason  to  believe  that  Columbus's  private 
morals  were  impure.  His  sickness  and  distemper,  so  often  men 
tioned,  but  so  lightly  dwelt  upon  by  his  biographers,  were 
attended  by  such  symptoms  as  to  have  led  some  to  suppose  that 
he  was  afflicted,  not  by  the  gout,  but  by  that  dreadful  scourge 
which  licentiousness  has  entailed  upon  man.166 

165  Major,  "  Select  Letters  of  Columbus,"  introduction,  p.  52. 

166  Yoltaire  may  have  spoken,  and  probably  did  speak,  figuratively,  when  he  said : 
"  So  man  is  not  born  wicked.     How  comes  it,  then,  that  so  many  are  infected  with  the 
pestilence  of  wickedness  ?     It  is  because  they  who  bear  rule  over  them,  having  caught 
the  distemper,  communicate  it  to  others ;  as  a  woman,  having  the  distemper  which 
Christopher  Columbus  brought  from  America,  has  spread  the  venom  all  over  Europe." 
But,  however  pertinent  or  impertinent  to  Columbus  the  above  obscure  allusion  to  him 
may  have  been,  the  great  French  philosopher  was  certainly  mistaken  in  his  assertion 
that  the  disease  in  question  was  of  modern  origin,  or  that  it  was  brought  to  Europe 
from  America.     Mr.  Prescott,  in  a  foot-note,  refers  the  curious  on  this  subject  to  a 
work  entitled  "Lettere  sulla  Storia  de'  Mali  Venerei,  di  Domenico  Thiene,  Venezia. 
1823."     "In  this  work,"  he  says,  "the  author  has  assembled  all  the  early  notices  of 
the  disease  of  any  authority,  and  discussed  their  import  with  great  integrity  and 
judgment.     The  following  positions  may  be  considered  as  established  by  his  re 
searches  :  1.  That  neither  Columbus  nor  his  son,  in  their  copious  narratives   and 
correspondence,  allude,  in  any  way,  to  the  existence  of  such  a  disease  in  the  New 
World.     I  must  add,"  continues  Mr.  Prescott,  "  that  an  examination  of  the  original 
document  published  by  Navarrete  since  the  date  of  Dr.  Thiene's  work,  fully  confirms 
this  statement.     2.  That  among  the  frequent  notices    of  the  disease,  during   the 


SELF-AGGRANDIZEMENT  HIS  OBJECT.  359 

It  is  strange  that  historians  should  persist  in  representing 
Columbus  to  have  been  inspired  by  lofty  and  religious  enthu 
siasm  when  undertaking  hil  voyage  of  so-called  discovery.  In 
view  of  the  facts,  can  it  really  be  supposed  that  it  was  devotion 

twenty-five  years  immediately  following  the  discovery  of  America,  there  is  not  a 
single  intimation  of  its  having  been  brought  from  that  country ;  but,  on  the  con 
trary,  a  uniform  derivation  of  it  from  some  other  source,  generally  France.  3.  That 
the  disorder  was  known  and  circumstantially  described  previous  to  the  expedition 
of  Charles  VIII.,  and,  of  course,  could  not  have  been  introduced  by  the  Spaniards 
in  that  way,  as  vulgarly  supposed.  4.  That  various  contemporary  authors  trace  its 
existence,  in  a  variety  of  countries,  as  far  back  as  1493  and  the  beginning  of  1494, 
showing  a  rapidity  and  extent  of  diffusion  perfectly  irreconcilable  with  its  importation 
by  Columbus  in  1493.  5.  Lastly,  that  it  was  not  till  after  the  close 'of  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella's  reigns  that  the  first  work  appeared,  affecting  to  trace  the  origin  of  the  dis 
ease  to  America." 

If  the  conclusions  at  which  Mr.  Prescott  and  Dr.  Thiene  have  arrived,  be  correct, 
it  is  not  certain  that  the  authorities  cited  by  them  sustain  their  verdict.  Fernando 
Columbus,  who  is  represented  as  silent  upon  this  subject,  says  ("  Historia  del  Ami- 
rante,"  chapter  Ixxiv.):  "The  admiral  being  come  to  San  Domingo  ....  found 
that  abundance  of  those  he  had  left  were  dead,  and,  of  those  that  remained,  above  one 
hundred  and  sixty  were  sick  of  the  French  pox." 

In  chapter  Ixi.  he  also  states  that  "  it  had  pleased  His  Divine  Majesty  ....  to  send 
such  scarcity  of  provisions  and  such  violent  diseases  among  them  "  (the  natives)  "  that 
they  were  reduced  to  one-third  of  what  they  had  been  at  first,  to  make  it  appear  more 
plain  that  such  miraculous  victories,  and  the  subduing  of  nations,  are  his  right,  and 
not  the  effect  of  our  power  or  conduct." 

This  loathsome  visitation,  in  which  Fernando  professes  to  see  the  divine  hand, 
appears  to  have  formed  a  portion  of  the  blessings  borne  by  Columbus,  certainly  from 
Spain  to  Hispaniola,  or  from  Hispaniola  to  Spain,  probably  both;  and  one  of  the  re 
sults  of  his  voyage  was  the  conversion  of  Europe  into  a  charnel-house,  or  vale  of 
Hinnom,  and  the  reduction  of  the  population  of  the  island  to  one-third  of  its  former 
numbers. 

Upon  this  subject  it  may  be  well  to  consult  the  history  of  the  period.  Peter  Martyr, 
alluding  to  the  case  noticed  by  Fernando  at  San  Domingo,  says :  "  Such  as  desired  to  be 
cured  of  the  troublesome  disease  of  the  pox,"  used  a  decoction  of  guaiacan-wood,  which 
remedy,  he  informs  us,  was  soon  employed  in  the  treatment  of  patients  in  Europe,  "  to 
draw  the  unhappy  disease  out  of  the  bones  and  marrow."  So  efficacious  did  the  wood 
and  bark  of  this  tree  prove,  that  the  pious  Spaniards,  after  having  tested  its  virtues, 
named  it  "  the  holy  tree."  Herrera  would  have  us  regard  this  disease  as  of  American 
origin.  Alluding  to  the  case  mentioned  by  Fernando  and  Peter  Martyr,  he  says : 
"  Provisions  now  growing  very  scarce,  many  of  the  Spaniards  fell  sick ;  but,  what  was 
worse,  by  having  to  do  with  the  Indian  women,  they  contracted  a  distemper  common 
enough  among  the  natives,  but  altogether  unknown  to  them  (the  Spaniards),  which  occa 
sioned  them  to  break  out  in  blotches  all  over  their  bodies,  of  which  many  died,  and 
others,  thinking  to  be  cured  by  change  of  air,  returned  to  Spain,  and  spread  the  dis 
temper  there.  However,  it  pleased  God  that  the  same  place  afforded  the  remedy  as 
gave  the  evil,  for,  some  time  after,  an  Indian  woman,  wife  to  a  Spaniard,  showed  the 
use  of  the  wood  called  guaiacan,  which  relieved  them.  This  is  the  disease  now  com 
monly  known  by  the  name  of  the  French  pox." — (Herrera,  Decade  I.,  book  v.,  chapter  v.) 
24 


360  LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

to  tlie  Church,  to  Christianity,  which  made  him  haunt  and  im 
portune  the  court  of  Spain  for  years  ?  Was  he,  in  truth,  actu 
ated  by  a  noble  desire  to  benefit  a  benighted  portion  of  human- 
ty,  or  does  he  not  rather  appear  to  have  been  stimulated  by 

In  Ramusio's  great  work  we  find  the  following:  "Your  majesty  may  be  assured  that 
this  sickness  comes  from  the  Indies,  and  is  very  common  among  the  Indians ;  but  it  is 
not  as  virulent  in  those  parts  as  among  us,  so  that  the  Indians  cure  themselves  easily 
in  those  islands  with  the  wood  (guaiacan),  and  in  terra  firma  with  herbs,  or  things 
they  know  of,  for  they  are  great  herbalists.  27ie  first  time  that  this  sickness  was  seen  in 
Spain  was  after  Don  Christopher  Columbus  had  discovered  the  Indies  and  returned 
to  these  parts ;  and  some  Christians  that  came  with  him,  who  had  accompanied  him 
on  his  discovery,  and  those  also  who  had  gone  with  him  on  his  second  voyage,  of 
whom  there  were  many,  brought  over  this  sickness,  and  by  them  it  was  communicated 
to  other  persons.  And  in  the  year  1495,  when  the  great  captain,  Don  Gonsalvo  Fer- 
rando,  of  Cordoba,  passed  into  Italy  with  troops  to  support  the  King  of  Naples,  Don 
Ferdinand  the  Younger,  against  the  King  of  France,  by  command  of  the  Catholic 
sovereigns,  Don  Ferdinand  and  Dona  Isabella  of  immortal  memory,  ancestors  of  your 
majesty,  the  sickness  was  brought  over  by  some  Spaniards,  and  that  was  the  first 
time  it  was  seen  in  Italy ;  and,  as  this  was  the  time  when  the  French,  with  the  afore 
said  King  Charles,  came  into  Italy,  the  Italians  called  the  sickness  French  sickness, 
and  the  French  called  it  Naples  sickness,  because  they  had  never  known  it  till  this 
war,  after  which  it  was  disseminated  throughout  Christendom,  and  passed  into 
Africa." — (RAMUSIO,  tome  iii.,  p.  65.) 

Army  surgeons,  and  those  familiar  with  the  rapid  spread  of  this  disease,  especially 
when  aided  by  camp-followers,  will  not,  we  think,  regard  the  time  intervening  between 
the  return  of  Columbus  and  the  developments  above  noted  as  too  brief  for  compass 
ing  the  wide-spread  ruin  generally  recorded  of  this  period. 

Captain  Jonathan  Carver,  in  his  account  of  travel  in  the  Northwest,  notices  the 
successful  manner  in  which  the  Indians  residing  in  regions  remote  from  civilization, 
treat  this  disease,  displaying  a  skill  evidently  not  acquired  from  contact  with  the 
white  race. 

The  disease  in  question  is  undoubtedly  of  far  earlier  origin  than  the  advent  of 
Columbus  in  the  Western  islands.  Its  presence  may  be  traced  to  the  most  ancient 
times,  in  writings  both  sacred  and  profane. 

"  His  bones  are  full  of  the  sin  of  his  youth,  which  shall  lie  down  with  him  in  the 
dust,"  saith  Job. 

The  Hindoo  sacred  writings,  probably  older  than  Job,  contain  evident  allusions 
to  this  malady,  among  others  the  following  :  "  Every  man  who  has  contracted  disease 
from  the  use  or  abuse  of  women,  shall  be  impure  while  it  continues,  and  for  ten  days 
and  ten  nights  after  his  restoration.  .  .  .  The  mat  of  his  bed  is  defiled,  and  must  be 
burned.  .  .  .  The  horse,  the  camel,  the  elephant,  on  which  he  may  ride  on  pilgrim 
ages,  shall  be  impure,  and  shall  be  washed  in  water  wherein  is  dissolved  a  sprig  of 
cousa." 

We  read  in  Herodotus  that,  after  the  Scythians  had  overrun  Asia,  and  were 
advancing  upon  Egypt,  Psammetichus  met  them  in  Palestine,  and,  by  presents  and 
entreaties,  prevailed  upon  them  to  return  to  their  homes;  that  the  Scythians,  on 
their  homeward  march,  came  to  Ascalon ;  that  the  greater  part  of  their  body  passed 
through  without  molesting  it,  but  that  some  remained  behind  and  plundered  the  tem 
ple  of  the  Celestial  Venus ;  that  "  upon  the  Scythians  who  plundered  this  temple, 


AYAEICE  AND  AMBITION  OF  COLCJMBUS.  361 

avarice,  petty  ambition,  and  vanity  ?  A  perusal  of  the  condi 
tions  lie  laid  down  suffices  to  convince  us  that  the  latter  was  the 
case.  He  affects  love  for  Christ,  for  the  Blessed  Virgin.  He 
would  be  the  bearer  of  the  Gospel  to  heathen  nations,  would 

and,  indeed,  upon  all  their  posterity,  the  deity  entailed  a  fearful  punishment — they 
•were  afflicted  with  the  female  disease.  The  Scythians  themselves  confess  that  their 
countrymen  suffered  this  malady  in  consequence  of  the  above  crime."  It  seems 
probable  that  the  Scythians  in  question,  not  only  plundered  the  temple  of  the  god 
dess,  but  received  from  her  priestesses,  whose  lives  were  not  the  most  chaste,  the 
disease  which  thereafter  afflicted  them  and  their  posterity.  The  fifteenth  chapter  of 
Leviticus  contains  instructions  for  cleanliness,  evidently  looking  to  this  disease. 
The  ordinance  of  circumcision  is  an  ancient  one,  and  was  instituted  to  check  its  rav 
ages.  Herod  of  Judea  died  of  it.  Many  references  to  ancient  history  might  be 
made,  tending  to  establish  an  antiquity  much  higher  than  that  of  the  Spaniards  in 
Hispaniola.  In  Europe  its  presence  is  traced  as  early  at  least  as  1347.  Jane  I., 
Queen  of  the  two  Sicilies,  ordered,  in  that  year,  that  a  public  brothel  be  set  up  at 
Avignon,  that  the  "  wenches  who  played  there  "  should  be  examined  every  Saturday 
by  the  abbess  and  a  surgeon,  "  and  if  any  of  them  had  contracted  any  illness  by 
their  whoring,  they  should  'not  be  suffered  to  prostitute  themselves,  lest  the  youth 
who  conversed  with  them  should  catch  their  distemper."  Thus  it  appears  that,  more 
than  a  hundred  years  previous  to  the  siege  of  Naples,  in  1495,  the  date  of  the  dissemina 
tion  of  the  venereal  disease,  as  fixed  by  many  authors,  we  find  regulations  for  preventing 
its  spread.  It  seems  probable  that  the  inhabitants  of  Hispaniola  may,  like  those  of 
the  Old  World,  have  engendered  this  scourge,  but  it  did  not  originate  with  them.  It 
is  true  that,  shortly  after  the  return  of  Columbus  from  his  first  voyage,  Europe  be 
came  one  vast  lazar-house.  But  this  was  owing,  not  to  the  introduction  of  a  new 
disease,  but  to  the  increased  virulence  of  one  already  known,  consequent  upon  sexual 
intercourse  between  persons  of  diverse  races,  white  and  dark.  The  disease,  which 
before  had  been  curable  when  contracted  between  members  of  the  Caucasian  family, 
when  communicated  by  the  Spaniards  to  the  islanders  of  Hispaniola,  and  in  a  few 
days  returned  by  the  latter  with  interest,  became,  to  the  inhabitants  of  Europe,  a  new 
disease,  which  baffled  the  skill  of  the  physician.  Thus  was  inaugurated  an  "  irrepres 
sible  conflict"  or  war  of  races,  by  which  some  of  the  Western  islands  were  nearly 
depopulated.  Many  are  the  conjectures  and  explanations  as  to  the  origin  of.  this 
virus.  Some  attempt  to  account  for  it  by  the  use  of  water  from  poisoned  wells ; 
others,  to  lime  mixed  with  the  blood  of  diseased  patients  at  the  hospital  of  St.  Laza 
rus.  Phioravanti  says  that,  in  1466,  during  the  war  between  Alfonso  V.  of  Arragon, 
and  John,  Duke  of  Anjou,  provisions  becoming  scarce  in  both  camps,  the  purveyors 
privately  cut  up  the  bodies  of  the  slain,  and  dressed  and  sold  them  to  the  men  for 
food ;  that,  shortly,  those  who  thus  ate,  broke  out  in  ulcers,  and,  in  a  word,  had  the 
venereal  disease.  The  French  named  this  the  Neapolitan  disease,  because  they  had 
contracted  it  in  the  kingdom  of  Naples.  The  Spanish  and  Italians  called  it  the 
French  disease,  which  name  it  bears  to  this  day  in  Africa  and  the  Turkish  Empire. 
Some  writers  pronounce  this  scourge  to  be  a  special  judgment  from  God,  as  the  pun 
ishment  of  the  wickedness  of  kings,  priests,  or  people,  as  their  peculiar  notions  sug 
gest. 

It  is  more  reasonable,  however,  to  suppose  that,  since  the  world  began,  the  same 
disease  has  been  a  punishment  for  the  transgression  of  the  same  laws  (see  Sanger  on 
prostitution,  and  Ricord  on  venereal,  for  matter  not  here  noticed). 


362  LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

reclaim  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  annihilate  the  infidel,  provided  the 
sovereigns  will  pay  him  well  with  offices,  titles,  riches,  and  hon 
ors — without  all  these  he  refuses  to  become  the  messenger  of 
Christ  to  the  New  World.  "  He  would  not  abate  one  tittle  of 
his  princely  exactions."  The  heathen  might  die  unconverted, 
and  their  souls  be  eternally  damned,  unless  he  obtain  all  he 
asked,  and  his  demands  were  most  exorbitant.  "We  cannot  won 
der  that,  when  the  sovereigns  heard  this  remarkably  disinterested 
offer,  it  "  caused  them  to  smile  "  in  mingled  pity  and  contempt 
at  the  arrogance  of  the  "  pauper  pilot,"  who  proposed  to  raise  a 
vast  army  at  his  own  (or  rather  the  sovereigns')  expense,  yet 
had  not  a  maravedi  wherewith  to  purchase  a  decent  doublet  to 
appear  in  their  presence. 

And  if  religion  had  little  to  do  with  his  undertaking,  science 
had  still  less.  Notwithstanding  his  boasted  learning  in  all  that 
pertains  to  geography,  astronomy,  navigation,  the  form  and  size 
of  our  planet  (and  he  and  his  biographers  certainly  set  up  high 
claims),  he  stands  before  the  world  as  a  deliberate  falsifier  of  the 
learning  of  his  age,  in  order  that  he  may  appear  wise  at  the 
expense  of  the  truth  of  history ;  and,  nevertheless,  succeeds  in 
writing  himself  down  most  ignorant  in  the  very  sciences  wherein 
he  claims  superhuman  knowledge.  We  have  seen  his  theory  as 
to  the  earth's  shape  elsewhere.  He  writes : 

"  I  affirm  that  the  globe  is  not  spherical." 

And,  to  crown  all  his  learned  affirmations,  he  says : 

"  The  world  is  but  small.  Out  of  seven  divisions,  the  dry 
part  occupies  six,  and  the  seventh  is  entirely  covered  by  water. 
Experience  has  shown  it,  and  I  have  written  it  with  quotations 
from  the  Holy  Scripture."  m 

His  theories  on  the  compass  are  unique  : 

"This  morning,"  writes  Fernando,  "the  Dutch  compasses, 
varied,  as  they  used  to  do,  a  point,  and  those  of  Genoa,  that 
used  to  agree  with  them,  varied  but  a  very  little ;  but  after 
ward,  sailing  east,  vary  more,  which  is  a  sign  we  are  one  hun 
dred  leagues  or  more  west  of  the  Azores.  .  .  . 

"  The  Dutch  needles  varied  a  point,  those  of  Genoa  cutting 
the  north-pole." 

These  variations  Columbus  attributes  to  the  "  several  sorts  of 
loadstone  the  needles  are  made  by,  for,  till  they  come  just  to 

167  Letter  to  the  sovereigns,  July  7,  1503. 


HIS  THEORY  OF  THE   COMPASS.  363 

that  longitude,  they  all  varied  a  point,  and  there  some  held  it ; 
and  those  of  Genoa  cut  the  north  star." 

"I  believe,"  continues  this  learned  navigator,  ''the  star 
(pole)  has  the  quality  of  the  four  quarters,  as  has  the  needle, 
which,  if  touched  to  the  east  side,  points  to  the  east,  and  so  of  the 
west  and  south;  and,  therefore,  he  that  makes  the  compass 
covers  the  loadstone  with  a  cloth,  all  but  the  north  part  of  it, 
viz.,  that  which  has  the  virtue  to  make  steel  point  north." ] 

It  would  be  difficult  to  imagine  any  thing  more  ambiguous 
and  absurd  than  this  affected  science  and  real  ignorance.  This 
ignorance,  which  is  so  palpable  to  us,  has  not  been  so  ignored 
by  learned  men  as  most  biographers  of  Columbus  would  lead  us 
to  suppose.  Las  Casas  calls  him  "  an  unlettered  admiral." 
Humboldt  says  he  was  "  a  wholly  unlettered  seaman,"  and  that 
"  he  was  but  little  familiar  with  mathematics  ;  "  that  he  "  made 
false  observations  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Azores,"  and  re 
gards  him  as  "  in  absolute  want  of  a  knowledge  of  natural  his 
tory."  M.  de  Lorgues,  a  member  of  the  Imperial  Academy  of 
Sciences,  is  "  astonished  at  the  ignorance  of  Columbus,"  and  we 
have,  on  the  same  authority,  that  "several  navigators  of  his 
time  were  regarded  as  his  superiors  in  public  opinion." 

It  is  amusing  to  observe  how  ingeniously  the  admirers  of 
Columbus  pass  over  some  circumstances,  conceal  or  distort 
others,  that  all  things  may  work  together  to  prove  the  greatness 
of  their  hero.  Witness  the  case  of  the  two  eclipses.  The  one 
he  rightly  predicts  to  the  Indians  is  regarded  as  proof  of  his 
wonderful  scientific  knowledge ;  the  miscalculation  of  eighteen 
degrees  he  makes  in  computing  the  other,  is  ascribed  to  his 
incorrect  "  tables  of  eclipse." 

His  biographers  would  have  the  world  believe  that  his  career 
of  piracy  was  rendered  reputable  by  reason  of  the  alleged  preva 
lence  of  that  crime — that  it  was  a  fashion  into  which  Christian 
nations  had  fallen — and  lead  us  to  infer  that  it  was  a  popular  if 
not  a  commendable  vocation.  The  error  of  such  a  conclusion  is 
apparent.  Rienzi  (the  last  of  the  tribunes)  and  the  good  people 
of  his  time  were  opposed  to  piracy,  as  Gibbon,  in  his  "  Decline 
and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,"  bears  witness  in  the  following 
relation : 

"Martin  Ursini  had  pillaged  a  shipwrecked  vessel  at  the 

lea  «  Historia  del  Amirante,"  chapter  Ixiii. 


364:  LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

mouth  of  the  Tiber.  His  name,  the  purple  of  the  two  cardinals 
(his  uncles),  a  recent  marriage,  and  a  mortal  disease,  were  dis 
regarded  by  the  inexorable  tribune  who  had  chosen  his  victim. 
The  public  officers  dragged  him  from  his  palace  and  nuptial 
bed.  His  trial  was  short  and  satisfactory.  The  bell  of  the  Capi 
tol  convened  the  people.  Stripped  of  his  mantle,  on  his  knees, 
and  his  hands  bound  behind  his  back,  he  heard  the  sentence  of 
death,  and,  after  a  short  confession,  Ursini  was  led  awray  to  the 
gallows.  After  such  an  example,  none,  who  were  conscious  of 
guilt,  could  hope  for  impunity,  and  the  flight  of  the  wicked,  the 
licentious,  and  the  idle,  soon  purified  the  city  and  territory  of 
Rome.  .  .  .  At  this  time,"  the  historian  tells  us,  "Rome  was  still 
the  metropolis  of  the  Christian  world." 

If  such  were  the  punishment  incurred  by  one  who  had  plun 
dered  an  abandoned  vessel,  what  should  have  been  visited  upon 
the  plunderer  of  the  Flanders  galleys,  the  slaughterer  of  their 
crews,  who  had  been  guilty  of  many  former  piratical  crimes  ? 

How  can  we  expect  to  read  the  truth  regarding  a  man  whose 
faults,  ignorance,  and  crimes,  are  thus  dealt  with  ?  After  encoun 
tering  many  of  these  inconsistencies  (and  they  abound  in  the 
various  histories  of  the  man)  we  naturally  lose  confidence  in  all 
the  statements,  particularly  of  a  laudatory  character,  which  these 
too  partial  historians  have  made. 

"What  did  Columbus  originate,  save  fiction  ?  Certainly  not 
the  idea  of  a  western  passage  to  India,  for  Fernando  tells  us 
that "  the  second  motive  that  encouraged  the  admiral  ....  was 
the  great  authority  of  learned  men  who  said  that  it  was  possible 
to  sail  from  the  western  coast  of  Africa  and  Spain,  westward,  to 
the  eastern  bounds  of  India,169  and  much  more  to  the  same  pur 
pose. 

The  form  and  size  of  the  earth,  the  proportions  of  land  and 
water  of  which  it  is  composed,  were  earlier  known  and  better 
understood  by  others  than  by  himself;  nor  did  he,  we  have 
shown,  discover  the  variations  of  the  magnetic  needle.  Most 
assuredly  he  did  not  discover  America,  or  the  islands  adjacent 
thereto,  as  we  have  already  made  manifest  by  relating  the  cir 
cumstances  which  put  him  in  possession  of  the  fact  that  lands 
lay  at  such  a  distance  to  the  west. 

Gain  was  his  great  object,  love  of  gold,  not  science  or  reli- 

189  "  Historia  del  Amirante,"  chapter  vii. 


COLUMBUS    WOULD  PURCHASE  PARADISE.  365 

gion,  his  motive  power.  Gold  was  his  god ;  to  acquire  riches 
he  became  a  pirate  and  a  slave-dealer,  and  the  same  desire 
prompted  him  to  profess  religion,  attend  mass,  and  repeat  all  the 
canonical  hours — these  were  but  baits  wherewith  he  sought  to 
catch  the  precious  metal.  He  affects  to  believe  that  with  gold 
he  may  purchase  even  the  kingdom  of  heaven.  He  writes  to 
the  sovereigns : 

"  Gold  is  the  most  precious  of  all  commodities ;  gold  consti 
tutes  treasure,  and  he  who  possesses  it  has  all  he  needs  in  this 
world,  as  also  the  means  of  rescuing  souls  from  purgatory  and 
restoring  them  to  the  enjoyments  of  paradise." 

We  do  not  wonder  at  the  crimes  of  the  man  who  propounds 
such  a  doctrine.  Inordinate  love  of  gold  will  surely  steel  the 
heart  to  all  the  noble  impulses  of  humanity,  but  we  must  won 
der  that  such  a  man  should  be  admired  and  lauded  ;  above  all, 
that  he  should  become  a  candidate  for  canonization. 

His  whole  conduct  relative  to  his  "  great  and  glorious  under 
taking  "  was  deceit :  he  traded  upon  information  received  from 
one  who  could  no  longer  assert  his  claims,  and  extorted  the 
most  extravagant  rewards  as  the  price  of  revealing  such  informa 
tion. 

The  eulogists  of  Columbus,  perceiving  how  obstinately  he 
persisted  in  asserting  that  he  had  visited  Asia,  and  desiring  to 
prove  him  honest,  even  if  ignorant,  say  that  he  died  in  the  per 
suasion  that  he  really  had  reached  Asiatic  India.  His  son,  how 
ever,  never  supposed  such  to  be  the  case,  but  that,  "because  he 
knew  all  men  were  sensible  of  the  riches  and  wealth  of  India, 
therefore  by  that  name  he  sought  to  tempt  their  Catholic  majes 
ties,  by  telling  them  he  went  to  discover  India  by  way  of  the 
West."  This  statement  is  apparently  truthful.  Columbus  pro 
fessed  to  be  sailing  to  Asia  to  pour  its  wealth  into  the  coffers  of 
Spain  ;  and  what  merchandise  did  he  take  with  him  to  exchange 
for  the  precious  wares  of  the  richest  lands  of  the  earth  ?  Glass 
beads  !  Hawk-bells !  Trifles  it  would  be  an  insult  to  offer  any 
but  the  most  primitive  races.  It  must  be  evident  to  every  re 
flective  mind  that  such  worthless  baubles  were  never  intended  to 
be  the  medium  of  trade  and  barter  with  the  enlightened  mer 
chants  of  the  East.  The  idea  is  preposterous,  and  the  fact  that 
Columbus  supplied  himself  with  them  shows  plainly  that  he  had 
not  only  been  informed  of  the  location  of  the  islands  he  pro- 


366  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

fessed  to  discover,  but  also  of  the  nature  of  tlieir  inhabitants.  He 
availed  himself  of  the  protection  and  treasure  of  Spain  and  the 
Pinzons,  avowedly  that  he  might  sail  to  India  by  a  western  pas 
sage,  an  idea  which  had  been  popular  with  the  Portuguese  for 
many  years,  but  with  the  real  object  of  reaching  lands  in  the 
West,  of  the  existence  and  situation  of  which  he  had  perfect 
knowledge. 

He  would  have  been  more  than  ordinarily  ignorant  not  to 
have  known  that  the  latitude  and  longitude  of  the  Canaries,  or 
Fortunate  Islands,  as  well  as  of  the  port  in  India  to  which  he 
professed  to  be  sailing,  had  been  determined  many  centuries, 
and  that,  therefore,  seven  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  west  of  the 
former  could  not  bring  him  to  India  beyond  the  Ganges.  That 
he  desired  others  to  think  this  is,  however,  evident,  from  the 
shameful  oath  he  required  his  men  to  take  in  the  island  of  Cu 
ba.  Moreover,  in  his  letter  to  his  son  Diego,  in  which  he  urges 
the  latter  to  profit  by  the  influence  of  Amerigo  Vespucci  at 
court,  after  enjoining  secrecy,  he  says,  "Let  his  majesty  be 
lieve  that  his  ships  were  in  the  richest  and  best  parts  of  the 
Indies."  This  information,  which  appears  to  us  fully  to  reveal 
the  systematic  deceit  of  Columbus,  has  been  considerably  soft 
ened  by  the  English  translators  of  his  letter.  They  render 
"  crea  su  majestad,  let  his  majesty  believe  "  (crea  being  the  im 
perative  of  the  verb),  by  the  words  "his  majesty  believes" 
which  renders  the  phrase  more  ambiguous,  and  the  fraud  en 
joined  not  so  palpable. 

The  deceitful  and  treacherous  acts  of  Columbus  pervade  his 
whole  career.  His  contemporaries  rarely  gave  credence  to  his 
statements,  and  he  himself  did  not  expect  to  be  believed  by  those 
who  knew  him  well,  as  is  made  manifest  by  the  swinish  evidence 
of  his  veracity  which  he  thought  necessary  to  send  his  men  in 
Jamaica.  Nor  is  this  incredulity  to  be  wondered  at  when  we 
reflect  upon 'the  absurdity  of  many  of  his  assertions.  He  laid 
claim  to  supernatural  powers,  and  professed  to  believe  in  sorcery : 

"  In  Cariari  and  the  neighboring  country,  there  are  great  en 
chanters  of  a  very  fearful  character." 

His  son  tells  us  the  Porrases  persuaded  their  followers  in 
Jamaica  that  "  the  coming  of  the  caravel  with  news  of  Diego 
Mendez  might  make  no  impression  on  them.  They  intimated 
to  them  that  it  was  no  true  caravel,  but  a  phantom  made  by  art- 


COLUMBUS  A  MAGICIAN. 


367 


magic,  the  admiral  being  very  skillful  in  that  art.170  "We  need 
not  dwell  upon  the  lack  of  dignity  which  Columbus' s  claim  to 
such  a  knowledge  makes  evident. 

The  two  prevailing  traits  of  his  character,  hypocrisy  and  de 
ceit,  rarely,  if  ever,  exist  without  their  accompanying  vices, 
cowardice  and  cruelty ;  and  he  is  no  exception  to  the  rule,  as 
the  shocking  cruelty  with  which  he  murdered  Moxico  and  en 
slaved  the  Indians,  the  perfidy  which  he  displayed  in  the  capture 
of  the  chief  Caonabo,  with  many  other  of  his  acts,  will  prove, 
while  his  quailing  before  Eoldan — conferring  upon  him  office, 


CONVEESION  OF  THE  HEATHEN.— (From  De  Biy's  Las  Casas.) 

lands,  slaves,  and  other  property,  giving  him  certificates  of  good 
character  and  conduct,  while  secretly  traducing  him  to  the  sover 
eigns—leaves  no  doubt  of  his  cowardice. 

Humanity  stands  appalled  at  his  frightful  manifestations  of 
cruelty,  even  as  they  are  faintly  portrayed  by  his  too  partial 
biographers.  That  delight  in  blood  and  thirst  for  gain  which  led 
him  to  embrace  the  life  of  a  pirate  and  slave-catcher  for  the  first 
fifty  or  sixty  years  of  his  life,  did  not  abandon  him  when  he  as 
sumed  the  mission  of  Christ-bearer. 

"  Historia  del  Amirante,"  chapter  cvi. 


368 


LIFE    OF   COLUMBUS. 


If  we  need  proof  of  this  let  us  picture  to  ourselves,  for  a 
moment,  those  beautiful  islands,  their  glowing  vegetation  and 
balmy  climate,  as  first  seen  by  Columbus.  The  peaceful  and 
innocent  inhabitants  received  him  with  childlike  wonder  and 
noble  hospitality,  imagining,  alas !  that  those  white-winged  ships 
bore  messengers  from  the  skies.  They  eagerly  tendered  gifts, 
among  which  were  the  little  ornaments  of  gold  which  were  to  be 
the  cause  of  all  their  misery ;  for  no  sooner  did  the  eyes  of  Co 
lumbus  rest  upon  them,  than  he  formed  extravagant  ideas  of  the 
riches  he  was  to  acquire  without  labor.  Let  us  turn  our  eyes, 


CONVERSION  OF  THE  HEATHEN. — (From  De  Bry's  Las  Casas.) 

then,  upon  these  same  beautiful  islands  when  this  blood-thirsty 
pirate,  who  blasphemously  assumed  the  name  of  "Christ- 
bearer,"  had  sown  desolation  among  them ;  when  the  shrieks  of 
the  tortured,  the  groans  of  the  captives  who  labor  unceasingly, 
the  cries  of  women  and  maidens  whom  husbands  and  fathers 
dare  no  longer  protect,  resound  within  their  once  peaceful  shores ; 
when  he  whom  they  had  supposed  a  messenger  from  heaven, 
has  brought  among  them  the  miseries  of  hell ;  and,  as  we  mark 
the  contrast,  and  remember  how  all  this  cruelty  is  wrought  in 
the  name  of  religion,  the  man  Columbus  inspires  us  with  such 
horror  and  disgust  that  we  are  amazed  there  should  exist  histo- 


NATIVES  SORELY   OPPRESSED. 


369 


rians  who  cry  out  with  pity  and  indignation  when  he  is  sent 
from  the  scenes  of  his  crimes  in  chains,  yet  find  neither  pity  nor 
indignation  for  his  thousand  victims  whose  chains  had  been  their 
least  sufferings. 

Let  us  remember,  too,  that,  of  the  people  whom  he  thus  tor 
tured  and  enslaved,  Columbus  had  once  written  : 

"  So  loving,  so  tractable,  so  peaceful  are  these  people  that  I 
swear  to  your  majesties  there  is  not  in  the  world  a  better  na- 


"Now  (the  captive  cazique)  being  bound  to  the  post,  in  order  to  his  execution,  a  certain  holy  monk, 
•of  the  Franciscan  order,  discoursed  with  him  concerning  God  and  the  articles  of  our  faith,  .  .  . 
promising  him  eternal  glory  and  repose  if  he  truly  believed  them,  or  otherwise  everlasting  tor 
ments.  After  that  Hathney  had  been  silently  pensive  some  time,  he  asked  the  monk  whether 
the  Spaniards  also  were  admitted  to  heaven,  and  he  answering  that  the  gates  of  heaven  were 
open  to  all  that  were  good  and  godly,  the  cazique  replied,  without  further  consideration,  that  he 
would  rather  go  to  hell  than  heaven,  for  fear  he  should  associate  in  the  same  mansion  with  so  san 
guinary  a  nation."— (LAS  CASAS,  "  Crudelitates  Hispanorum.") 

tion.  They  love  their  neighbors  as  themselves,  their  discourse  is 
ever  sweet  and  gentle,  and,  though  it  is  true  they  are  naked,  yet 
their  manners  are  decorous  and  praiseworthy." 

There  are  natures  whose  faults  we  admit,  but  whose  noble 
qualities  outbalance  those  faults — whose  very  failings  seem  to 
render  them  more  attractive,  as  being  rather  noble  excesses  than 
defects.  Truly  great  and  noble  men  are  often  assailed  by  the 


370 


LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 


public,  and  condemned  by  party-spirit ;  but  we  always  find  that 
those  who  were  nearest  them,  seeing  them  daily  in  familiar  in 
tercourse,  were  devoted  and  admiring,  alike  through  prosperity 
and  adversity.  Thus  the  weeping  followers  of  the  great  Napo 
leon  are  proud  to  share  his  dreary  exile  on  the  lonely  rock  of 
St.  Helena;  but  how  different  is  the  case  with  Columbus! 
Those  who  knew  him  the  most  intimately,  despised  him  the 
most  openly  and  cordially.  We  do  not  find  that  he  stood  nobly 
by  one  friend,  or  indeed  that  he  ever  entertained  such  a  noble 
feeling  as  friendship.  When  he  had  obtained  all  that  was  possi 
ble  from  those  who  befriended  him,  they  were  requited  by  gross 
ingratitude  or  forgetfulness.  Pinzon,  who  was  the  first  to  pro 
tect  him,  he  repaid  so  cruelly  as  to  cause  that  noble  man  to 
die  broken-hearted.  Diego  Mendez,  who  saved  his  life  in  Ja 
maica,  received,  as  reward,  promises  that  were  never  fulfilled. 
The  long  list  of  those  who  associated  with  him  in  the  islands 
is  but  a  long  list  of  quarrels.  We  look  in  vain  through  his 
life  for  any  trait  or  action  that  would  endear  him  to  the  hearts 
of  men,  for  one  deed  that  may  be  regarded  as  the  impulse  of 
a  great  and  noble  mind  or  generous  heart ;  we  find  nothing 
but  low  cunning,  arrogance,  avarice,  religious  cant,  deceit,  and 
cruelty. 


THE  HEATHEN  CONTESTED.— (From  Philopono,  "  Nova  Typis,"  etc.,  1621.) 


CHAPTEE  XXX. 

LAWSUIT   OF   THE   HEIRS   OF   COLUMBUS   WITH   THE   CROWN. 

As  we  have  so  repeatedly  declared  that  not  only  did  Colum 
bus  forfeit  his  right  to  the  titles  of  viceroy,  admiral,  etc.,  by  his 
own  misconduct,  but  that  the  sovereigns  were  powerless  to  con 
fer  upon  him  such  rank  and  titles  in  perpetuity,  it  may  be  well 
to  note  the  events  which  took  place  touching  his  claim  after 
his  death. 


CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.— (From  an  Italian  Work.) 

The  importance  of  his  negotiations  and  controversies  with 
the  sovereigns  has  been,  very  much  magnified ;  these  controversies 
were  the  legitimate  fruits  of  the  ill-advised  and  illegal  bargain 
ing  we  have  already  recorded  as  taking  place  between  Isabella 
and  Columbus.  The  latter  appears  to  have  been  as  ignorant  in 
law  as  in  other  matters;  he  had  a  wholesome  dread  of  lawyers, 
and  seems  to  have  believed  that,  whatever  he  should  succeed  in 


372  LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

inserting  in  his  contract  with  the  queen,  would  be  valid.  He 
was  confident  that  the  sovereigns  had  power,  not  only  to  put 
value  upon  base  metal,  but,  as  an  old  book  hath  it,  "  to  give 
estimation  to  a  mean  person,  by  conferring  upon  him  a  mark  of 
honor  and  dignity."  in 

Had  his  wisdom  predominated  over  his  avarice,  he  would 
have  asked  such  reasonable  compensation  and  reward  as  his 
services  might  merit,  and  the  crown  might  legally  promise. 
Such  a  contract  could  have  been  enforced  by  the  courts  of  law, 
but  such  was  not  the  character  of  the  one  in  question.  There 
can  be  little  doubt  that  Columbus  too  late  discovered  the  invalid 
character  of  his  claim.  "We  have  seen  how  unwilling  he  was  to 
have  any  but  himself  declare  its  import ;  he  would  not  even  sub 
mit  the  question  to  his  tried  friend,  the  Bishop  of  Palencia. 
The  lameness  of  the  subterfuge  with  which,  after  consenting  to 
arbitration  and  selecting  the  arbiter,  he  finally  declared  that  it 
was  only  the  question  of  revenue 172  he  was  willing  to  submit  to 
the  decision  of  the  latter,  leaves  little  doubt  as  to  the  merits  of 
the  case,  particularly  when  we  find  Ferdinand,  though  wrell 
aware  of  the  friendship  existing  between  the  bishop  and  Colum 
bus,  cheerfully  consenting  to  abide  by  his  decision. 

It  is  difficult  to  ascertain  upon  what  basis  Columbus  expected 
the  question  of  revenue  to  be  decided.  It  depended  upon  the 
validity  of  the  original  contract ;  if  that  were  void,  no  rents  were 
due — but  it  is  vain  to  seek  logic,  law,  or  reason,  in  his  demands  ; 
no  attention  was  paid  to  them  during  his  lifetime,  no  deference 
shown  to  his  opinions ;  new  instructions  were  sent  to  Ovando, 
of  which  he  was  kept  in  ignorance.  At  one  time,  his  claims 
were  referred  to  the  council  for  the  discharge  of  the  queen's 
conscience.  This  junta  seems  to  have  consulted,  but  no  action 
was  taken ;  it  could  hardly  discharge  the  conscience  of  .the  de- 

171  Brydall,  "  Law  of  Nobility  and  Gentry,"  1675,  p.  58. 

172  Las  Casas  would  excuse  or  explain  the  conduct  of  Columbus  in  this  wise :  "  By 
which  I  understand  that  he  did  not  think  it  necessary  to  put  the  latter  point "  (his  titles) 
"  in  dispute,  his  right  to  it  being  clearly  manifest."  We  fear  that  the  logic  of  the  Bishop 
of  Chiapa  is  here  somewhat  on  a  par  with  that  of  Columbus,  when  we  reflect  that  he 
comes  to  this  conclusion  well  knowing  that  the  latter  had  for  years  annoyed  the 
court,  by  incessant  application  in  person  and  by  letter,  for  the  recognition  of  his  so- 
called  rights,  and  that  the  crown  had  as  constantly  refused  to  reinstate  him.     In  other 
words,  we  are  called  upon  to  believe  that  Columbus  regarded  a  matter  as  beyond  dis 
pute  which  had  been  repeatedly  decided  against  him,  which  decision  he  sought  to 


DIEGO   COLUMBUS  SUES  THE   CROWN.  373 

funct  sovereign  by  reversing  her  judgment,  and  placing  in  power 
a  man  who  had  rebelled  against  her  authority. 

But,  not  only  does  it  appear  that  Colunibus's  claims  were 
unjustifiable — the  contract  on  which  they  were  based  illegal — 
it  is  also  evident  that,  admitting  it  to  be  just  and  valid,  he  had 
failed  to  perform  what  had  been  stipulated  as  its  basis;  had 
acted  upon  false  pretenses;  had  traded  upon  knowledge  received 
from  the  dead  pilot ;  and  had,  moreover,  so  misconducted  him 
self,  that  to  intrust  him  with  power  or  government  would  be 
a  gross  injustice  to  the  people  over  whom  he  should  be  placed. 

Notwithstanding  these  facts,  after  his  death,  his  son  Diego 
presented  himself  as  heir-apparent  to  the  honors  from  which  his 
father  had  been  deposed,  and  for  two  years  preferred  his  claims 
without  avail.  In  1508,  he  resolved  to  enter  upon  a  proceeding 
from  which  his  father  shrank,  and  declared  to  be  "  a  controversy 
with  the  wind ; "  namely,  to  endeavor  to  establish  his  claim  by 
law. 

He  therefore  summoned  King  Ferdinand  to  appear  before 
the  Council  of  the  Indies,  and  show  cause  why  he,  the  said  Die 
go,  should  not  be  inducted  into  the  offices  and  honors  from  which 
his  father  had  been  ejected.  We  have  not  been  able  to  learn 
that  this  body  possessed  judicial  powers — we  believe  it  did  not ; 
certainly  it  could  not  legally  try  the  most  important  suit  "  the 
world  has  ever  witnessed,"  as  too  partial  historians  are  wont  to 
term  it.  The  crown,  however,  appears  to  have  waived  the  ques 
tion  of  jurisdiction,  and  to  have  consented  to  plead  to  the  merits 
of  the  case,  even  before  an  inferior  commission. 

The  royal  plea  appears  to  have  been  in  itself  sufficient  to 
determine  the  case  against  Columbus  in  any  court  of  law  or 
equity.  It  was  as  follows : 

1.  That,  if  the  contract  of  1492  purported  to  grant  to  Colum 
bus,  or  his  heirs,  the  viceroyalty  and  admiralty  in  perpetuity, 
such  grant  was  void,  being  hostile  to  the  best  interests  of  the 
state,  and  in  violation  of  a  solemn  statute  enacted  and  promul 
gated  at  Toledo  in  1480,  wherein  it  was  ordained  that  no  office 
involving  the  administration  of  justice  should  be  granted  in  per 
petuity  ;  therefore,  that  these  powers  and  privileges  could  only 
be  granted  to  Columbus  during  his  lifetime,  and  had  been  most 
justly  taken  from  him  during  that  period  on  account  of  his  cru 
elty  and  disloyalty. 


374  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

2.  That  such  grants  were  contrary  to,  and  in  excess  of,  the 
inherent  prerogative  of  the  crown,  and  subversive  of  the  rights 
of  the  Cortes  and  people,  of  which  the  latter  could  not  be  di 
vested.178 

This  royal  plea  appears  to  strike  at  the  root  of  the  matter, 
and  to  have  been  unanswerable.  In  it  the  acts  of  the  crown  are 
subjected  to  the  solemn  test  of  the  law,  and  Ferdinand  declares 
the  act  of  the  late  queen  to  be  void  in  the  eye  of  the  law. 

To  this  Diego  made  replication  that  "  the  contract  was  bind 
ing,"  but  cited  neither  law  nor  precedent  by  which  to  sustain  his 
replication,  for  the  reason,  we  suppose,  that  none  existed.  "  As 
to  the  allegation  that  his  father  had  been  deprived  of  his  vice- 
royalty  for  his  demerits,  it  was  false,  and  his  being  sent  from  the 
islands  by  Bobadilla  was  audacious."  Such  is  his  extremely  legal 
and  forcible  response,  a  somewhat  "  audacious "  one,  as  it  will 
be  remembered  that  Bobadilla  had  performed  no  acts  for  which 
he  had  not  royal  authority,  and  that  his  conduct  had  been  tacitly 
approved  by  Isabella,  as  she  neither  reinstated  Columbus  in 
power,  nor  consented  that  he  should  return  to  Hispaniola. 

It  needs  no  very  expert  lawyer  to  perceive  that  such  a  repli 
cation  could  not  have  the  least  weight  in  a  legal  decision,  as  it 
was  not  sustained  by  judicial  authority ;  while  the  plea  of  the 
crown  was  unanswerable,  because  founded  upon  the  supreme  law 
of  the  land. 

Another  question,  however,  was  agitating  the  public  mind, 
and  seemed  to  strike  at  the  rights  of  Spain.  It  was  very  gener 
ally  asserted  that  Columbus  had  not  been  the  first  to  discover 
these  lands :  contemporary  writers  not  only  claimed  this  honor 
for  living  navigators,  but  actively  revived  the  memory  of  the  dead 
pilot.™  These  assertions,  if  proved  correct,  would  have  made 
manifest  the  fact  that  Spain  had  obtained  the  lands  by  fraud, 
and  that  Alexander  YI.  had  granted  the  deed,  and  drawn  the 
famous  line  of  demarcation  on  the  false  testimony  of  Columbus. 

The  crown,  perfectly  secure  against  the  claims  of  Diego,  on 
the  strength  of  the  above  plea,  wisely  considered  it  to  her  inter 
ests  that  the  latter  should  make  out  a  case,  which,  while  securing 
to  Spain  all  the  advantages  accruing  from  the  falsehoods  and 

173  Ferdinand  had,  moreover,  been  required  to  take  the  royal  oath  which  forbade 
him  to  nominate  a  foreigner  to  office. 

174  Spotorno,  "  Historia  Memoria,"  p.  29  ;  Irving,  Appendix  No.  2. 


TESTIMONY  IN  THE   CASE.  375 

treachery  of  Columbus,  could  not  materially  benefit  his  heirs. 
For  this,  Ferdinand  considered  the  present  a  fit  opportunity, 
and,  while  largely  interested  in  Columbus's  being  proclaimed  the 
original  discoverer,  he  asserts  that  he  was  not,  in  order  to  enable 
Diego  to  prove  that  he  was. 

About  one  hundred  witnesses  were  examined.  The  final 
decision  was  in  favor  of  Columbus,  the  testimony  being,  accord 
ing  to  most  historians,  "overwhelmingly  in  his  favor."  We 
may,  however,  be  permitted  to  doubt  the  truth  of  this  assertion, 
notwithstanding  the  ultimate  decision,  which  was,  as  we  have 
said,  in  accordance  with  the  real  wishes  of  Ferdinand. 

We  have  not,  like  Mr.  Irving,  had  the  advantage  of  examin 
ing  the  original  documents  of  this  suit.  It  may,  however,  be 
presumed  that  Navarrete,  whose  "  Coleccion  Diplornatica  "  of  all 
papers  relating  to  the  discoveries,  was  made  with  the  avowed 
object  of  still  further  establishing  the  glory  of  Columbus,  has 
given  a  tolerably  complete  resume  of  the  testimony,  and  that, 
if  any  hiatus  exists,  it  is  not  the  result  of  the  omission  of 
any  thing  favorable  to  the  cause  of  the  latter.  This  testimony 
we  have  carefully  examined,  and  cannot  agree  with  those  histo 
rians  who  declare  it  to  be  "  overwhelmingly  in  favor  of  Colum 
bus."  Notwithstanding  their  assertion,  and  the  ultimate  decision 
by  the  Council  of  the  Indies  in  favor  of  his  son,  we  rather  re 
gard  it  as  proving  how  small  a  part  of  the  glory  or  merits  of  the 
enterprise  he  was  entitled  to.  No  history  written  in  the  Eng 
lish  langunge  has  heretofore  considered  it  necessary  to  give  this 
testimony  to  the  public — the  eulogists  of  Columbus  wisely  con 
sidered  it  could  not  but  be  detrimental  to  his  cause  in  the  eyes 
of  an  intelligent  reader.  They  have,  therefore,  contented  them 
selves  with  recording  their  perusal  of  it,  and  declaring  it  to  be 
overwhelmingly  in  favor  of  their  hero. 

While  the  testimony  taken  by  the  fiscal  (an  officer  who  ap 
pears  to  have  occupied  a  position  combining  the  duties  of  an 
attorney-general  and  solicitor  of  the  treasury)  is  pertinent,  am 
ple,  and  circumstantial,  much  of  it  tending  to  completely  over 
turn  the  popular  belief  with  regard  to  Columbus,  the  testi 
mony  on  the  part  of  Diego  is  as  vague,  irrelevant,  and  imperti 
nent,  as  are  his  interrogatories.  The  witnesses  examined  for  the 
crown  are  also  men  of  some  status,  testifying  to  what  they  have 

seen  and  know ;  while  those  examined  for  Diego  are,  with  one  or 
25 


376  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

two  exceptions,  ignorant  men,  who  generally  testify  to  what  they 
have  heard  said.  The  important  parts,  indeed  nearly  the  whole 
of  this  testimony,  has  been  disregarded,  either  by  accident  or 
design,  by  the  mass  of  historians,  which  leads  us  to  suppose  that 
their  partiality  is  not  altogether  unwitting. 

We  have  said  the  crown  was  most  desirous  (even  at  the  sac 
rifice  of  being  apparently  defeated  by  a  subject)  to  have  the 
claims  of  Columbus,  as  prior  discoverer,  established.  There  is 
one  circumstance  connected  with  this  lawsuit  which  strongly 
supports  our  statement.  Yespucci,  the  learned  cosmographer 
and  navigator,  the  one  man  who  could  best  have  shattered  Co 
lumbus's  pretensions  to  having  been  the  first  to  visit  terra  firma, 
was  not  summoned  as  a  witness,  when  sailors  before  the  mast, 
and  ignorant  men,  were  made  to  testify.  The  malign ers  of 
Yespucci  seek  to  prove  by  this  that  he  was  little  thought  of ; 
that  the  idea  of  his  being  the  first  to  reach  America  was  too  pre 
posterous  to  have  been  entertained ;  for,  say  they,  had  he  been  the 
discoverer,  had  the  voyages  he  relates  in  his  letters  been  really 
made,  the  crown,  so  largely  interested  in  disproving  Columbus's 
claims,  would  have  called  him  as  a  witness.  This  reasoning  is, 
however,  erroneous;  it  assumes  the  crown  to  have  been,  in 
truth,  interested  in,  and  desirous  of,  annihilating  the  claims  of 
Columbus.  This  was  evidently  not  the  case,  for  Amerigo  was 
not  examined,  and  the  omission  to  do  so  was  not  owing  to 
his  being  considered  of  too  little  importance,  or  to  the  knowl 
edge  or  belief  that  he  had  not  visited  terra  firma  before  Colum 
bus  ;  for  he  was,  at  that  time,  filling  a  most  important  office  in 
recognition  of  the  services  he  had  rendered  during  his  voyages: 
he  had  been  appointed,  not  only  surveyor-general  of  coasts  in 
the  new  lands,  but  inspector  and  corrector  of  charts ;  all  for 
mer  charts  had  been  abolished  (Columbus's  among  the  number), 
and  a  penalty  imposed  upon  pilots  sailing  by  any  others  than 
those  made  or  authorized  by  Yespucci.  This  amply  proves,  not 
only  the  esteem  in  which  his  maritime  knowledge  and  experi 
ence  were  held,  but  also  that  the  counsel  for  the  crown  would 
not  have  overlooked  him,  had  the  latter  been  in  truth  anxious 
to  overthrow  the  claims  of  Columbus ;  and  that  the  forgetful- 
ness  was,  therefore,  intentional. 

In  view  of  these  facts,  and  as  a  sample  of  the  pertinence  and 
validity  of  the  testimony  in  favor  of  Columbus,  we  may  cite 


ABILITY   OF  MARTIN  ALONZO  PINZON.  377 

that  of  Francisco  Morales,  styled  by  Irving  "  one  of  the  best 
and  most  creditable  of  all  the  pilots,"  who,  notwithstanding 
what  we  have  already  stated  as  to  charts  of  the  new  lands,  and 
Vespucci's  supervision  of  them,  testified  that  he  had  seen  a  sea- 
chart,  made  by  Columbus,  of  the  coast  of  Paria,  and  "  he  'believed 
all  governed  themselves  by  it." 

The  testimony  taken  by  \hsfiscal  is  extremely  interesting — 
it  gives  us  an  insight  into  the  opinions  entertained  of  Columbus 
and  other  voyagers  by  the  pe'ople  who  sailed  with  them;  it 
brings  forward,  in  bold  relief,  the  noble  qualities  of  that  gener 
ous  victim  of  Columbus' s  ingratitude  and  avarice,  Martin  Alonzo 
Pinzon  ;  it  is  from  this  source  that  we  learn  to  what  an  extent 
Columbus  was  indebted  to  him ;  we  find  here  a  corroboration  of 
the  story  of  the  dead  pilot,  and  proof  that  Columbus  sailed  by  a 
chart  in  which  a  certain  route  was  laid  down,  not  on  a  voyage  of 
discovery,  the  results  of  which  were  vague  and  uncertain ;  we 
also  learn  how  unjustly  the  mariner,  Roderigo  de  Triana,  who 
first  sighted  land,  was  deprived  of  his  reward. 

All  this  is  related  in  the  most  circumstantial  manner  by  the 
various  witnesses,  who,  as  they  relate  minute  occurrences,  repeat 
portions  of  conversation,  give  a  life-like  and  truthful  coloring  to 
their  testimony,  while  the  witnesses  for  Diego,  with  a  few  ex 
ceptions,  merely  affirm  or  deny  in  general  terms,  as  his  inter 
ests  demand.  As  examples  of  interest,  we  may  take  the  follow 
ing: 

Fourteenth  interrogatory  for  the  crown,  which  requires  the 
witnesses  to  affirm  or  deny  "  whether  they  know  that,  after  go 
ing  to  court,  the  admiral  returned  to  Palos,  where  he  found 
none  who  would  give  him  ships,  nor  crews  who  would  accom 
pany  him,  and  that  the  said  Martin  Alonzo,  to  serve  their  high 
nesses,  gave  him  his  -two  ships,  and  determined  to  go  with  him, 
with  his  relations  and  friends,  because  the  said  admiral  promised 
him  the  half  of  all  the  privileges  that  their  highnesses  had  prom 
ised  if  land  were  found,  and  had  shown  him  the  said  privileges." 

Eight  witnesses  testify  to  a  knowledge  of  the  above  facts. 
A  fair  sample  of  all  the  testimony  is  that  of  Diego  Penton,  who 
testifies  that  "  he  knows  the  above,  because  he  saw  and  was  pres 
ent  ;  but  whether  Martin  Alonzo  gave  his  ships,  because  the  ad 
miral  showed  his  privileges,  this  witness  knows  not,  for  he  saw 
them  go  on  the  voyage,  and  knows  that  the  said  Martin  Alonzo 


378  LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

Pinzon  went  with  the  said  admiral,  and  this  he  knows,  that,  but 
for  him,  the  said  admiral  had  not  gone  then  to  discover." 

The  fifteenth  interrogatory  requires  the  witnesses  to  testify 
whether  they  know  that  on  the  voyage  the  admiral,  not  finding 
land  where  he  had  expected,  asked  Martin  Alonzo  what  they 
should  do. 

Twelve  witnesses  testify  more  or  less  minutely  to  the  points 
made  in  this  interrogatory.  Francisco  Yallejo  says  that,  "being 
two  hundred  leagues,  more  or  less,  distant  from  land,  after  leav 
ing  the  Canaries,  the  Admiral  Don  Cristobal  Colon  spoke  with 
all  the  captains,  and  with  the  said  Martin  Alonzo,  and  said  to 
them,  'What  shall  we  do?'  This  was  on  the  6th  of  October, 
of  the  year  '92,  and  said :  '  Captains,  what  shall  we  do,  for  my 
people  complain  bitterly  ?  What  do  you  advise  ? '  And  that 
then  Yincent  Yanez  said  :  '  Let  us  go  forward,  sir,  two  thousand 
leagues,  and,  if  then  we  find  not  what  we  are  in  search  of,  we 
may  return.'  Then  said  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon,  who  went  as 
chief  captain :  'How,  sir?  We  have  but  just  left  the  town  of 
Palos,  and  already  you  are  discouraged !  Forward,  sir !  God 
will  give  us  victory !  God  forbid  that  we  should  return  with 
such  shame ! '  Then  answered  the  said  admiral,  Don  Christo 
pher  Columbus,  c  May  good  fortune  attend  you ! '  And  thus, 
through  the  said  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon,  they  went  forward." 

The  seventeenth  interrogatory  requires  the  witness  to  testify 
"  whether  the  said  admiral  asked  Martin  Alonzo  whether  they 
were  pursuing  a  right  course,  and  that  the  said  Martin  Alonzo 
said  no;  that  he  had  many  times  told  him  that  they  were  not 
going  right,  but  that  they  should  tack  to  the  southwest,  and 
would  then  find  the  land ;  and  that  the  said  admiral  answered, 
6  Let  us  do  so  ! '  and  that  they  then  changed  the  course,  by  the 
advice  of  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon,  who  was  a  man  very  learned 
in  matters  pertaining  to  the  sea." 

Of  ten  witnesses  who  testify  to  the  above,  the  most  succinct 
is  Francis  Garcia  Yallejo,  who  says  that  "  he  was  present  and 
heard  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon  say  to  the  said  admiral  on  this  voy 
age,  '  Sir,  in  my  opinion,  we  should  steer  to  the  southwest ;  we 
shall  then  find  land ' — that  the  said  Admiral  Don  Christopher 
Columbus  answered :  '  Let  it  be  so,  Martin  Alonzo ;  let  us  do 
so ' — and  that  then,  by  the  advice  of  Martin  Alonzo,  they 
changed  the  course  to  the  southwest ;  and  he  knows  it  was  by 


CASE  DETERMINED  AGAINST  THE   CROWN.  379 

the  advice  and  industry  ,of  the  said  Martin  Alonzo,  because  he 
was  a  man  very  learned  in  sea-matters ;  and  all  this  he  knows 
because  he  was  present." 

Again,  it  is  proved  by  answers  to  the  eighteenth  interroga 
tory  that,  three  or  four  days  after  the  said  change  of  course  di 
rected  by  Martin  Alonzo,  the  island  of  Guanahani  was  reached. 
To  this  fifteen  witnesses  testify. 

Nor  do  we  fail  to  find,  in  the  testimony  of  this  lawsuit,  evi 
dence  of  the  petty  spite  to  which  Columbus  could  descend.  It 
is  therein  asserted  that,  Martin  Alonzo  having  given  his  name 
to  a  river  in  Hispaniola,  "  the  admiral  changed  the  name  of 
the  said  river  and  port,  because  the  said  Martin  Alonzo  had 
discovered  it,  and  that  there  might  remain  no  remembrance 
of  him ;  nor  would  he  allow  any  of  his  crew  to  call  the  port 
Martin  Alonzo,  but  Puerto  de  Gracio,  that  there  might  be 
no  memorial  of  Martin  Alonzo,  discoverer  of  the  island  of  His 
paniola." 

The  extracts  we  have  given  are  samples  of  the  general  char 
acter  of  the  testimony,  as  the  reader  may  ascertain  by  a  perusal 
of  the  whole,  as  contained  in  Navarrete. 

The  Council  of  the  Indies,  however,  decided  the  case  in  favor 
of  Diego  ;  but  were  the  results  such  as  would  have  accrued  had 
the  decision  been  given  by  a  court  of  law  powerful  against,  as  well 
as  for,  the  crown  ?  In  other  words,  were  they  such  as  to  lead  us  to 
suppose  the  decision  had  been  given,  in  spite  of  the  prestige  and 
power  of  the  sovereign,  by  a  court  able  to  enforce  the  execution  of 
its  decrees  ?  They  were  not.  The  Council  of  the  Indies  decided 
that  Columbus  was  the  first  discoverer.  This  legalized  and  set 
at  rest  the  claim  of  Spain  to  the  lands  said  to  have  been  dis 
covered,  but  the  plaintiff  was  in  no  wise  benefited  by  the  deci 
sion  in  his  favor — he  still  continued  penniless,  still  importuned 
humbly  and  in  vain  ;  he  was  neither  recognized  viceroy,  nor  did 
he  touch  any  of  the  revenue,  nor  enter  into  any  of  the  offices 
which  would  have  been  his,  maugre  any  resistance  on  the  part 
of  Ferdinand,  had  his  lawsuit  been  a  valid  one. 

It  was  to  a  totally  different  cause  that  he  owed  the  final  rec 
ognition  of  his  claims — he  married  into  the  family  of  Alva.  The 
members  of  this  proud  house  were  powerful  as  proud,  and, 
through  their  influence,  the  much-coveted  titles  of  viceroy  and 
admiral  were  accorded  to  the  husband  of  their  kinswoman  ;  but 


380  LIFE   OF  COLUMBUS. 

these  titles  were  shorn  of  any  thing  approaching  the  power  they 
would  seem  to  imply. 

O  van  do  was  recalled,  and  Diego  and  his  wife,  his  half- 
brother  Fernando,  and  his  uncles  Bartholomew  and  Diego,  set 
sail  for  the  new  lands  in  1509.  The  prestige  of  the  lady's  high 
birth  and  influential  friends  surrounded  them  with  a  numerous 
retinue,  composed  largely  of  young  damsels,  who,  possessed  of 
more  rank  than  fortune,  were  about  to  seek  rich  husbands  in  the 
Western  islands. 

Diego  appears  to  have  inherited  his  father's  quarrelsome  and 
tyrannous  disposition.  His  administration,  restricted  as  was 
his  power,  soon  became  oppressive  and  odious,  so  that,  within  a 
few  months  of  his  arrival,  a  tribunal  (entitled  the  Eoyal  Audi 
ence)  was  established,  to  which  appeals  from  the  government 
might  be  taken. 

Diego,  autocratic  and  unreasonable,  resented  this  as  an 
infringement  upon  his  rights.  He  became  involved  in  law 
suit  after  lawsuit  with  the  fiscal,  so  that  Herrera  declares 
"he  might  truly  say  he  was  heir  to  the  troubles  of  his  fath 
er,"  to  which  may  be  added  that  he  was  no  less  an  heir  to 
those  vices  of  his  father  of  which  the  troubles  were  a  natural 
consequence. 

At  length  the  difficulties  became  so  serious  that  Diego  asked 
leave  to  appear  at  court  and  defend  himself.  His  request  was 
granted,  and  in  1515  he  returned  to  Spain,  where  he  remained 
five  years,  at  the  end  of  which  time  he  was  again  allowed  to  re 
turn  to  the  islands ;  but  he  had  not  been  long  at  the  head  of 
affairs  when  he  was  charged  with  a  design  to  usurp  the  gov 
ernment  and  throw  off  allegiance  to  Spain — a  charge  which 
appears  to  have  been  sufficiently  well  founded  for  the  Council 
of  the  Indies  to  consider  it  necessary,  not  only  severely  to  repri 
mand  him,  but  also  to  command  him,  under  penalty  of  forfeiting 
all  his  privileges,  to  place  matters  of  government  as  they  were 
under  Ovando.  This  order  was  to  be  proclaimed  and  enforced 
by  officers  of  the  crown,  in  the  island,  even  though  Diego  should 
refuse  to  regard  it.  The  latter  was  ordered  home  to  give  an 
account  of  his  stewardship.  Regarding  the  recall  as  peremptory, 
he  obeyed,  and  remained  in  Spain,  where,  till  his  death,  in 
1526,  he  wearied  the  court  with  requests  similar  to  those  of  his 
father,  and  for  like  reasons  as  fruitless. 


TIME,  IN  THE  MAIN,  JUST.  381 

His  infant  son  Luis,  aged  six  years,  was  declared  Admiral  of 
the  Indies.  This  lad,  on  reaching  the  age  of  reason,  appears  to 
have  had  more  good  sense  and  a  truer  perception  of  the  state  of 
affairs,  and  the  legitimate  extent  of  his  claims,  than  his  progeni 
tors.  He  wisely  gave  up  all  pretensions  to  viceroy alty  and  rev 
enue,  and  remained  in  Spain,  receiving  in  lieu  of  these  the  title 
of  Duke  of  Yeragua  and  Marquis  of  Jamaica,  with  a  pension 
of  a  thousand  doubloons  of  gold.  He  died  leaving  no  legiti 
mate  issue,  and  henceforth  the  Columbos  are  engaged  in  litiga 
tion  among  themselves,  till,  in  1608,  the  Council  of  the  Indies 
declared  the  male  line  to  be  extinct,  and  ^N"uno  or  Nugno  Gelves 
de  Portogallo,  grandson  of  Isabella,  third  daughter  of  Diego,  son 
of  Christopher  Columbus,  was  invested  with  the  titles  and  pen 
sion  aforesaid. 

Thus,  Time,  which  is,  in  the  main,  just,  settled  at  last  the 
question  which  had  so  vexed  the  pirate  admiral  during  his  brief 
day,  in  a  manner  somewhat  compatible  with  its  merits.  Had 
Columbus,  in  the  inception,  stipulated  for  possibilities,  the  valid 
ity  of  his  contract  would  probably  never  have  been  questioned ; 
he  would  not  have  sunk  to  the  depth  of  misery  and  degradation 
in  which  death  overtook  him,  nor  would  an  enthusiastic  throng 
of  eulogists  have  been  called  upon  to  place  him  among  the  noble 
army  of  martyrs.  Yet,  as  he  deceitfully  took  advantage  of  the 
information  received  or  purloined  from  the  unfortunate  pilot 
who  died  in  his  house  at  Madeira  ;  as  he  took  to  himself  all  the 
merit  and  honors  of  the  enterprise,  recognizing  and  acknowl 
edging  neither  the  source  of  his  knowledge  nor  the  assist 
ance  he  received  from  contemporaries,  he  was,  we  think,  as  de 
serving  of  his  fate  as  he  is  undeserving  of  the  plaudits  of  pos 
terity. 

For  three  hundred  years  his  fame  has  steadily  increased.  It 
has  reached  its  culmination ;  and  already,  from  more  than  one 
quarter,  reaction  in  favor  of  truth  has  made  itself  felt. 

Though  the  writer  was,  perhaps,  the  first  in  the  field,  and 
may  have  more  thoroughly  and  exhaustively  than  another  ex 
amined  into  the  case  of  Columbus  versus  his  contemporaries, 
with  a  view  of  seeing  some  justice  done  to  the  latter,  yet  he  has 
not  been  quite  alone — other  and  powerful  blows  have  been 
struck  at  the  idol  which  the  imagination  and  superstition  of  gen 
erations,  with  the  assistance  of  ecclesiastical  power,  have  erect- 


382 


LIFE  OF  COLUMBUS. 


ed.  The  field  is  a  fresh  and  fruitful  one.  Coming  research  will 
every  year,  the  author  is  convinced,  confirm  the  statements  and 
justify  the  reasoning  contained  in  this  work,  which  is  the  im 
perfect  fruit  of  several  years'  study  and  research  devoted  to  the 
subject. 


PORTRAIT  OF  COLUMBUS.— (From  a  German  Work.) 


APPENDIX, 


A  RECAPITULATION  of  the  works  consulted  by  the  author  in  the  prepara 
tion  of  this  volume  would  unnecessarily  swell  its  proportions ;  it  may  suffice 
to  say  that  he  has,  during  a  period  of  more  than  seven  years,  had  access  to 
many  of  the  best  libraries  of  Western  Europe,  especially  the  Bibliotheque 
Imp6riale,  Paris ;  the  British  Museum,  London  ;  Bibliotheque  Royale,  Brus 
sels  ;  together  with  the  valuable  collections  at  Venice,  Naples,  Milan,  Turin, 
Florence,  etc.,  etc. 

In  the  preparation  of  that  portion  of  Chapter  II.  which  treats  of  the  mar 
iner's  compass,  the  author  was  aided  by  an  Oriental  scholar  of  great  erudi 
tion,  whose  name  he  has  not  authority  to  mention,  but  whose  learning  and 
valuable  assistance  are  held  in  grateful  remembrance. 

THE   ILLUSTBATIONS. 

It  was  the  intention  of  the  author,  at  one  time,  to  have  published  this 
work  in  London.  To  this  end  the  illustrations  (with  the  exception  of  those 
on  pages  250  and  270)  were  made  in  Belgium  (some  designed,  others  copied, 
and  all  engraved)  by  the  late  Wm.  Brown,  of  Brussels.  Some  of  those  copied 
would  seem,  from  the  peculiarity  of  their  subjects,  or  of  the  works  from 
which  they  have  been  taken,  to  deserve  some  slight  mention  or  explanation. 

The  cuts  upon  pages  69,  76,  83-89,  are  chiefly  copies  from  earlier  works 
upon  the  Northmen. 

On  page  96  is  illustrated  the  account  given  by  Fernando  Columbus  (in  his 
"  Historia  del  Amirante,"  chapter  ii.)  of  the  destruction  of  a  polyglot  edition 
of  the  Psalter,  published  at  Genoa  in  1516.  Among  other  reasons  alleged  for 
the  destruction  of  the  writings  of  Giustiniani,  besides  that  of  calling  Colum 
bus  a  mechanic,  Fernando  charges  him  with  telling  "  thirteen  lies ;  "  though, 
in  a  majority  of  the  cases  cited  by  him,  the  truth  appears  to  have  been  on 
the  side  of  the  author  of  the  Psalter.  For  instance,  says  Fernando:  "He" 
(Giustiniani)  "charges  that  the  admiral  took,  by  force  of  arms,  on  his  first 
voyage,  a  canoe  or  Indian  boat  he  saw,  whereas  it  appears  that  he  had  no  war 
the  first  voyage  with  any  Indians,  and  continued  in  peace  and  amity  with  them 
till  the  day  of  his  departure  from  Hispaniola" 

After  the  above  statement,  made  avowedly  in  the  vindication  of  sacred 
truth,  it  is  refreshing  to  turn  to  the  self-constituted  vindicator's  thirty-sixth 


384  APPENDIX. 

chapter,  the  heading  of  which  reads :  "  Of  the  first  skirmish  between  the 
Christians  and  Indians,  which  happened  about  the  gulf  of  Samana,  in  His- 
pianola,"  and  which  forms  a  part  of  his  account  of  the  first  voyage.  The 
skirmish  in  question  took  place  on  Sunday,  and  appears  to  have  been  one  of 
the  Sabhath-day  diversions  of  the  pious  admiral. 

Fernando  writes:  "On  Sunday,  the  13th  of  January,  being  near  the 
cape  called  Enamorado,  the  admiral  sent  the  boat  ashore,  where  our  men 
found  some  Indians,  with  fierce  countenances,  on  the  shore,  with  bows  and 
arrows,  who  seemed  to  be  ready  to  engage,  but,  at  the  same  time,  were  in  a 
consternation.  However,  having  some  conference  with  them,  they  bought 
two  of  their  bows  and  arrows,  and  with  much  difficulty  prevailed  to  have 
one  of  them  go  aboard  the  Admiral."  A  party  of  men  were  sent  on  shore. 
"  When  our  men  landed,  the  Indian  that  had  been  aboard  made  the  others 
lay  down  their  bows  and  arrows,  and  a  great  cudgel  they  carry  instead  of  a 
sword  ;  for,  as  has  been  said,  they  have  no  iron  at  all.  When  they  came  to 
the  boat,  the  Christians  stepped  ashore,  and,  having  begun  to  trade  for  bows 
and  arrows  by  order  of  the  admiral,  the  Indians,  who  had  already  sold  two, 
not  only  refused  to  sell  any  more,  but,  with  scorn,  made  as  if  they  would 
seize  the  Christians,  and  ran  to  their  bows  and  arrows  where  they  had  left 
them,  taking  up  with  them  ropes  to  bind  our  men.  They,  being  upon  their 
guard,  seeing  them  come  in  that  fury,  though  they  were  but  seven,  fell  cou 
rageously  upon  them,  and  cut  one  with  a  sword  on  the  buttock,  and  shot  an 
other  with  an  arrow  in  the  breast.  The  Indians,  astonished  at  the  resolution 
of  our  men,  and  the  wounds  our  weapons  made,  fled  most  of  them,  leaving 
their  bows  and  arrows ;  and  many  of  them  had  been  killed,  had  not  the  pilot 
of  the  caravel,  who  commanded  the  boat,  protected  them.  The  admiral  was 
not  at  all  displeased  at  this  skirmish,  imagining  these  were  the  Caribs  all 
the  other  Indians  so  much  dreaded,  or  that  at  least  they  bordered  on  them, 
they  being  a  bold  and  resolute  people,  as  appeared  by  their  aspect,  arms, 
and  actions ;  and  he  hoped  that  the  islanders,  hearing  how  seven  Christians 
had  behaved  themselves  against  fifty-five  fierce  Indians  of  that  country, 
would  the  more  respect  and  honor  our  men  that  were  left  behind  at 
Nativity." 

Thus  it  is  evident  that  it  was  he,  Fernando,  and  not  Giustiniani,  who  in 
this  case  spoke  falsely. 

The  seventh  lie  charged  by  Fernando  is,  that  he  stated  that  the  admiral 
"  returned  by  way  of  the  Canary  Islands,  which  is  not  the  proper  way  for 
those  vessels  to  return ;  "  yet  he  did  so  return,  as  appears  by  the  following 
extract : 

"  God  gives  victory  to  all  those  who  walk  in  his  paths,  as  is  clear  in  this 
case.  I  have  now  found  and  seen  the  islands  of  which  so  many  fables  have 
been  told.  Next  to  God,  I  am  most  indebted  to  the  King  and  Queen  of 
Spain.  The  discovery  is  so  great  that  the  whole  of  Christendom  ought  to 
keep  festivals  and  praise  the  Holy  Trinity.  An  immense  number  of  people 
will  be  converted  to  the  Christian  faith.  Moreover,  great  material  gains  will 
be  obtained.  On  the  2d  they  had  frost  and  hail-storms  in  the  Canary  Isl 
ands. — Calavera,  on  the  Canary  Islands,  15th  February  (1493). 


APPENDIX.  385 

"P.  S. — Encountered  such  a  storm  on  the  Spanish  seas,  that  I  was 
obliged  to  lighten  the  ships  by  throwing  the  cargo  overboard.  Have  been  for 
tunate  enough  to  gain  the  port  of  Lisbon.  Will  write  to  the  King  and  Queen 
of  Castile.— March  14  (1493)."— (Christopher  Columbus  to  the  Escribano  de 
Radon  of  the  Islands  of  the  Indies.} 

The  eighth  lie  is  made  chiefly  to  grow  out  of  the  statement  of  Giustiniani 
that  the  admiral  sent  a  messenger  to  the  Spanish  sovereigns,  informing  them 
of  his  discoveries  and  return,  while  "he  himself  was  the  messenger,"  says 
Fernando  ("Historia  del  Amirante,"  chapter  ii.).  But,  in  chapter  xl.  of 
the  same  work,  we  read:  "He"  (the  admiral')  "came  to  an  anchor  in  the 
river  of  Lisbon  upon  Monday,  the  4th  of  March,  and  presently  sent  away  an 
express  to  their  Catholic  Majesties  with  the  news  of  his  arrival." 

The  tenth  lie  charged  by  Fernando  is,  that  Giustiniani  stated  that  the 
admiral  "arrived  in  Hispaniola  in  twenty  days,  which  is  a  very  short  time  to 
reach  the  nearest  island,  and  he  performed  it  not  in  two  months,"  etc.,  etc. 

Columbus,  in  a  letter  to  the  sovereigns,  writes  as  follows :  "My  passage 
from  Cadiz  to  the  Canaries  occupied  four  days,  and  thence  to  the  Indies,  from 
which  I  wrote,  sixteen  days." 

Fernando  continues : 

"  So  that,  by  his  negligence  and  heedlessness  in  being  well  informed,  and 
writing  the  truth  of  these  particulars,  which  are  so  plain,  we  may  easily  dis 
cern  what  inquiry  he  made  into  that  which  was  so  obscure,  wherein  he  con 
tradicts  himself,  as  has  been  made  to  appear.  But,  laying  aside  this  contro 
versy,  wherewith,  I  believe,  I  have  by  this  time  tired  the  reader,  we  will 
only  add  that,  considering  the  many  mistakes  and  falsehoods  found  in  the 
said  Giustiniani's  history  and  Psalter,  the  Senate  of  Genoa  has  laid  a  penalty 
upon  any  person  that  shall  read  or  keep  it ;  and  has  caused  it  to  be  carefully 
sought  out  in  all  places  it  has  been  sent  to,  that  it  may,  by  public  decree,  be 
destroyed  and  utterly  extinguished.  I  will  return  to  our  main  design,  con 
cluding  with  this  assertion,  that  the  admiral  was  a  man  of  learning  and  great 
experience  ;  that  he  did  not  employ  his  time  in  handicraft  or  mechanic  exer 
cises,  but  in  such  as  became  the  grandeur  and  renown  of  his  wonderful  ex 
ploits  ;  and  will  conclude  this  chapter  with  some  words  taken  out  of  a  letter 
he  wrote  himself  to  Prince  John  of  Castile's  nurse,  which  are  these  :  '  I  am  not 
the  first  admiral  of  my  family ;  let  them  give  me  what  name  they  please ;  for, 
when  all  is  done,  David,  that  most  prudent  king,  was  first  a  shepherd,  and 
afterward  chosen  King  of  Jerusalem,  and  I  am  servant  of  that  same  Lord  who 
raised  him  to  such  dignity.'  " 

As  the  reader  may  wish  to  know  more  of  the  obnoxious  writings  of  Gius 
tiniani,  we  make  the  following  extracts  from  his  note  in  the  Psalter  to  the 
fourth  verse  of  the  nineteenth  psalm,  referred  to  on  pages  94  and  95  of  this 
work: 

"Now,  as  Columbus  often  declared  himself  to  be  chosen  of  God,  that 
through  him  should  be  fulfilled  this  prophecy,  I  have  thought  it  not  inappro 
priate  to  insert  here  some  account  of  his  life.  Christopher,  surnamed  Colum 
bus,  of  the  state  of  Genoa,  born  of  low  parentage,  it  was  who,  in  our  time, 
by  his  industry,  explored,  in  a  few  months,  more  of  land  and  ocean  than  al- 


386  APPENDIX. 

most  all  the  rest  of  mortals  in  all  by-gone  ages.  This  wonderful  fact  rests  not 
on  the  testimony  of  soine  vessels,  but  has  been  investigated  and  proved  by 
the  passing  and  repassing  of  whole  fleets  and  armies.  Columbus,  in  his  boy 
ish  years  having  been  taught  just  the  lowest  rudiments  of  learning,  as  he 
grew  up,  devoted  himself  to  navigation  (i.  e.,  piracy}.  Afterward,  his  brother 
having  gone  to  Portugal,  and  set  up  at  Lisbon  in  the  business  of  drawing 
maps  for  the  use  of  mariners,  representing  the  seas,  coasts,  and  harbors,  Co 
lumbus  in  this  way  Teamed  from  him  the  configuration  of  the  coasts  and  the 
position  of  the  islands,  which  his  brother  had  probably  ascertained  from 
many  persons  who  were  in  the  habit  of  going  every  year  from  Portugal,  by 
royal  authority,  to  explore  the  unknown  lands  of  Ethiopia,  and  the  remote 
shores  of  the  ocean  between  the  south  and  west,  he  being  often  in  conversa 
tion  with  them.  ...  As  soon  as  Columbus  was  sufficiently  exactly  made 
aware  of  these  things  "  (here  we  have  a  glimpse  of  the  history  of  the  dead  pilot), 
"he  at  length  made  known  to  certain  grandees  of  the  court  of  Spain  what  he 
had  in  contemplation,  stipulating,  however,  that  suitable  provision  should  be 
made  by  the  king,  and  to  be  prompt  in  doing  it,  before  the  Portuguese  should 
make  their  preparations  to  go  amony  these  new  peoples,  and  penetrate  fresh 
regions  hitherto  unknown.  The  intelligence  of  this  scheme  was  promptly 
communicated  to  the  king,  who,  both  from  jealousy  of  the  Portuguese  and 
from  ambition  of  this  sort  of  honor  of  new  discoveries,  and  of  the  glories 
which  would  accrue  to  him  and  his  successors  from  this  enterprise,  was 
allured  into  the  negotiation  with  Columbus ;  and,  after  it  had  lasted  a  long 
time,  he  commanded  two  vessels  to  be  equipped'.  With  these  Columbus,  set 
ting  out,  steered  to  the  Fortunate  Islands ;  thence  he  took  his  departure, 
navigating  a  very  little  oft'  the  west  line  to  the  left,  between  southwest  and 
west ;  when  farther  out,  however,  farther  from  southwest,  and  almost  due 
west.  When  the  voyage  had  continued  a  great  many  days,  and,  by  their 
reckoning,  they  had  already  made  four  thousand  miles  (say  twenty-five  hun 
dred  English)  in  a  direct  line,  the  rest  of  the  company  lost  hope,  and  desired 
to  turn  back ;  but  he  persisted  in  the  enterprise,  and,  as  far  as  he  could 
judge,  he  undertook  to  promise  that  they  were  not  more  than  one  day's 
navigation  from  some  continental  lands  or  islands.  His  words  did  not  fail  to 
be  realized.  ..."  Here  follows  a  more  or  less  correct  account  of  the  islands 
discovered  and  their  inhabitants,  of  Columbus's  return  to  Spain  and  departure 
on  his  second  voyage,  when,  continues  Giustiniani,  "Spain  now  sent  out  into 
a  hitherto  innocent  world  the  poison  of  its  vices,  pride,  and  debauchery;  not 
content  with  their  triumph  in  this  our  continent,  sailed  away  in  quest  of 
hitherto  pure  and  harmless  nations,  and  the  woods  which  could  barely 
satisfy  our  greed,  being,  as  it  were,  exhausted  by  incessant  hunting ;  sent 
forth  into  the  most  remote  regions  that  wild-boar,  among  those  whose  appe 
tites  had  till  now  been  without  excitement.  But  there  also  sailed  those 
who  could  heal,  by  the  art  of  JEsculapius,  the  people  of  the  diseases  that 
were  to  come  upon  them— the  prey  of  lust  and  avarice  (see  note  ICG). 
They  also  carried  out  seeds  and  shoots  of  trees ;  but  wheat,  as  was  after 
ward  ascertained,  wherever  sown,  grew  first  to  a  great  height  immediately, 
and  shortly  afterward  withered  and  vanished  away,  as  if  Nature  condemned 


APPENDIX.  38T 

the  use  of  new  kinds  of  food,  and  commanded  them  to  be  content  with  their 
roots." 

These  extracts  may  serve  to  give  an  idea  of  some  of  the  earlier  written 
histories  of  Columbus. 

To  return  to  the  illustration  on  page  96,  it  may  be  well  to  add  that  the 
scenes  represented  on  either  side  of  the  burning  Psalter  are  copied  from 
curious  carved  representations  of  tortures  of  the  period  of  Columbus,  which 
are  preserved  at  the  Musee  of  the  Porte  de  Halle,  at  Brussels,  Belgium. 

AMEKIGO    VESPUCCI. 

The  portrait  of  Amerigo  Vespucci  on  page  125  is,  beyond  question,  a  cor 
rect  one ;  the  fact  that  all  the  efforts,  bearing  a  master's  touch,  whether 
sculptured,  cast,  painted,  or  engraved,  purporting  to  represent  him,  are  criti 
cally  identical,  would  seem  to  vouch  for  its  truthfulness,  on  the  same  princi 
ple  as  the  non-similarity  of  all  purported  likenesses  of  Columbus  would  seem 
to  prove  their  falsity.  The  late  Mr.  Brown,  as  well  as  the  school  to  which 
he  belonged,  regarded  it  as  authentic.  It  is  believed  that  there  is  now  in  the 
United  States  an  original  portrait  of  this  great  man,  painted  from  life  by  an 
Italian  artist ;  that  this  portrait  was  until  recently  carefully  preserved  and 
much  prized  by  the  descendants  of  Vespucci,  of  which  there  is  an  unwritten 
history. 

PORTRAIT    IN    THE    BIBLIOTH^QUE    IMP^RIALE. 

On  page  150  is  one  of  the  many  pretended  portraits  of  the  so-called 
Christopher  Columbus ;  it  is  from  an  engraving  in  the  Bibliotheque  Impe>iale, 
Paris,  and  is  declared  by  many  to  be  genuine. 

From  such  study  of  his  character  as  we  have  been  able  to  make,  we  in 
cline  to  the  belief  that  this  creation  is  more  just  to  the  subject  than  any  we 
have  consulted.  Here  "  the  great  navigator  "  is  clad  and  adorned,  so  far  as 
we  may  judge,  in  an  appropriate  manner;  beneath  is  appended  a  fac-simile 
of  that  remarkable  signature  by  which  he  wrote  himself  down  "  THE  CHEIST- 
BEAEEE."  Though  a  hundred  would  not  exaggerate  the  list  of  these  pre 
tended  portraits,  we  have  in  this  work  reproduced  but  eight,  believing  that 
as  these,  though  dissimilar  in  appearance,  are  all  declared  to  be  genuine,  the 
reader  may  as  rightly  judge  from  them  as  from  the  hundred  we  do  not 
reproduce.  "We  shall  only  notice,  in  their  order,  such  of  those  comprised  in 
this  work-as  have  been  the  subject  of  special  mention  or  controversy. 

THE    CHEIST-BEARER. 

The  apparently  somewhat  irreverent  illustration  on  page  153  is  a  portrait 
of  Columbus  in  his  self-styled  character  of  "Christ-bearer,"  copied  from  an 
old  religious  work  wherein  Columbus  is  greatly  glorified.  In  this  scene  the 
pious  artist  seems  to  have  symbolized,  as  clearly  as  possible,  the  name, 
person,  pretended  character,  attributes,  and  mission,  of  our  hero.  A  statue 
similar  in  design  adorns  one  of  the  streets  of  Brussels. 

The  DOVE,  typifying  the  HOLT  GHOST,  as  it  appeared  at  the  baptism  of 


388  APPENDIX. 

Sti  John,  is  especially  significant  in  connection  with  the  subject  of  the 
engraving,  who,  when  changing  his  name  on  abandoning  his  piratical  career, 
appears  to  have  thought  that  he  might  as  well  assume  one  which  should  in 
every  way  typify  his  pretended  mission ;  and  from  the  sacred  symbol  of  the 
dooe,  called  in  Latin  COLTJMBA,  and  undergoing  but  slight  variation  in  dif 
ferent  languages,  our  hero  not  only  took  his  name,  but  would  lay  claim  to 
Divine  ordination.  "He  also  carried  the  olive-branch  and  oil  of  baptism  over 
the  waters  of  the  ocean,  LIKE  NOAH'S  DOVE." — (See  FEENANDO,  "  llistoria  del 
Amirante,"  chapter  i.) 

BUST    OF    COLUMBUS    AT    GENOA  (PAGE   151). 

Thinking  it  might  be  of  interest  to  the  reader  to  know  how  the  portraits, 
as  well  as  the  character,  of  Columbus  are  invented,  we  copy  the  following 
satisfactory  and  dogmatical  mode  of  treating  the  subject  by  Spotorno ;  the 
italics  are  ours: 

"Girolamo  Benzone,  who,  although  he  never  saw  Columbus,  speaks  of 
him  with  such  minuteness,  that  it  is  evident  he  either  copied  some  authentic 
account,  or  derived  his  information  from  the  viva-voce  details  of  Spaniards 
who  had  sailed  with  Columbus,  gives  the  following  account :  '  He  was  a  man 
of  reasonably  good  stature,  of  strong  and  active  body,  sound  judgment,  lofty 
understanding,  and  agreeable  aspect ;  he  had  sparkling  eyes,  red  hair,  aqui 
line  nose,  and  rather  large  mouth ;  above  all,  he  was  a  friend  to  justice,  but 
passionate  when  provoked.' 

"These  particulars,  which  I  communicated  to  the  sculptor,  directed  his 
hand  and  mind  ;  and  his  production  has  succeeded  in  obtaining  distinguished 
praise  from  the  connoisseurs  of  the  fine  arts.  Every  one  possessed  of  a  grain 
of  understanding,  after  seeing  this  head,  which  expresses  the  living  and  true 
lineaments  of  the  hero,  will  throw  aside  every  other  portrait ;  and  especially 
that  engraved  on  wood  given  in  the  '  Eulogies '  of  Giovio,  in  which  the  dis 
coverer  of  America  is  represented  with  a  hood  and  prelate's  gown,. as  if  he 
had  been  a  conventual  friar,  or  a  hermit  of  St.  Augustin."  (SPOTOENO,  "In 
troduction,"  pages  cli.,  clii.) 

MEN  WITH  DOGS'   HEADS,   ETC. 

The  illustration  on  page  210  represents  the  men  with  dogs'  heads,  tails, 
the  lions,  tigers,  and  griffins,  which  Columbus  professed  to  have  seen  in  the 
"Western  Hemisphere. 

COLUMBUS    AND    HIS    EGG  (PAGE  225). 

The  curious  contend  that  the  story  of  the  egg,  illustrations  of  which  have 
adorned  so  many  works  of  art  and  letters,  is  symbolized  on  the  shield  or 
arms  of  the  Columbos,  as  represented  on  page  225.  Ridiculous  as  this  affair 
certainly  is,  it  has  been  made  to  appear,  perhaps  with  some  propriety,  as  one 
of  the  crowning  efforts  of  the  genius  of  the  "great  navigator;"  it  certainly  is 
not  more  absurd  than  many  of  his  well-authenticated  exploits,  and  may,  on 
the  whole,  tend  to  elevate  and  adorn  the  character  of  this  great  man ;  the 


APPENDIX.  389 

fact  that  it  was,  like  the  log-book  of  Alonzo  Sanchez,  purloined  from  the 
dead,  would  seem  to  vindicate  its  fitness  as  an  embellishment  to  the  character 
of  Columbus,  while  its  antiquity  at  his  birth  will  admirably  accord  with  the 
studied  confusion  of  dates  found  in  most  works  which  treat  of  him.  His 
would-be  canonizers,  however,  reject  this  story  as  trivial  and  absurd,  and 
M.  De  Lorgues  thus  relegates  the  anecdote  to  its  true  source : 

"It  was  with  this  solemn  banquet  (supposed  to  have  leen  given  ~by  Cardi 
nal  Mendoza)  that  some  have  connected  the  anecdote  of  the  egg,  that  insipid 
story  to  which  the  memory  of  Columbus  probably  owes  its  greatest  popular 
ity  in  Europe. 

"  One  of  the  party,  it  is  said,  having  asked  him  whether,  if  he  had  not 
discovered  the  Indies,  some  other  person  would  not  have  done  so,  as  his  only 
response  the  admiral  ordered  an  egg  to  be  brought  him,  and. proposed  that  it 
should  be  made  to  stand  on  one  end  on  the  table.  One  after  the  other  of  the 
guests  tried  in  vain ;  then  he  took  it,  and,  breaking  it  a  little  on  one  extremity, 
made  it  stand  on  the  flattened  one.  Such,  in  substance,  is  the  story  as  it  is 
told.  Washington  Irving  hesitates  not  to  give  it  credit.  To  surpass  him,  no 
doubt,  M.  de  Lamartine  has  this  farce  acted  at  the  very  table  of  King  Ferdinand. 

"  "We  will  not  waste  our  time  in  demonstrating  the  absurdity  of  this  tale, 
by  its  utter  improbability.  In  the  first  place,  it  is  without  sense  or  wit ;  it 
proves  nothing,  it  explains  nothing.  No  consequence  to  the  point  can  be  in 
ferred  from  it.  It  is  no  more  an  answer  than  it  is  an  allusion ;  and  presents, 
on  the  whole,  but  a  gross  piece  of  trickery.  It  was  not  by  breaking  an  egg 
at  the  end,  when  the  question  was  how  to  maintain  it  by  its  own  equilibrium, 
that  the  admiral  showed  the  cause  of  the  discovery.  It  was  not  by  this  low 
artifice,  this  want  of  delicacy,  that  he  would  show  his  superiority  of  genius 
and  of  perseverance.  Would  Columbus  have  explained  the  favors  with  which 
Providence  had  loaded  him,  and  justified  the  truth  of  his  theory,  by  a  jug 
gler's  trick?  and,  still  more,  by  a  clumsy  trick,  not  to  say  an  unfair  one? 
The  circumstances  of  time  and  place  tend  no  less  to  contradict  this  silly 
story.  Who  would  have  dared,  whether  at  the  table  of  the  sovereigns  or  at 
that  of  the  grand-cardinal,  to  propose  so  impertinent  a  question  to  the  Vice 
roy  of  the  Indies?  Who  would  have  ventured  a  question  that  would  be  as 
disobliging  as  it  would  be  disrespectful  ?  And  how  could  the  admiral  have 
forgotten  the  rules  of  etiquette  (supposing  the  ' unlettered  seaman''  could 
forget  what  he  never  knew}  to  the  point  of  giving  orders  to  his  august  host, 
and  ask  that  an  egg  be  brought  him?  Was  this  sport  compatible  with  the 
number  and  the  dignity  of  the  guests  ?  None  of  the  Spanish  historians  have 
mentioned  such  a  circumstance.  The  Milanese  Girolamo  Benzoni,  the  only 
old  historian  who  relates  this  miserable  story,  was,  no  doubt,  unable  to  dis 
tinguish  his  former  recollections  from  each  other.  At  any  rate,  the  anecdote 
of  the  egg  is  most  positively  of  Italian  origin ;  we  recognize  it  as  such,  and 
we  have  every  reason  to  believe  that  Columbus  must  have  heard  it  from  the 
lips  of  his  own  mother.  With  some  probability  it  has  been  attributed  to  the 
celebrated  architect  Brunelleschi,  by  whom  the  church  of  Santa  Maria  del 
Fiore  raises  its  cupola  into  the  sky  of  Florence.  Here  the  fact  does  not  seem 
improbable,  however  trifling  it  may  appear.  Around  a  joyous  table  at  a 


390  APPENDIX. 

tavern,  Florentine  artists  may  come  to  these  bantering  questions,  to  these 
jugglings,  where  jesting  holds  the  place  of  reason,  and  where  one  can  avail 
himself  of  '  pill  and  poll,'  rather  than  of  logic.  At  such  a  table  we  can  easily 
conceive  such  a  trivial  trick  to  be  played,  but  not  elsewhere.  Before  us  Vol 
taire  has  said  that  the  story  of  the  egg  was  related  of  Brunelleschi  ('Essai 
sur  les  Moeurs,'  chapter  cxlix.).  Upon  this  point  we  are  entirely  of  his 
opinion." — (DE  LORGUES,  vol.  i.,  book  i.,  chapter  xi.) 

It  is  curious  to  discover,  however,  that  this  trick,  or  mode  of  argument, 
did  not  originate  even  with  Brunelleschi.  The  story  of  the  egg  is  infinitely 
less  witty,  and  seems  to  lose  all  point  by  the  side  of  the  following  anecdote, 
which  refers  to  a  knight  of  the  time  of  the  Crusades :  It  was  at  Cardiff  Castle, 
in  "Wales,  according  to  an  old  Welsh  chronicle,  that  Sir  Foulk  Fitzwarren 
was  speaking  of  toils  encountered  and  hardships  endured  in  warring  with  the 
Saracens,  and  his  knights  murmured,  and  each  one  said  he  could  have  done 
as  much  as  their  chief  had  done.  "But,"  said  Sir  Foulk,  "these  were  noth 
ing  to  one  feat  I  accomplished."  "What  was  that?"  quoth  they  all.  "I 
jumped,"  answered  the  knight,  "from  the  ground  to  the  top  of  yonder 
tower  of  my  castle,  which  you  know  to  be  the  tallest  tower  in  these  parts." 
So  they  laughed  scornfully,  and  gainsayed  his  words.  "If,"  said  the  knight, 
"  you  will  dine  with  me  at  noonday  to-morrow,  I  will  do  it  once  again."  So 
every  one  of  the  knights  came  to  the  feast;  and,  when  they  had  well  eaten 
and  drunken,  "Now  come,"  said  Sir  Foulk,  "with  me,  and  you  shall  see  me 
jump  from  the  ground  to  the  top  of  the  castle-tower."  They  proceeded  to 
the  foot  of  the  stairs,  and  Sir  Foulk  jumped  to  the  top  of  the  first  step,  then 
on  to  another,  and  so  on  until  upon  the  topmost  step.  "  Oh ! "  said  the 
knights,  "we  could  do  that  ourselves."  "So  you  could,"  said  Sir  Foulk, 
u  now  I  have  taught  you  the  way  to  do  it." 

Thus  it  is  that  not  only  history,  but  gossip  and  trivial  anecdote  repeat 
themselves ;  verily,  there  is  no  new  thing  under  the  sun  !  As  usual,  in  such 
cases  as  the  one  we  speak  of,  the  imitation  falls  far  short  of  the  original  in 
pith  and  point. 

THE  MANATI. 

The  fish  or  animal  in  the  illustration,  taken  from  Philopono,  which  appears 
on  page  227  of  this  work,  is  less  apocryphal  than  this  curious  representation 
of  it  would  lead  us  to  suppose.  The  latter  furnishes  an  instance  of  how  diffi 
cult  it  is  to  delineate  correctly  from  mere  written  description,  or  rather,  per 
haps,  a  proof  of  how  largely  the  imagination  was  drawn  upon  in  writing  the 
history  of  the  period  and  lands  of  which  we  treat.  As  the  following  quaint 
and  interesting  passage,  however,  from  Peter  Martyr,  has  apparently  fur 
nished  the  matter  for  a  description  of  the  manati  (a  specimen  of  which  is  now 
to  be  seen  in  Central  Park,  New  York)  in  a  late  magazine  for  the  instruction 
of  youth,  and,  as  the  modern  author,  with  the  creature  before  him,  has  not 
found  it  necessary  to  deviate  materially  from  the  description  given  by  the 
Italian  scholar,  we  have  thought  the  original  might  interest  the  curious: 

"  The  king  of  this  region,  named  Caramatexius,  taketh  great  pleasure  in 
fishing.  Into  his  nets  chanced  a  young  fish,  of  the  kind  of  those  monsters 


APPENDIX.  391 

of  the  sea  which  the  inhabitors  called  manati.  .  .  .  This  fish  is  four-footed, 
and  in  shape  like  unto  a  tortoise,  although  she  be  not  covered  with  a  shell, 
but  with  scales,  and  those  of  such  hardness  that  no  arrow  can  hurt  her.     Her 
scales  are  beset  and  defended  with  a  thousand  knobs,  her  back  is  plain,  and  her 
head  utterly  like  the  head  of  an  ox.     She  liveth  both  in  the  water  and  on  the 
land,  is  slow  of  moving,  of  condition  meek,  gentle,  loving  to  mankind,  and 
of  marvelous  sense  of  memory,  as  are  the  elephant  and  the  dolphin.     The 
king  nourished  this  fish  certain  days  at  home  with  the  bread  of  the  country, 
made  of  yucca  and  panycke,  and  with  such  other  roots  as  men  are  accus 
tomed  to   eat,  for,  when  she  was  yet  young,  he  cast  her  into  a  pool  or 
lake  near  unto  his  palace,  there  to  be  fed  with  the  hand.     This  lake  also  re- 
ceiveth  waters  and  casteth  not  the  same  forth  again ;  it  was  in  time  past 
called  Guarabo,  but  is  now  called  the  Lake  of  Manati,  after  the  name  of  this 
fish,  which  wandered  safely  in  the  same  for  the  space  of  twenty-five  years, 
and  grew  exceeding  big.     Whatsoever  is  written  of  the  dolphins  of  Baian 
or  Arion  are  much  inferior  to  the  doings  of  this  fish,  which,  for  her  gentle 
nature,  they  named  Matum,  that  is,  gentle  or  noble ;  therefore,  whensoever 
any  of  the  king's  familiars,  especially  such  as  are  known  to  her,  resort  to  the 
banks  of  the  lake  and  call  '  Matum !  Matum ! '  then  she  (as  mindful  of  such 
benefits  as  she  hath  received  of  men)  lifteth  up  her  head  and  cometh  to  the 
place  whither  she  is  called,  and  there  receiveth  meat  at  the  hands  of  such  as 
feed  her.     If  any  desire  to  pass  over  the  lake,  and  make  signs  and  tokens  of 
their  intent,  she  boweth  herself  to  them,  thereby,  as  it  were,  gently  inviting 
them  to  mount  upon  her,  and  conveyeth  them  safely  over.     It  hath  been  seen 
that  this  monstrous  fish  hath  at  one  time  safely  carried  over  ten  men,  singing 
and  playing.     But  if,  by  chance,  when  she  lifted  up  her  head,  she  espied  any 
of  the  Christian  men,  she  would  immediately  plunge  down  again  into  the 
water,  and  refuse  to  obey,  because  she  had  once  received  injury  at  the  hands 
of  a  certain  wanton  young  man  among  the  Christians,  who  had  cast  a  sharp 
dart  at  her,  although  she  were  not  hurt  by  reason  of  the  hardness  of  her 
skin — being  rough,  and  full  of  scales  and  knobs,  as  we  have  said ;  yet  did  she 
bear  in  memory  the  injury  she  sustained,  with  so  gentle  a  revenge,  requiting 
the  ingratitude  of  him  which  had  dealt  with  her  so  ungently.     From  that 
day,  whensoever  she  was  called  by  any  of  her  familiars,  she  first  looked  cir 
cumspectly  about  her,  lest  any  were  present  appareled  after  the  manner  of 
the  Christians ;  she  would  oftentimes  play  and  wrestle  upon  the  bank  with 
the  king's  chamberlains,  and  especially  with  a  young  man  whom  the  king 
favored  well,  being  also  accustomed  to  feed  her.     She  would  be  sometimes  as 
pleasant  and  full  of  play  as  it  had  been  a  monkey  or  marmoset,  and  was  of 
long  time  a  great  comfort  and  solace  to  the  whole  island,  for  no  small  confluence, 
as  well  of  the  Christians  as  of  the  inhabitants,  had  daily  concourse  to  behold 
so  strange   a  miracle   of  Nature,  the  contemplation  of  which  was  no  less 
pleasant  than  wonderful.     They  say  that  the  meat  of  this  kind  of  fish  is  of 
good  taste,  and  that  many  are  engendered  in  the  seas  thereabout.     But,  at 
length,  this  pleasant  playfellow  was  lost,  and  carried  into  the  sea  by  the  great 
river  Attibunicus,  one  of  the  four  which  divide  the  island,  for  at  that  time  there 
chanced  so  terrible  a  tempest  of  wind  and  rain,  with  such  floods  ensuing, 


392  APPENDIX. 

-that  the  like  hath  not  been  heard  of.  By  reason  of  this  tempest,  the  river 
Attibunicus  so  overflowed  the  banks  that  it  filled  the  whole  vale,  and  mixed 
itself  with  all  the  other  lakes,  at  which  time,  also,  this  gentle  Matum  and 
pleasant  companion,  following  the  vehement  course  and  fall  of  the  floods,  was 
thereby  restored  to  his  old  mother  and  native  waters,  and,  since  that  time, 
never  seen  again." — (PETEB  MAETYE,  decade  in.,  chapter  viii.) 


PORTRAIT  OF  COLUMBUS   (PAGE  235). 

The  portrait  of  Columbus  which  appears  on  page  235  is  a  faithful  copy 
of  De  Bry's.  While  we  believe,  with  Spotorno,  that  this  portrait  and  its 
history  are  forgeries,  yet  it  appears  to  possess  as  high  claims  to  authenticity 
as  any  of  the  myriad  of  these  creations  with  which  the  curious  are  familiar. 
Spotorno  comments  justly  upon  the  false  claims  of  this  portrait,  though  the 
conclusions  at  which  he  ultimately  arrives  are  somewhat  original,  if  not  quite 
logical  (see  this  Appendix,  notice  of  cut  on  page  151).  Of  De  Bry  he  writes  : 

"  We  have  no  wish  to  conceal  the  fact  that  Theodore  De  Bry  pretended 
that  he  possessed  a  portrait  of  the  hero,  the  same  that  was  to  be  seen  in  an 
apartment  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  from  which  place,  having  been  stolen, 
and  carried  to  the  Netherlands  for  sale,  it  came  finally  into  the  hands  of  De 
Bry,  who  gave  an  engraving  of  it  in  his  'America.'  This  print  has  been 
copied  in  the  *  Eulogium  of  Columbus,'  by  the  Marquis  Durazzo,  printed  by 
Bodini,  ^Hd  in  the  'Life  of  Bossi,'  published  at  Milan.  There  are  numerous 
reasons  for  impugning  the  authenticity  of  De  Bry's  portrait.  A  man  who 
feels  no  remorse  at  stealing,  and  is  not  even  ashamed  to  avow  himself  a  thief, 
will  be  ready  enough  to  tell  a  lie  for  the  purpose  of  extorting  a  few  ducats 
from  a  credulous  amateur.  The  history  of  the  Spanish  painters  gives  no 
countenance  to  this  thief  s  story.  But  what  is  more,  on  comparing  De  Bry's 
engraving  with  Fernando's  description,  it  will  be  seen  that  they  entirely  dis 
agree.  And  Baron  Yernazza,  having  compared  that  of  De  Bry  with  the  one 
published  by  Bullart,  and  that  given  by  Munoz,  as  well  as  the  Cuccaro  por 
trait,  finds  an  essential  discrepancy  in  the  whole  of  them." — (SPOTOENO,  "In 
troduction,"  pages  cxlv.,  cxlviii.) 

Of  the  many  ridiculous  stories  told  of  these  portraits,  there  is  none  less 
worthy  of  belief  than  that  portion  of  De  Bry's  which  represents  his  to  be  a 
copy  of  one  for  which  Columbus  sat  at  the  instance  of  Ferdinand  and  Isa 
bella.  Had  this  been  so,  the  vanity  of  Fernando  Columbus  would  have 
caused  him  to  enlarge  upon  it  in  his  history,  while  Christopher  would  have 
added,  no  doubt,  to  his  recapitulation  of  the  royal  honors  conferred  upon 
him,  when  exclaiming,  "He  called  me  Don,"  by  continuing,  "  and  asked  me 
to  sit  for  my  portrait  that  he  might  possess  a  memorial  of  his  dear  friend." 
At  any  rate,  his  silence  and  that  of  his  son  on  the  subject  may  be  regarded 
as  proof  positive  that  the  story  of  De  Bry  is  an  invention ;  to  enhance  the 
value  of  this  invention  he  tells  us  that  Columbus  was  an  extraordinary  ge 
nius,  and  most  excellent  man — upright,  "  pure,  and  noble-minded,  and  an 
earnest  friend  of  peace  and.  justice."  This  last  assertion  will  enable  those 


APPENDIX.  393 

who  are  competent  to  judge  of  the  character  of  Columbus,  to  determine  the 
value  of  the  statements  touching  his  portrait. 


SPANISH  CRUELTIES. 

The  numerous  illustrations  of  the  cruelties  perpetrated  on  the  natives  of 
the  Western  Hemisphere  would  seem  to  explain  themselves ;  they  are  taken 
chiefly  from  the  work  on  Spanish  cruelties  in  the  New  "World,  by  Las  Casas, 
illustrated  by  De  Bry. 

"We  may  quote  one  or  two  descriptions  of  the  scenes  represented ;  the 
following,  on  the  cut  on  page  245,  is  from  the  work  of  the  venerable  pre 
late: 

"They  erected  certain  gibbets,  large,  but  low  made,  so  that  their  feet 
almost  reached  the  ground,  every  one  of  which  was  so  arranged  as  to  bear 
thirteen  persons,  in  honor  and  reverence  (as  they  blasphemously  and  deri 
sively  said)  of  our  Redeemer  and  his  twelve  apostles,  under  which  they  made 
a  fire  to  burn  them  to  ashes  while  hanging  on  them ;  but  those  they  intended 
to  preserve  alive  they  dismissed,  having  cut  their  hands  half  off,  leaving  them 
still  hanging  by  the  skin  to  carry  these  as  letters  missive  to  those  that  fly 
from  them  and  lie  skulking  in  the  mountains,  as  a  warning  of  their  fate. 

"  The  lords,  and  persons  of  noble  extraction,  were  usually  exposed  to  this 
kind  of  death  :  they  ordered  gridirons  to  be  placed  and  supported  with  wooden 
forks,  and,  putting  a  small  fire  under  them,  these  miserable  wretches  by  de 
grees,  with  loud  shrieks  and  exquisite  torments,  at  last  expired.  I  once  saw 
four  or  five  of  these  chiefs  laid  on  these  gridirons,  but  the  shrill  clamors 
which  were  heard  there  being  offensive  to  the  captain,  by  hindering  his 
repose,  he  commanded  them  to  be  strangled  with  a  halter.  The  executioner 
(whose  name  and  parents  at  Seville  are  not  unknown  to  me)  prohibited  the 
doing  of  it,  but  stuffed  gags  into  their  mouths  to  prevent  the  hearing  of  the 
noise  (he  himself  making  the  fire)  till  they  died,  when  they  had  been  roasted 
as  long  as  he  thought  convenient.  I  was  an  eye-witness  of  these  and  an 
innumerable  number  of  other  cruelties." 

The  following  passage  in  Herrera  is  illustrated  on  page  253  :  The  Indians  are 
carrying  bread  to  the  Spaniards,  the  latter  "  always  using  to  carry  their  dogs 
along  with  them,  while  the  Indians  were  busy  carrying  the  bread  to  the 
caravel's  boat ;  the  cazique  went  about  with  a  wand  in  his  hand,  hastening  his 
people,  and  a  Spaniard  standing  by,  who  held  a  dog  in  a  chain ;  the  dog, 
observing  the  cazique  in  motion,  and  the  wand  in  his  hand,  offered  several 
times  to  fly  at  him,  so  that  the  Spaniard  could  scarce  hold  him,  and  said  to 
another, '  What  if  we  should  let  him  on  ? '  No  sooner  had  he  spoke,  than  the 
other,  in  jest,  said,  *  At  him  ! '  thinking  he  could  have  held  him  ;  the  dog, 
hearing  the  word,  flew  out  with  all  his  force,  and  breaking  loose  from  the 
Spaniard,  seized  the  cazique  by  the  belly,  tore  out  his  bowels,  and  left  him 
dead,  the  Spaniards  going  away  to  their  caravel." — (HEEEEEA,  decade  i.,  book 
v.,  chapter  ii.) 

Thus  did  the  Spaniards  amuse  themselves! 


APPENDIX. 


LAWS,  SACRED  AND  PROFANE. 

Las  Casas  tells  us  of  the  more  lawful  (?)  and  decorous  manner  of  murder 
ing  the  Indians  for  the  sake  of  their  supposed  wealth.  He  says.: 

"  These  wicked  Spaniards,  like  thieves,  came  to  any  place  by  stealth, 
half  a  mile  off  of  any  city,  town,  or  village,  and  there  in  the  night  published 
and  proclaimed  the  edict  among  themselves,  after  this  manner  :  '  You  caziqnes 
and  Indians  of  this  continent,  the  inhabitants  of  such  a  place  '  (which  they 
named),  '  we  declare  (or  be  it  known  to  you  all)  that  there  is  but  one  God,  one 
pope,  and  one  King  of  Castile,  who  is  lord  of  these  countries.  Appear  forth  with 
out  delay,  and  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  Spanish  king,  as  his  vassals.' 
So  about  the  fourth  watch  of  the  night,  or  three  in  the  morning,  while  these 
poor  innocents  were  overwhelmed  with  heavy  sleep,  they  ran  violently  on  that 
place  they  named,  set  fire  to  the  hovels,  which  were  all  thatched,  and  so, 
without  notice,  burned  men,  women,  and  children,  and  killed  whom  they 
pleased  upon  the  spot  ;  but  those  they  reserved  as  captives  were  compelled, 
through  torments,  to  confess  where  they  had  hid  the  gold,  when  they  found 
little  or  none  at  their  houses,  and  when  the  fire  was  extinguished,  they  came 
hastily  in  quest  of  the  gold." 

Later  in  the  course  of  Spanish  villainies,  pious  divines  elaborated  and 
rendered  this  proceeding  more  formal,  as  will  appear  from  the  subjoined 
copy.  This  paper  was  read  to  the  Indians  by  the  chaplains  of  the  army,  in 
order  to  justify,  if  not  to  sanctify,  the  slaughter  about  to  be  enacted,  of  per 
sons  who  understood  not  a  word  of  this  remarkable  production  : 

"MANIFESTO. 

"I,  servant  of  the  high  and  mighty  Kings  of  Castile  and  Leon,  civilizers 
of  barbarous  nations,  their  messenger  and  captain,  notify  and  make  known 
to  you,  in  the  best  way  I  can,  that  God  our  Lord,  one  and  eternal,  created 
the  heavens  and  earth,  and  one  man  and  one  woman,  from  whom  you,  and 
we,  and  all  the  people  of  the  earth,  were  and  are  descendants,  procreated, 
and  all  those  who  shall  come  after  us  ;  but  the  vast  number  of  generations 
which  have  proceeded  from  them  in  the  course  of  more  than  five  thousand 
years  that  have  elapsed  since  the  creation  of  the  world,  made  it  necessary 
that  some  of  the  human  race  should  disperse  in  one  direction,  and  some  in 
another,  and  that  they  should  divide  themselves  into  many  kingdoms  and 
provinces,  as  they  could  not  sustain  and  preserve  themselves  in  one  alone. 
All  these  people  were  given  in  charge,  by  God  our  Lord,  to  one  person, 
named  Saint  Peter,  who  was  thus  made  lord  and  superior  of  all  the  people 
of  the  earth,  and  head  of  the  whole  human  lineage  ;  whom  all  should  obey, 
wherever  they  might  live,  and  whatever  might  be  their  law,  sect,  or  belief: 
he  gave  him  also  the  whole  world  for  his  service  and  jurisdiction;  and 
though  he  desired  that  he  should  establish  his  chair  in  Rome,  as  a  place  most 
convenient  for  governing  the  world,  yet  he  permitted  that  he  might  establish 
his  chair  in  any  other  part  of  the  world,  and  judge  and  govern  all  the 
nations,  Christians,  Moors,  Jews,  Gentiles,  and  whatever  other  sect  or  belief 


APPENDIX.  395 

might  be.  This  person  was  denominated  Pope,  that  is  to  say,  Admirable, 
Supreme,  Father,  and  Guardian,  because  he  is  father  and  governor  of  all  man 
kind.  This  holy  father  was  obeyed  and  honored  as  lord,  king,  and  superior  of 
the  universe,  by  those  who  lived  in  his  time,  and,  in  like  manner,  have  been 
obeyed  and  honored  all  those  who  have  been  elected  to  the  pontificate ;  and 
thus  it  has  continued  until  the  present  day,  and  will  continue  until  the  end 
of  the  world. 

"  One  of  these  pontiffs,  of  whom  I  have  spoken  as  lord  of  the  world,  made 
a  donation  of  these  islands  and  continents  of  the  ocean  sea,  and  all  that  they 
contain,  to  the  Catholic  Kings  of  Castile,  who,  at  that  time,  were  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella,  of  glorious  memory,  and  to  their  successors,  our  sovereigns,  ac 
cording  to  the  tenor  of  certain  papers,  drawn  up  for  the  purpose  (which  you 
may  see  if  you  desire).     Thus  his  Majesty  is  king  and  sovereign  of  these  isl 
ands  and  continents  by  virtue  of  the  said  donation,  and  as  king  and  sover 
eign,  certain  islands,  and  almost  all,  to  whom  this  has  been  notified,  have 
received  his  Majesty,  and  have  obeyed  and  served,  and  do  actually  serve  him. 
And,  moreover,  like  good  subjects,  and  with  good- will,  and  without  any 
resistance  or  delay,  the  moment  they  were  informed  of  the  foregoing,  they 
obeyed  all  the  religious  men  sent  among  them  to  preach  and  teach  our  holy 
faith ;  and  these  of  their  free  and  cheerful  will,  without  any  condition  or 
reward,  became  Christians  and  continue  so  to  be.     And  his  Majesty  received 
them  kindly  and  benignantly,  and  ordered  that  they  should  be  treated  like 
his  other  subjects  and  vassals.     You  also  are  required  and  obliged  to  do  the 
same.    Therefore,  in  the  best  manner  I  can,  I  pray  and  entreat  you,  that  you 
consider  well  what  I  have  said,  and  that  you  take  whatever  time  is  reason 
able  to  understand  and  deliberate  upon  it,  and  that  you  recognize  the  Church 
for  sovereign  and  superior  of  the  universal  world,  and  the  supreme  pontiff, 
called  Pope,  in  her  name,  and  his  Majesty,  in  his  place,  as  superior  and 
sovereign  king  of  the  islands  and  terra firma  by  virtue  of  the  said  donation; 
and  that  you  consent  that  these  religious  fathers  declare  and  preach  to  you 
the  foregoing ;  and  if  you  shall  so  do,  you  will  do  well,  and  will  do  that  to 
which  you  are  bounden  and  obliged ;  and  his  Majesty,  and  I,  in  his  name, 
will  receive  you  with  all  due  love  and  charity,  and  will  leave  you  your  wives 
and  children  free  from  servitude,  that  you  may  freely  do  with  them  and  with 
yourselves  whatever  you  please  and  think  proper,  as  have  done  the  inhabit 
ants  of  the  other  islands.     And,  besides  this,  his  Majesty  will  give  you  many 
privileges  and  exemptions,  and  grant  you  many  favors.     If  you  do  not  do 
this,  or  wickedly  and  intentionally  delay  to  do  so,  I  certify  to  you  that  by  the 
aid  of  God  I  will  forcibly  invade  and  make  war  upon  you  in  all  parts  and 
modes  that  I  can,  and  will  subdue  you  to  the  yoke  and  obedience  of  the 
Church  and  of  his  Majesty;  and  I  will  take  your  wives  and  children,  and 
make  slaves  of  them,  and  sell  them  as  such,  and  dispose  of  them  as  his  Ma 
jesty  may  command :  and  I  will  take  your  effects,  and  will  do  you  all  the 
harm  and  injury  in  my  power,  as  vassals  who  will  not  obey  or  receive  their 
sovereign,  and  who  resist  and  oppose  him.     And  I  protest  that  the  deaths 
and  disasters,  which  may  in  this  manner  be  occasioned,  will  be  the  fault  of 
yourselves,  and  not  of  his  Majesty,  nor  of  me,  nor  of  those  cavaliers  who 


396  APPENDIX. 

accompany  me.    And  of  what  I  here  tell  you  and  require  of  you,  I  call  upon 
the  notary  here  present  to  give  me  his  signed  testimonial." 

It  would  be  scarce  possible  more  appropriately  to  close  this  brief  mention 
of  the  inhumanity  practised  toward  the  wretched  inhabitants  of  the  New 
World  by  the  Spaniards,  than  by  quoting  the  following  heart-rending  de 
scription  : 

"  The  vast  numbers  employed  in  these  mines  are  bound  in  fetters,  and 
compelled  to  work  day  and  night  without  intermission,  and  without  the  least 
hope  of  escape,  for  they  set  over  them  soldiers  who  speak  a  foreign  language, 
so  that  there  is  no  possibility  of  conciliating  them  by  persuasion,  or  the  kind 
feelings  which  result  from  familiar  converse.  ...  No  attention  is  paid  to 
their  persons ;  they  have  not  even  a  piece  of  rag  to  cover  themselves ;  and  so 
wretched  is  their  condition  that  every  one  who  witnesses  it  deplores  the 
excessive  misery  they  endure. 

"No  rest,  no  intermission  from  toil,  are  given  either  to  the  sick  or 
maimed:  neither  the  weakness  of  age  nor  women's  infirmities  are  regarded; 
all  are  driven  to  their  work  with  the  lash,  till  at  last,  overcome  with  the 
intolerable  weight  of  their  afflictions,  they  die  in  the  midst  of  their  toil.  So 
that  these  unhappy  creatures  always  expect  worse  to  come  than  what  they 
endure  at  the  present,  and  long  for  death  as  far  preferable  to  life." 

TOBACCO,  SMOKING,  CHEWING,  SNUFF.— (See  illustration,  page  322.) 

Eoderigo  de  Jerez,  and  Luis  de  Torres,  as  agents  or  ambassadors  of 
Columbus  to  the  grand-khan  (see  pages  201,  202),  on  their  return  from  that 
ridiculous  mission,  among  other  things  reported  that  they  saw  the  natives 
going  about  with  brands  of  fire  in  their  .hands,  together  with  a  dried  herb, 
which  they  rolled  up  in  a  leaf.  Setting  one  end  on  fire,  putting  the  other  in 
their  mouths,  they  drew  in  and  puffed  out  the  smoke ;  these  rolls  the  natives 
called  "  tabaco,"  substantially  the  name  by  which  the  plant  or  weed  is  now 
known.  The  smoke  was  conveyed  to  the  mouth  through  what  they  believed 
to  be  a  charred  stick.  Las  Casas  tells  us  that  the  Indians,  on  being  questioned 
as  to  this  habit,  informed  him  that  it  took  away  fatigue,  and  caused  them 
to  forget  their  troubles,  and  that  he  had  known  Spaniards  in  Hispaniola 
addicted  to  the  same  habit,  who,  when  reproved,  replied  that  it  was  not  in 
their  power  to  abandon  it.  He  continues:  "I  do  not  know  what  savor  or 
profit  they  found  in  them  "  (tabacos). 

Fernando  says :  "  The  cazique  and  chief  men  never  ceased  putting  a  dry 
herb  into  their  mouths  and  chewing  it,  and  sometimes  they  took  a  sort  of 
powder  they  carried  with  that  herb,  which  looks  very  odd." — ("Ilistoria  del 
Amirante,"  chapter  xcvi.) 

Navaretto  says :  "  Thus  was  the  first  lesson  given  to  Europeans  of  this 
extraordinary  habit,  which  has  become  universal ;  hence  the  origin  of  the 
much-prized  and  far-famed  Havanas." 

We  copy  the  following  from  "  The  Landfall  of  Columbus,"  by  Captain  A. 
B.  Becher,  R.  N.,  F.  R.  A.  S.,  etc.,  etc.,  etc.,  London,  1856 : 


APPENDIX.  397 

k'IIere,"  says  Becher,  alludiDg  to  the  first  time  Spaniards  witnessed  the 
practice,  "  as  Las  Casas  observes,  is  the  origin  of  smoking  tobacco,  a  practice 
which,  however  extensive  it  may  be  in  other  countries  (and  common 
enough  it  no  doubt  is  there),  has  become  so  general  in  this,  that,  to  the  dis 
credit  of  parents,  it  is  even  followed  by  children !  The  eternal  cigar  is  seen 
in  the  mouth  of  old  and  young,  even  in  that  of  the  ragged  urchin  who  swag 
gers  along,  not  only  astonishing  those  who  see  him  at  his  early  hardihood, 
but  leaving  them  to  wonder  how  he  came  by  it,  considering  the  price  which 
must  have  been  paid  for  it.  As  already  observed,  it  is  profitable  to  the  state, 
if  it  is  indulged  in  at  the  cost  of  the  pocket,  the  health,  and  the  personal 
comfort  of  society. 

"  The  following,  from  an  official  source,  is  a  statement  of  the  amount  of 
duty  derived  from  tobacco  in  the  United  Kingdom  for  the  last  three  years : 

1853 £4,560,827 

1854 4,761,776 

1855 4,704,663." 

Between  September  1,  1862,  and  June  30,  1872,  the  United  States  col 
lected  the  sum  of  $200,213,837  from  tobacco,  and  for  the  year  ending  June, 
1873,  $34,386,303.09. 

It  is  therefore  apparent  that,  if  this  discovery  has  not  profited  the  in 
dividual,  it  has  swelled  the  revenue  of  states.  To  Spain  it  was  of  far  greater 
value  than  all  the  gold  derived  from  the  mines  of  which  Columbus  gave  such 
extravagant  accounts. 

It  would  seem  that  this  plant  might  furnish  a  theme  for  those  who  write 
upon  the  wealth  of  nations. 

The  illustrations  on  pages  148  and  328  of  this  work  might  appear  to  some 
irreverent,  yet  it  has  not  been  the  desire  of  the  author  to  perpetrate  any 
irreverence ;  he  has  considered  that  the  disgusting  and  blasphemous  manner 
in  which  Columbus  shielded  himself  behind  the  Deity,  and  declared  himself 
divinely  justified  in  the  commission  of  his  most  revolting  crimes,  cannot 
be  too  forcibly  or  palpably  presented  to  the  eye  of  the  reader ;  and,  if  these 
engravings  should  shock  the  latter,  how  much  more  will  he  abhor  the  in 
ventor  of  their  subjects!  We  feel  confident  that  he  will  exonerate  us  from 
any  imputation  of  irreverence  when  he  shall  carefully  examine  the  statements 
of  Columbus  which  these  engravings  were  intended  to  illustrate.  We  have 
not  "  carried  the  war  up  to  the  manifesto" 


INDEX. 


Abraham,  28. 

Age  of  the  human  race,  3. 

Alexander,  his  fleet,  etc.,  30,  47. 

Alexander  VI.,  Pope,  94,  126,  228,  356. 

Alexandria,  29. 

Alexandrian  Library,  14. 

Amalfi,  a  pilot  of,  31. 

America,  ruins  of  Central,  16  ;  similarity 
of  latter  to  Egyptian,  18  ;  metal  used 
by  the  ancients  of,  18  ;  known  to  the 
ancients,  26 ;  described  by  the  North 
men,  71 ;  discovered  by  the  North 
men,  73,  87 ;  called  Vineland  by 
Northmen,  76;  probably  discovered 
by  Madoc,  89 ;  also  by  the  Zeni 
brothers,  91 ;  the  name  bestowed  by 
royal  decree,  121. 

Ancients,  the,  their  architectural  knowl 
edge,  1 ;  their  advancement  in  sci 
ence,  2,  5,  13,  21;  their  knowledge 
of  geography,  25 ;  their  knowledge 
of  the  New  World,  26 ;  their  exten 
sive  commerce,  28,  29 ;  their  ship 
building,  30 ;  their  use  of  the  chain- 
cable,  compass,  etc.,  31,  52;  their 
knowledge  of  printing,  60 ;  their  re 
markable  literature,  62  ;  injustice 
done  their  attainments,  67. 

Arabia  Felix,  29. 

Arabs,  their  learning,  66,  182. 

Archimedes,  30. 

Architecture  of  the  ancients,  1,  2. 

Aristotle,  quoted,  45,  47,  167. 

Arthur,  Prince  of  Wales,  103. 

Asia,  its  ruined  cities,  2. 

Astrolabe  used  by  the  ancients,  60. 

Astronomy  among  the  ancients,  2,  21. 

Atlantis,  island  of,  27. 

Aztecs,  their  ancient  civilization,  15, 17, 19. 

Baal,  worship  of,  3. 
Baalbec,  ruins  of,  1. 
Babel,  Tower  of,  2,  4. 
Babylon,  ruina  of,  2,  4  ;  study  of  astrono 
my  in,  3. 
Bacon,  Roger,  35,  37,  38. 


Barcelona,  218,  219. 
Beamish,  quoted,  71. 
Beatrix  Enriquez,  Columbus's  mistress, 

355,  356. 

Biarn,  a  Norse  navigator,  72,  84,  86. 
Bobadilla,  Francisco,  273,  275,  277,  284, 

287,  297,  316. 

Borgia,  Roderigo,  Pope,  94,  126,  228,  356. 
Boturini,  quoted,  93. 
Boyle,  Bishop,  pope's  nuncio,  242,  245, 

252. 

Brahman  religion,  63. 
Brazil,  117,  118. 

Bronze  doors  of  United  States  Capitol,  349. 
Brunette,  35. 

Cabot,  John,  account  of,  134 ;  his  expe 
dition  to  America,  134  ;  much  honor 
paid  him,  135. 

Cabot,  Sebastian,  said  to  have  discovered 
variations  of  the  magnetic  needle,  51, 
138;  accompanies  his  father,  etc., 
136;  appointed  pilot-major  of  Spain, 
137;  discovers  Paraguay,  137;  his 
subsequent  life,  138;  the  value  of  his 
discoveries,  139. 

Cable-chain  (see  chain- cable). 

Cabral,  Pedro  Alvarez  de,  140,  141. 

Cadmus,  14. 

Caesar,  Julius,  quoted,  31,  66. 

Cannibalism,  Indians  of  North  America 
accused  of,  319. 

Canonization  of  Columbus  proposed,  94, 
316. 

Cape-Cod,  landing-place  of  Northmen,  73. 

Capitol  of  the  United  States,  bronze  doors 
of,  349,  350. 

Carthage,  29. 

Central  America,  ruins  of,  18. 

Chain-cable  known  to  the  ancients,  31. 

Charlevoix,  quoted,  283,  296. 

Charts,  standard,  made  by  Vespucius, 
119;  of  Columbus  very  inaccurate, 
123  ;  of  Alonzo  Sanchez,  132,  165, 
168,  174;  Columbus  draws  by  in 
spiration,  148. 


INDEX. 


399 


China,  Columbus  takes  Cuba  to  be,  201. 

Chinese,  ancient,  understood  the  magnet, 
46,  52,  54,  56,  58. 

magnetic  car,  53. 

destroyed  all  their  historical  relics, 

55. 

Chrishna,  quoted,  64. 

Christ-bearer,  a  title  assumed  by  Colum 
bus,  146,  153. 

Church,  the,  condemning  books,  95  ;  falsi 
fying  history,  95,  99,  120,  272.- 

Civilization  of  the  New  World,  very  an 
cient,  19. 

Claudian,  the  poet,  describes  the  compass, 
40. 

Coat-of-arms  of  Columbus,  225. 

Colon,  Columbus's  family  name,  144. 

Colon  (or  Cdlumbus),  Bartholomew,  180, 
245,  263,  304,  314,  327,  333,  340,  341, 
343,  380. 

Colon  (or  Columbus),  Diego,  304,  305,  311, 
341,  373,  380. 

Columbus,  Fernando,  quoted,  86,  94,  144, 
146,  153,  178,  220,  267,  287,  320; 
forged  letters  and  documents  to  glo 
rify  his  father,  161 ;  indignant  at 
Justiniani  for  mentioning  his  father's 
early  life,  173 ;  inscription  on  his 
tomb,  347. 

Columbus,  Christopher,  his  reputed  dis 
covery  of  the  magnetic  needle,  51 ; 
his  egotism  and  selfishness,  86,  131, 
334;  the  false  histories  regarding 
him,  92,  95,  143,  177,  192,  194;  his 
pretended  championship  of  the  Chris 
tian  religion,  94,  146,  153;  an  allu 
sion  to  his  early  life  considered  an 
insult,  95,  173;  regarded  by  King 
Ferdinand  as  an  impostor,  99,  126; 
his  nautical  experience  gained  by 
piracy,  115;  he  is  ignored  by  a 
contemporary  historian,  121 ;  aware 
of  Amerigo  Vespucci's  claims  of  dis 
covering  the  continent,  121;  letter 
of  Columbus  to  his  son  Diego,  122 ; 
falls  into  disgrace  through  his  •cru 
elty,  etc.,  123 ;  and  reaches  a  low 
stage  of  degradation,  124,  303 ;  the 
time  and  place  of  his  nativity  un 
known,  124,  143,  147,  167,  306,  343; 
his  ridiculous  ideas  regarding  the 
shape  of.  the  earth,  126,  183 ;  his 
own  historian  and  eulogist,  128;  en 
ters  Spain  penniless  and  with  a  bad 
reputation,  129,  179,  182  ;  persuades 
the  Pinzons  to  join  him,  130  ;  sailing 
of  his  expedition,  131,  187,  192.;  de 
parts  from  the  correct  course,  and  is 
set  right  by  the  Pinzons,  132,  174, 
195;  basely  robs  an  old  sailor  of  a 
promised  reward,  132,  197;  accuses 


his  patron  Pinzon  of  desertion,  133 ; 
203,  218;  his  name  and  ances 
try,  as  stated  by  his  son,  144;  his 
family  name  is  Griego,  145  ;  engaged 
in  a  piratical  adventure,  145,  161 ; 
the  mystery  that  hangs  over  his  early 
life,  146,  167;  speculations  as  to  his 
age,  147 ;  boasts  of  receiving  knowl 
edge  by  inspiration,  148,  328 ;  he  con 
fesses  to  falsehood  and  fraud,  149; 
his  piracy  and  connection  with  the 
slave-trade,  149 ;  his  pretended  por 
traits,  151,  219,  235,  284,  371,  382; 
his  adoption  of  the  name  Christopher 
Columbus,  153 ;  further  items  of  his 
history  as  related  by  his  son,  156  ; 
pretended  letter  of  Tuscanella,  the 
astronomer,  to  him,  158;  his  escape 
from  the  burning  galleys  on  an  oar, 
161 ;  his  marriage,  161 ;  removes  to 
Madeira,  162 ;  his  idea  of  a  New 
World  gained  from  a  dead  pilot's 
papers,  162,  165,  168,  170,  173,  176, 
179  ;  Sanchez  dies  in  his  house,  165, 
166;  declared  hereditary  grand-ad 
miral  by  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  171, 
183 ;  his  sen  receives  titles  of  no 
bility,  172 ;  proceeds  to  Portugal  to 
offer  terms  to  the  king,  178  ;  he  flees 
from  Portugal  to  avoid  arrest  for 
debt  and  crime,  179  ;  attempts  to  sell 
his  purported  discovery  to  the  King 
of  England,  180 ;  is  entertained  and 
aided  by  the  prior,  Juan  Perez,  129, 
167,  179, 181 ;  the  terms  proposed  by 
their  majesties  to  Columbus,  183 ; 
returns  to  Palos,  and  secures  the  aid 
of  Perez  and  the  Pinzons,  188;  his 
first  expedition  sails,  192 ;  miracle 
of  the  great  fish,  192;  minor  inci 
dents  of  his  trip,  193-195;  further 
evidences  of  his  vanity,  deceit,  and 
fraud,  195 ;  Columbus  pretended  to 
have  discovered  land,  197;  landing 
of  the  expedition,  199;  his  fruitless 
search  for  gold,  200 ;  visits  other  isl 
ands,  200;  imagines  himself  in  China, 
201 ;  sends  a  message  to  the  grand- 
khan,  202 ;  poetical  leaf  from  a  log, 
204  ;  loses  one  of  his  ships  by  care 
lessness  and  incapacity,  206,  331 ; 
establishes  a  garrison  at  La  Navidad, 
207 ;  sets  sail  on  his  return,  208, 
210;  his  lying  accounts  of  wonders 
seen  on  his  voyage,  209 ;  vows  to 
make  a  pilgrimage  to  the  shrine  of 
the  Virgin,  211 ;  makes  a  record  of 
his  discoveries,  in  a  storm,  212;  his 
crew  arrested  while  paying  their  vows, 
213  ;  Columbus  pays  vows  to  the  Vir 
gin,  215;  his  pretended  reception  in 


400 


INDEX. 


Portugal,  216;  arrives  in  Spain,  218; 
amusingly  fanciful  account  of  his  re 
ception,  221 ;  his  arrival  and  recep 
tion  not  recorded  in  the  state  ar 
chives,  223  ;  receives  title  of  admiral, 
and  a  coat-of-arms,  224;  starts  on 
his  second  voyage,  228 ;  arrives  at 
San  Domingo,  229 ;  his  intention  to 
establish  slavery  in  the  West  Indies, 
230;  finds  his  colony  at  Hispaniola 
massacred,  233 ;  attempts  to  lay  out 
a  town,  236 ;  the  deceptions  he  prac 
tised  on  the  colonists,  238 ;  they  mu 
tiny  against  Columbus,  239  ;  he  builds 
Fort  San  Tomas,  240;  sends  an  ex 
pedition  against  the  natives,  240 ;  dis 
covers  Jamaica,  242  ;  guilty  of  sub 
ornation  of  perjury,  243 ;  appoints 
his  brother  Bartholomew  to  office, 
245 ;  Bishop  Boyle  remonstrates 
against  his  cruel  government,  246 ;  ex 
communicates  him  from  the  Church, 
247;  and  goes  to  Spain  with  com 
plaints  against  him,  247 ;  captures 
the  cazique  Caonabo,  by  a  mere 
stratagem,  248 ;  sends  five  hundred 
Indians  slaves  to  Spain,  etc.,  249  ;  ex 
acts  a  tribute  of  gold  from  the  na 
tives,  250;  the  sovereigns  send  a 
commissioner  to  investigate  him,  252  ; 
he  returns  to  Spain,  254  ;  his  decep 
tion  and  mendacity  exposed,  255 ; 
again  takes  out  an  expedition,  256 ; 
assaults  the  treasurer  of  Bishop  Fon- 
seca,  258  ;  sets  sail  on  his  third  voy 
age,  259 ;  first  sees  the  Continent  of 
America,  260;  proceeds  to  Hispani 
ola,  262;  the  rebellion  of  Koldan, 
264 ;  Columbus  endeavors  to  concil 
iate  him,  265;  Roldan  forces  from 
him  terms,  266 ;  more  proofs  of  Co- 
lumbus's  duplicity,  267 ;  his  treatment 
of  Guevara,  269 ;  the  murder  of 
Moxica,  270  ;  executes  vengeance  on 
the  disaffected,  272;  Bobadilla  sent 
to  Hispaniola,  273 ;  supersedes  Co 
lumbus,  275,  277  ;  the  latter  obstructs 
him,  279,  280  ;  Bobadilla  arrests  him 
and  Diego,  281  ;  his  defense  of  his 
own  conduct,  285 ;  he  leaves  for 
Spain,  a  prisoner,  295  ;  he  is  practi 
cally  deposed  from  power,  297 ;  re 
mains  in  Spain  two  years,  299 ;  pre 
tends  to  plan  a  discovery  of  straits, 
300,  318  ;  his  will,  303,  308  ;  his  des 
perate  situation,  303  ;  his  signature, 
304 ;  sends  his  papers  to  Oderigo, 
309,  310,  343 ;  endeavors  to  wheedle 
the  pope,  312 ;  his  fourth  voyage, 
314;  is  refused  permission  to  land 
at  San  Domingo,  315  ;  meets  very 


stormy  weather,  319;  a  specimen  of 
his  brutal  tastes,  321 ;  subdues  a 
water-spout  "by  incantations,  324; 
founds  another  settlement,  327  ;  but 
;  i  pi  in  has  trouble  with  the  Indians, 
327  ;  the  Deity  appears  to  him  in  a  vi 
sion,  328  ;  gets  up  a  "  corner  "  on  gold 
mines,  330  ;  mutiny  is  raised  against 
him,  335  ;  he  predicts  an  eclipse  of 
the  moon,  337,  363  ;  remains  wait 
ing  at  Jamaica  eight  months,  339  ; 
bloodshed  between  his  followers,  340; 
arrives  at  San  Domingo,  342  ;  returns 
to  Spain,  343 ;  requests  a  restitution 
of  his  titles,  344 ;  Ferdinand  refuses 
his  request,  345  ;  his  death,  346  ;  his 
reputed  monument  and  inscription, 
347  ;  his  remains,  348 ;  his  charac 
ter  generally  described,  351 ;  his 
manuscript,  354  ;  his  licentiousness, 
355  ;  his  "  distempers,1'  358  ;  his  ig 
norance  of  geography  and  navigation, 
362 ;  his  cruelty  and  cowardice,  367  ; 
his  son  Diego  enters  suit  against  the 
crown,  373 ;  Columbus's  heirs  gain 
the  suit,  375 ;  his  descendants,  381. 

Commerce  among  the  ancients,  28. 

Compass,  the  mariner's,  known  to  the  an 
cients,  31,  66  ;  described  by  Brunet- 
to,  39  ;  origin  of  the  name,  49 ;  sup. 
posed  to  be  allied  with  sorcery,  51. 

Confucius,  55  ;  quoted,  64. 

Cortez,  Ferdinand,  171. 

Cuba  discovered,  200. 

Danish  language,  70. 
Dante,  35,  37. 

De  Costa,  B.  F.,  quoted,  71,  76. 
De  Puebla,  Dr.,  agent  of  Isabella,  101, 
102,  140. 

Earth,  the  sphericity  of  the,  known  to  the 
ancients,  24  ;  the  Indian  fable  regard 
ing,  92  ;  the  shape  of,  as  imagined  by 
Columbus,  126. 

Egg£  story  of  Columbus  and  the  (see  Ap 
pendix),  388. 

Egypt,  its  ruins,  14. 

Egyptians,  their  pyramids,  7 ;  their  sci 
ence  and  learning,  13,  22  ;  knew  the 
use  of  the  magnet,  44  ;  poultry-rais 
ing  by  artificial  means*  60. 

Electricity  understood  by  the  ancients, 
46. 

Eric  the  Eed,  72,  77. 

Falsifying  of  history  by  the  Church,  96, 
99,  120,  122,  272. 

Ferdinand  of  Aragon,  his  character,  97, 
109,  112;  restrictions  on  his  con 
duct,  98,  99;  his  libertinism,  111; 


INDEX. 


401 


Irving's  estimate  of  him,  112  ;  regards 
Columbus  as  an  impostor,  99,  114, 
126 ;  aided  Vespucci  to  make  dis 
coveries,  114;  reengages  him  to  his 
service,  118  ;  bestows  Amerigo  Ves 
pucci's  name  on  the  new-found  con 
tinent,  121 ;  Columbus  addresses  him 
as  surviving  sovereign,  344. 

Florence,  inscription  at  Vespucci's  birth 
place,  114 ;  rejoicings  at  Vespucci's 
success,  118. 

Fonseca,  Bishop,  257,  268. 

Galen,  quoted,  47. 

Galileo,  his  knowledge  of  astronomy,  24,  25. 

Genoa,  claimed  as  Columbus's  birthplace, 
143,  306. 

Geography,  knowledge  of,  by  ancients,  25. 

Gira,  or  Giri,  alleged  inventor  of  the  com 
pass,  32. 

Gish,  plains  of,  11. 

Golden  rule,  taught  by  Confucius,  64. 

Greece,  15,  23. 

Greenland,  70,  77. 

Griego,  Nicolo,  probable  name  of  Colum 
bus,  145. 

Guistiniani,  quoted,  94. 

Gunpowder,  discovery  of,  38,  56  ;  known 
to  ancients,  56., 

Hakluyt,  quoted,  88,  137,  139. 

Hanno,  his  voyage,  29. 

Hayti  discovered,  203. 

Henry  VII..  101,  134,  136,  140,  170,  180, 
188. 

Herculaneum,  27. 

Hercules,  the  magnet  named  for  him,  44, 
47. 

Heretics,  the  tortures  inflicted  on  them,  96. 

Herodotus,  4,  65. 

Herrera,  quoted,  95,  121,  122,  133,  184, 
202,  208,  250,  275. 

Hindoos,  their  knowledge  of  astronomy, 
21 ;  do.  of  the  magnet,  42  ;  their  re 
ligion,  literature,  etc.,  63. 

Hipparchus,  the  Egyptian  astronomer,  60. 

History,  knowledge  of,  among  the  an 
cients,  65 ;  its  true  purposes  and 
objects,  93,  96. 

Homar,  grandeur  of,  62. 

Horace,  quoted,  36. 

Human  race,  older  than  biblical  accounts, 
3. 

sacrifices,  not  practised  by  the  Az 
tecs,  19. 

Humboldt,  quoted,  88. 

Iceland,  90. 

Icelandic  language,  70. 

India,  the  cradle  of  astronomy,  22. 

Indians,  of  America,  their  first   trading 


with  white  men,  83  ;  they  attack  the 
Northmen,  84 ;  Amerigo  Vespucci'e 
description  of  them,  115;  method 
used  to  convert  them  to  Christ,  154. 
367-370;  their  character  described 
by  Columbus,  186,  320;  their  con 
duct  at  his  landing,  199 ;  Peter  Mar 
tyr's  account  of  their  happy  condi 
tion,  203  ;  they  kindly  receive  Co 
lumbus,  206,  320;  a  warlike  tribe 
attacks  him,  210 ;  a  number  are 
taken  to  Spain  by  Columbus,  221  ;  he 
professes  to  find  cannibals  among 
them,  229,  319  ;  he  proposes  to  en 
slave  them,  231 ;  they  murder  the 
colony  at  La  Navidad,  233  ;  Spanish 
cruelties  against  them,  241  -  245  ; 
shocking  cruelties  by  Columbus,  249, 
272 ;  their  sufferings,  251  ;  enslave 
ment  of  Indians,  255,  265,  351 ;  a 
party  meets  Columbus  in  a  canoe, 
317  ;  he  wheedles  them  by  an  eclipse 
of  the  moon,  338. 

Indian  trade,  first,  83. 

Inquisition,  the,  and  Galileo,  25  ;  it  grants 
license  for  books,  93  ;  tortures  in 
flicted  on  heretical  authors  by,  96 ; 
aided  by  Isabella,  99 ;  its  terrible 
cruelties  in  Spain,  100. 

Ireland,  72,  82. 

Irish  said  to  have  visited  America,  86. 

Irving,  Washington,  quoted,  92,  95,  98, 
112, 123, 130, 136,  163, 175, 193,  197, 
199,  216,  220,  243,  247,  258,  279, 
282,  302,  305,  317,  357. 

Isabella,  Queen  of  Spain,  her  character, 
97,  101,  111 ;  her  marriage  to  Ferdi 
nand,  97  ;  false  eulogies  on  her  "  vir 
tues,"  99  ;  aids  the  Inquisition  in  its 
cruel  work,  99  ;  confiscates  the  es 
tates  of  condemned  heretics,  100  ;  re 
tains  De  Puebla,  a  knave,  as  her 
agent,  103  ;  bargains  for  the  sale  of 
her  daughter,  103 ;  haggles  about 
passage-money  of  the  latter  to  Eng 
land,  105;  her  shameless  menda 
city,  106-109 ;  an  unnatural  moth 
er,  108;  deception  regarding  the 
cost  of  her  attire,  109  ;  her  portrait, 
110 ;  her  double  dealing  and  hy 
pocrisy,  111 ;  her  decree  against  voy- ' 
ages  of  discovery,  117 ;  makes  Co 
lumbus  her  favorite,  126 ;  declares 
him  hereditary  grand-admiral,  171, 
224 ;  the  terms  proposed  by  her  to 
Columbus,  183  ;  Isabella  is  induced 
by  Perez  and  others  to  fit  out  Colum 
bus,  188  ;  the  falsehood  about  pawn 
ing  her  jewels,  189  ;  the  sovereigns 
receive  Columbus  on  his  return,  220, 
221  ;  they  reject  his  proposal  to  en- 


402 


INDEX. 


slave  Indians,  232  ;  determine  to  in 
vestigate  Columbus's  government, 
252  ;  Isabella  sends  out  a  colony  of 
convicts  with  him,  256;  the  sover 
eigns  revoke  Columbus's  power,  273  ; 
she  orders  the  enslaved  Indians  to  be 
freed,  275;  her  policy  encouraging 
Columbus,  29 6 ;  gives  him  a  signifi 
cant  hint,  313  ;  her  death,  344. 
Italy,  her  ancient  architecture,  15. 

Jamaica  discovered,  242. 

Job,  mentions  printing,  60. 

Josephus,  his  account  of  the  ancients,  2, 

66. 
Justiuiani's   "Psalter"  condemned  to  be 

burned,  94-96. 

Karlsefne,  a  Northman,  79,  84. 
Katherine,  Princess,  complains  of  her  pov 
erty,  108. 
Kingsborough,  Lord,  quoted,  93. 

Las  Casas,   quoted,  121,   154,  214,  223, 

244,  283,  312. 

Leif,  son  of  Eric  the  Red,  74,  77,  79,  86. 
Libraries  among  the  Arabs,  66. 
Literature  among  the  ancients,  62. 
Lithography  mentioned  by  Job,  60. 
Loadstone  (see  Magnet). 
Lot,  28. 
Love,  symbolized  by  the  magnet,  42. 

Madoc,  Prince,  88. 

Magnetic  needle,  known  to  the  ancients,  31 ; 
known  to  Friar  Bacon,  39  ;  described 
by  Claudian,  40  ;  how  termed  in  dif 
ferent  tongues,  42,  43  ;  its  use  in  the 
year  640,  49  ;  known  to  the  Chinese 
2700  B.  c.,  52-54. 

Magnifying  lens  known  to  ancients,  5 ; 
one  constructed  by  Friar  Bacon,  38. 

Manou,  quoted,  63. 

Marco  Polo,  quoted,  203. 

Marriage  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  98. 

huckstering  between  royal  families, 

104. 

Martyr,  Peter,  quoted,  128,  203,  220,  223, 
281,  283. 

Measurement,  ancient  standard  of,  9,  11. 

Medici,  house  of,  114. 

Mendez,  Diego,'  331,  338,  341. 

Mexico,  16. 

Moses,  14,  63. 

Mount  Hope,  a  Norske  name,  83. 

Moxica,  a  Spaniard,  murdered  by  Colum 
bus,  270,  271. 

Navigation,  decree  concerning,  in  Spain, 

119. 
practised  by  the  ancients,  25,  30. 


Nebuchadnezzar's  palace,  4. 

Newfoundland,  73,  78,  135. 

Nineveh,  ruins  of,  2,  14. 

Noah's  ark,  30. 

Northmen,  not  the  first  to  discover  Amer 
ica,  19,  69  ;  their  early  use  of  the 
compass,  33,  40  ;  they  land  in  Amer 
ica,  69,  73  ;  their  motives  in  coming 
to  America,  70  ;  their  geographical 
knowledge,  71 ;  name  America  Vine- 
land,  76  ;  introduce  Christianity  into 
Greenland,  77 ;  other  expeditions,  78- 
80 ;  their  character  and  acts,  86,  87. 

Norway,  70. 

Nova-  Scotia,  landing-place  of  the  North 
men,  73-80. 

Oderigo,  Nicolo  de,  309,  310. 
Odometer,  used  by  ancient  Chinese,  54. 
Ojeda,  Alonzo  de,  238,  247,  268. 
Ovando,  Nicolas  de,  297-301,  315,  339, 

341,  342,  380. 
Oxford,  England,  35,  36. 

Palmyra  (Tadmor),  ruins  of,  5. 

Palos,  Spanish  seaport,  187,  188,  190, 
218. 

Papal  infallibility,  94. 

Paschal  chronicle,  4. 

Perez,  Juan,  129,  130,  167,  179,  181,  188. 

Persians,  their  religion,  3. 

Petrarch,  37. 

Pharaoh  Necho,  25-29. 

Philip  II.,  171. 

Phoanicians,  the,  extent  of  their  com 
merce,  19-28  ;  they  used  the  com 
pass,  44. 

Piuzon,  Martin  Alonzo.  and  Vincent  Ya- 
nez,  117,  129 ;  Columbus  engages 
their  attention,  130 ;  they  aid  him  in 
his  expedition,  130,  182-190;  are 
entitled  to  the  credit  of  its  success, 
131 ;  accused  of  desertion  by  Colum 
bus,  133,  203,  218  ;  are  raised  to  the 
rank  of  nobility,  133. 

Piracy  practised  by  Columbus,  145,  149. 

Plato,  refers  to  the  New  World,  26 ;  his 
teachings,  65. 

Polar  Star,  four  thousand  years  ago,  13. 

Pompeii,  27. 

Pope,  places  full  faith  in  Columbus,  94. 

Pope  Alexander  VI.,  94. 

Porras,  Francis  de,  335,  341,  342. 

Pork,  eating  of,  forbidden,  63. 

Portugal,  King  of,  118,  140,  178. 

Prescott's  "Spanish  Conquest,"  15,  99. 

Printing,  mentioned  by  Job,  60. 

Ptolemy,  Claudius,  23,  25,  46. 

Public-school  system,  known  five  hundred 
years  B.  c.,  66. 

Publishing  books  in  Spain,  93,  95. 


INDEX. 


403 


Purchas,  quoted,  89,  90,  168. 

Pyramids,   ruins   of,  6 ,  their   object,  7 ; 

explored  by  Caliph  al  Mamoun,  9, 10. 
Pythagoras,  understood  the  solar  system, 

23. 

Rafn,  Professor,  -71. 

Religion,  crimes  committed  in  its  name, 

155. 

Roldan,  Francisco,  his  rebellion,  263,  316. 
Romance  tongue,  37. 
Rome,  ruins  of,  15. 
Ruins  of  ancient  cities,  2,  4,  5,  15. 

in  Central  America,  16. 

— : —  in  Mexico,  similar  to  Egyptian,  19. 

Saint  Ambrose,  quoted,  48. 

Saint  Paul,  30. 

Saint  Peter,  4. 

San  Domingo,  discovered,  229. 

San  Salvador,  discovered,  199. 

Sanchez,  Alonzo,  a  pilot,  132,  162,  164, 
166,  168,  176,  179,  185. 

Sesostris,  30. 

Slave-trade,  Columbus  engaged  in,  149. 

seeks  to  restore  it  in  the  West  In 
dies,  230. 

Smith,  J.  Toulmin,  quoted,  71. 

Smyth,  Professor  C.  Piazzi,  royal  astron 
omer,  etc.,  7,  8,  and  note,  9. 

Socrates,  65. 

Solis,  Juan,  117. 

Solomon,  his  song,  62. 

Southey,  quoted,  89. 

Spain,  court  of,  loose  morals,  99 ;  royal 
decree  concerning  navigators,  119; 
objects  to  English  explorations,  140  ; 
Arabs  aided  its  learning  and  science, 
182. 

Spaniards,  etc.,  did  not  discover  America, 
19  ;  their  ancient  libraries,  67 ;  their 
laws  concerning  histories,  93. 

Sphinx,  the,  6. 

Strabo,  15. 

Strada,  quoted,  61. 

Suit,  by  Diego  Columbus,  against  the 
crown,  373. 

Sweden,  70. 

Syphilis,  its  origin,  etc.,  358. 

Tacitus,  quoted,  72.  ! 

Tadmor  (Palmyra),  ruins  of,  2. 

Talmud,  quoted,  63. 

Telegraphing  known  to  the  ancients,  62. 

Telescope,  invented  by  Roger  Bacon,  38. 

Thebes,  ruins  of,  5. 

Thorhall,  a  Northman,  80-82. 


Thorwald,  a  Northman,  77-86. 
Time,  measurement  of,  in  the  Pyramids,  12. 
Torquemada,  grand-inquisitor,  99. 
Tortures  inflicted  on  heretical  authors,  96. 
Toscanella,  the  astronomer,  157,  174. 
Trading  with  Indians,  by  Northmen,  83. 
Trichina  spiralis,  known  to  the  ancients 

63. 

Truth  the  great  object  of  history,  93. 
Tyre,  28. 

Yedas,  quoted,  63. 

Venereal  (see  Syphilis). 

Venezuela,  discovered  by  Vespucci,  115. 

Venice,  Zeni  brothers'  expedition  from, 
90 ;  merchants  of,  arrested,  etc. 

Vespucci,  Amerigo,  113  ;  his  nativity,  etc., 
114;  enters  a  commercial  life,  114; 
King  Ferdinand  confides  in  his  abili 
ty,  114,  126;  his  first  voyage,  115; 
Venezuela  and  its  natives  described 
by  him,  115  ;  a  man  of  intellect  and 
science,  117, 126  ;  his  second  voyage 
in  1499,  117  ;  his  crew  maltreated  by 
Columbus's  crew,  117;  enters  the 
service  of  the  King  of  Portugal,  118  ; 
his  subsequent  voyages  and  explora 
tions,  118,  268  ;  reenters  the  service 
of  Spain,  118,  123;  oflSce  of  pilot- 
major  conferred  on  him,  119  ;  com 
manded  to  make  a  standard  chart, 
119  ;  his  death,  120;  his  modesty  re 
garding  his  own  claims,  120;  Amer 
ica  named  after  him,  121 ;  his  dis 
coveries  belittled  after  his  death,  122 ; 
Columbus's  opinion  regarding  him, 
122  ;  the  honor  done  to  his  memory 
'  in  Italy,  124;  his  portrait,  125  ;  not 
called  as  a  witness  in  the  suit  of  Co 
lumbus's  heirs  vs.  the  crown,  376. 

Vineland,  America  so  named  by  North 
men,  76. 

Virginity  of  a  princess,  correspondence 
touching  the,  103. 

Volney,  his'" Ruins"  quoted,  6. 

Weights  and  measures,  ancient,  11. 
Welsh  exploration  of  America,  88. 
Western  Hemisphere  known  to  the  an 
cients,  26. 

Xenophou,  66. 
Yucatan,  mines  in,  17. 

Zeni  brothers,  Nicolo  and  Antonio,  ex- 
plorers,  etc.,  88-90. 


THE      END. 


D.   APPLETON    &   CO., 

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